The Orations of Lysias Part 4

6. You hear, gentlemen of the jury, that there are two provisions, for those who go to the rear during a battle, and those who fail to appear in the ranks. Now consider who ought to appear. Are they not those of military age? And those whom the Strategi enroll? 7. And I think, gentlemen of the jury, that he alone of the citizens is liable by the whole law. For he would be convicted of not being in the ranks, as when he was enrolled as a hoplite he did not go out with you in camp, and he did not let himself be placed in ranks,--and of cowardice, for although he ought to have met danger with the hoplites, he chose to go with the cavalry. 8. But they say he will offer this defense, that in going with the cavalry, he did no harm to the state. But I consider you have just cause of anger against him on this account, that although the law imposes a fine on any one in the cavalry who is not examined, he dared to enter the cavalry without examination. Now read the law.

LAW.

9. He reached such a degree of depravity, and he had so little respect for you and so much fear of the enemy, and he had so great a wish to join the cavalry and cared so little for the laws that he disregarded the risk, and was willed to be fined and have his property confiscated and be liable to all these existing penalties, rather than to take up his position in the ranks with the citizens and be a hoplite. 10. And others who never served in the infantry and who were formerly in the cavalry and did great damage to the enemy never dared mount their horses through fear of you and the law; for they laid their plans, not as if the state would perish, but would be secure and prosperous, and would exact punishment of wrong-doers. But Alcibiades dared mount, neither through goodwill to the state, nor because he had been a knight, nor understanding (cavalry drill), nor having pa.s.sed your examinations, (supposing) that the state would be unable to exact penalty of offenders.

11. It is necessary to remember that, if it is possible to do whatever one wishes, there is no use in having laws, nor for you to be impaneled, nor for Strategi to be chosen. And I wonder, gentlemen of the jury, if any one claims if a man, enrolled in the first rank, on the approach of the enemy, is found in the second, that he should be condemned for cowardice, but that if one, enrolled among the hoplites, appears among the cavalry, he should be pardoned. 12. Now, gentlemen of the jury, I think you are drawn, not only for punis.h.i.+ng offenders, but that you may make other offenders more discreet. If now you punish, only obscure persons, no one will become better, for none will know whom you have condemned; but if you punish conspicuous offenders, all will hear of it, and in consequence of their examples the citizens will become better. 13.

If now you condemn this fellow, not only will those in the city hear of it, but your allies and enemies will learn of it, and they will more highly esteem the state, if they see you are aroused against such offenses, and that those who offend against discipline in war have no pardon. 14. Remember too, gentlemen of the jury, that there are some soldiers who chance to be exhausted, and some who lack resources, and some who would gladly serve (if they could) remain in towns, and others who wish to look out for their own affairs at home, others who would have liked to serve as light-armed soldiers and others in the cavalry; (15) and yet you do not venture to leave the ranks nor choose what pleases yourselves, but you fear the laws of the state more than the risk before the enemy. Bearing these things in mind, it is now necessary to cast your vote, and make it evident to all, that those Athenians who are unwilling to fight with the enemy will be punished by you.

16. I am convinced, gentlemen of the jury, that the defendants will have nothing to say about the laws or the deed itself; but they will get up and ask and entreat you, demanding that you should not condemn the cowardice of the son of Alcibiades on the ground that he did great good and not much harm; for (in reality) if you had put him to death at the same age (that his son now is), when you first discovered his offenses against you, such misfortunes had never befallen the state. 17. It seems to me, gentlemen of the jury, a dreadful thing for you to have pa.s.sed sentence of death upon the father, and when the son commits a crime, you acquit him for this very reason, that he himself did not dare to fight on your side, and that his father took part with the enemy. And when as a child he did not yet show what he was going to be, he was almost delivered to the Eleven for his father's offenses; and as you know not only the deeds of the father, but the son's cowardice, will you think it right to pity him for his father's sake? 18. Is it not terrible, gentlemen of the jury, that these are so fortunate as to be acquitted on account of their n.o.ble birth when they are caught in crime, while we, if we lose by their lawlessness, could not gain any concession from the enemy on account of the valiant deeds of our ancestors? 19. These were many and important, and (were done) for all Greece, and were not at all like theirs in relation to the state. And if they think they are n.o.ble for aiding their friends, they are evidently all the better for punis.h.i.+ng their enemies. 20. And I think, gentlemen of the jury, one ought to be angry if his relatives try to beg him off, that they did not (rather) induce him, or if they tried to induce him, but could not obtain their end, to comply with the demands of the state. In fact, they are trying to persuade you that you need not exact a penalty from wrong-doers. 21. And if some of those in authority aid him, making a display of their power and pluming themselves that they can get off even those who are evidently criminal, you must suppose in the first place that if all were like Alcibiades there would be no need of generals, for there would be none to lead, and secondly, that it is far more for their interests to accuse those who leave the ranks than to make a defense for such. For what hope is there that others would wish to obey their generals' commands, when these very men try to screen offenders against discipline? 22. I beg you then to acquit him, if those who speak and make claims for Alcibiades proved that he served with the hoplites or with the cavalry after an examination; but if, without a just plea, they demand you to favor them, you are to remember that they are teaching you to break your oath, and disobey the laws, and that by too great zeal for offenders they make many desirous (of emulating) their deeds.

23. And I especially wonder, gentlemen of the jury, if any of you shall claim that Alcibiades be acquitted through his friend and not be condemned for his own baseness. It is right that you should hear of this (conduct), that you may know that you would not do right to acquit him on the plea that he has merely committed this wrong, but in other respects has been an exemplary citizen. For from other deeds of his you would justly condemn him to death. 24. It is for your interest to know about these things, for when you allow defendants to speak of their own good deeds, and the n.o.ble actions of their ancestors, you ought also to listen to the accusers, if they prove that the defendants have committed many crimes against you, and their ancestors did much harm. 25. For this man, when a youth, at the house of Archedemus the blear-eyed, who had stolen much of your money, while many eyes were upon him, drank, lying at full length under the same rug, and caroused at midday, having a mistress while a mere boy, imitating his ancestors, and thinking he could not be an ill.u.s.trious man, unless he were a wild youth. 26. He was summoned by Alcibiades when his conduct became notorious. And what sort of a fellow should you think him, when he shocked that man who used to teach others such practices! Having conspired with Theotimus against his father, he betrayed Oreus to him. And Theotimus, taking the fortified place, first maltreated the youth and finally bound him and exacted a ransom for him.

27. And his father hated him so that he used to say he would not even care for his body if he died. And when his father died, Archebiades, a favorite of his, ransomed him. Not long after, having gambled away his property, setting sail from Leuke Akte he tried to drown his friends. 28.

It would be a long story, gentlemen of the jury, to tell all his crimes against the state, his relatives, friends and others; but Hipponicus, having called many to witness, divorced his own wife, declaring that Alcibiades entered her house not as brother but as husband. 29. And though he has committed such crimes and done such horrible things, he neither repents of what he has done nor cares for what he will do, but he who should be a most ill.u.s.trious citizen, making his life a s.h.i.+eld for his father's misdeeds, tries to bring insult upon others, as if being able to transfer to others the smallest share of the disgraces which belong to himself, (30) and that too being a son of that Alcibiades who persuaded the Spartans to fortify Decelea, and sailed off to the islands, and incited many in the city to crime, and oftener fought against his country with its enemies than with his fellow-citizens against them. For all this, it is for the interest of yourselves and posterity to punish any one you find of this family. 31. He has been accustomed to say it was not right for his father to return from exile and be favored by the state, and (yet) that he should suffer unjustly in reputation on account of his father's exile. But it seems wrong, if you take away his privileges on the ground that you gave (them) without just reason, and when this one commits a wrong acquit him on the ground that his father was an ornament to the state. 32. And there are many other reasons, gentlemen of the jury, for you to condemn him, and for this reason especially, that he quotes as a precedent in support of his own baseness your acts of valor. For he dares say that Alcibiades did nothing so terrible in leading war against his country. 33. For while you were in exile you took Phyle and cut the trees and 'made a.s.saults upon the walls, and though so doing left no reproach for your descendants, but gained honor from all men, as if those were on a par who in exile joined with the enemy against the country, and those who established themselves when the Spartans were in possession of the city. 34. I believe it is clear to all that these fellows sought to establish themselves; but you returned and expelled the enemy and freed even those citizens who wished to be slaves. So he uses like words about the two parties while the facts were not at all similar. 35. And yet, with such great misfortune coming upon him, he glories in his father's baseness, and said that he had great power, to bring evil upon the state. But who is so ignorant of his country as not to be able, if he wishes to be a traitor, to tell the enemy what fortified places to seize, to show what forts are ill-guarded, to teach them his country's weak points, and to declare which allies are ready to revolt? 36. Surely it was not through his power in exile he was able to work evil to the state when he returned deceiving you, and took command of many triremes, but was able neither to dislodge the enemy from the country nor make the Chians friendly again whom he had caused to revolt, nor do a particle of good to you. 37. So it is not difficult to realize that Alcibiades did not differ from other men in power, but was first of the citizens in villainy. Whatever he knew to be your weak points, he informed the Spartans, and when he had to act as general, he could do them no harm, but promising that the king would furnish money at his request, he took more than two hundred talents from the city. 38. And so he realized that he had done you much harm, and though being able to speak, and while he had friends, and having acquired the money, he never dared return and render his accounts, but exiling himself preferred to be a citizen of Thrace or of any other city rather than his own. And finally, gentlemen of the jury, to cap all his former baseness, he dared with Adeimantus to betray the s.h.i.+ps to Lysander. 39. So if any one of you pities those who perished in the naval battle, or feels disgrace on account of those enslaved by the enemy, or is angry at the demolishment of the walls, or hates the Spartans, or is angry at the Thirty, he should consider that this man's father was the cause of all this, and remember that Alcibiades, his great-grandfather, and his great-great-grandfather on his mother's side were ostracized twice by your ancestors, and that the older men among you condemned his father to death; so you must consider him as an hereditary enemy of the state and as such condemn him, and care less for pitying and pardoning him than for the existing laws and the oaths which you have sworn. 41. But you must consider, gentlemen of the jury, on what ground you should spare such men. Is it on the ground that in relation to the state they have been unfortunate, but otherwise have lived with moderation and in an orderly fas.h.i.+on? Have they not been unchaste, and lived with their sisters, and some have had children by their daughters, (42) others have performed the mysteries, mutilated the Hermae, been impious before the G.o.ds, wronged the state, have lived without regard to justice or law in relation to others or to their fellow-citizens, have refrained from no deed of daring, nor left untried any crime? They have experienced and done everything. For such is their disposition as to be ashamed of good deeds, and to glory in crime.

43. Now it is true, gentlemen of the jury, that before now you have acquitted some, although knowing they were in the wrong, believing that in the future they would be useful to you. But what hope is there that the state will be benefited by this fellow, whom you will know to be worthless as soon as he begins his defense, and understand to be a coward from the rest of his disposition. 44. If he were banished, he could not work you any evil, being a coward and poor and unable to effect anything, at variance with his kinsmen and hated by other men. So for this reason he should not be cared for, (45) but much rather should he furnish an example to other men, especially to his a.s.sociates, who are not willing to obey commands and desire such a course of action as his, and while mismanaging their own affairs attempt to dictate about yours.

46. I have made my accusation as best I could, and I know that there are some of my audience who wonder how I was able to ferret out so accurately their misdeeds, while the defendant is laughing to himself because I have mentioned (only) the smallest part of their sins. 47. So taking into account what has been omitted as well as what has been said, condemn him by your votes, remembering that he is liable to the charge, and that the state would gain much if relieved of such citizens. Read now to them the laws and the oaths and the writ, and with these in mind they will vote justly.

ORATION XVI.

MANt.i.tHEUS.

1. If I did not know, members of the Boule, that my accusers wished to injure me in every way, I should have felt grateful to them for bringing this charge. For I think to men slandered unjustly these charges are of great benefit, as they compel them to exhibit their mode of life. 2. I feel so sure of myself that I hope, if any one here entertains feelings of dislike toward me, he will, having heard what I have to say of the facts, think better of it and be in all after-time a good friend to me.

3. I make no claim, members of the Boule, to do anything more than show you that I am well disposed to the existing const.i.tution and that I shared the same dangers that you did. If I make plain to you that I have lived well, contrary to common report and the a.s.sertions of my enemies, I want you to pa.s.s me and count them bad. First, I will show that I did not serve in the cavalry, that I was not in Athens at the time of the Thirty, and that I took no part in the government of that time.

4. My father sent me before the disaster on the h.e.l.lespont, to live at the court of Salyrus, king of Bosphorus, and I was not at home, either while the walls were being taken down, or the const.i.tution was undergoing change, but returned five days before the party of Phyle occupied the Piraeus. 5. It is not likely that, arriving at such a time, I was desirous of sharing other people's dangers, and they evidently did not have any idea of sharing the management of the government with those who were away from home and not guilty of disloyalty, but rather disenfranchised even those who helped them to abolish the democracy. 6.

And in the next place it is foolish to estimate the cavalry from the register. For there are many persons on this list who admit that they did mot serve in the cavalry, and some are written there who were away from home. Here is the strongest proof. For when you returned you voted that the phylarchs should give in a return of those serving in the cavalry that you might recover the allowances. 7. No one can show that my name was handed in by phylarchs, nor given to the revenue commissioners as having received an allowance. So it is plain to all that it was necessary for the phylarchs, if they did not give in the names of those having received the allowance, to be losers themselves. So you ought to put much more trust in the returns of these men than you do in the register. 8.

Yet, members of the Boule, if I had served in the cavalry, I should not have denied it as if I had been guilty of a terrible crime, but should claim, if I proved I had done no one of the citizens any wrong, that I ought to be pa.s.sed. I see that, following this plan, many who served in the cavalry at that time are in the Boule, and many have been appointed generals, and many commanders of cavalry. Believe, then, that I make this defense for no other reason than that they have dared lie about me before the whole world. Come and give evidence.

EVIDENCE.

9. I do not know that I need say anything further about the charges. I believe in cases of another sort it is only necessary to make a defense by refuting accusations, but in trials concerning examination, to offer to give an account of one's entire life. I wish you to listen to me fairly. I will make the account as short as I can.

10. In the first place, though I was left little money by my father, both on account of his misfortunes and the calamity that befell the city, yet I married off my two sisters, giving them thirty minae as a dowry; and I so divided the property between myself and my brother that he admits that he had more than his share. And in all other relations of my life I have so behaved that no one ever brought an indictment against me. 11. I think the greatest proof of the blamelessness of my public life is that all the young men who habitually spend their time with dice, or in drink, or excesses of this sort, are my enemies; and it is just they who get up and circulate such stories about me. If I and they had the same tastes, it is plain that they would have had no such opinion of me. 12. No one can prove that I have had a private suit, a public suit, or was ever impeached before the Boule. But you see other men often engaged in such cases. Last of all, see how well I served the state in the army and in the expeditions against the enemy. 13. For first, when you made the alliance against the Boeotians, and it was necessary to send a.s.sistance to Haliartus, I was put in the list of the cavalry by Orthoboulus; but seeing that all thought the cavalry was safe, but that there was danger to the hoplites, while others not qualified by law were trying to get enrolled on the cavalry, I reported myself to Orthoboulus to be struck off the list, thinking it disgraceful to be in security myself while others were in danger. Come and testify for me, Orthoboulus.

WITNESSES.

14. Again, when the members of my deme were a.s.sembled for the expedition, as I saw that some were honorable, wealthy and zealous, but that there were others who lacked the means for the journey, I moved that the wealthy provide the outfit for the poor. And I not only counseled the others to do this, but I myself gave two men thirty drachmae each; not that I was worth much, but for an example to the rest. Come forward, witnesses.

WITNESSES.

15. After this, members of the Boule, during the expedition to Corinth, when all saw that there would be warm work, and others were s.h.i.+rking, I arranged to be stationed in the rank next the enemy. And besides, when our tribe was overthrown and most of it perished, I retreated after that fine gentleman of Steiria, who has been reproaching all men with cowardice. 16. And not many days later, by the capture of the strongholds in Corinth, the enemy was unable to advance, and Agesilaus invaded Boeotia, and the archons voted to detach certain ranks and send them to aid. All were afraid (naturally enough, too, members of the Boule, for it is hardly probable that men who had just escaped would wish to place themselves in danger again), but I, going of my own accord to the commander, asked him to send my company.

17. If, then, some of you are angry at those who claim to act in the interest of the state, and who nevertheless run from danger, you ought to have no such opinion about me. Not only did I do zealously what was commanded me, but I even exposed myself to great danger and did this, not because it was a light matter to fight the Spartans, but that if I ever were unjustly brought to any trial, I might, with a better reputation for valor, get full justice. Now bring witnesses.

WITNESSES.

18. I did not s.h.i.+rk any of the other expeditions nor the garrison duty, but always marched with the foremost and retreated among the last. You ought to estimate from such considerations, those who live well and in order, and not hate a man for wearing his hair long. For habits of this sort injure neither the private citizen nor the city at large, but you are all benefited by those who meet the dangers of the enemy. 19. It is not right to either love or hate a man on account of his looks. For many who talk modestly and dress well have been the cause of great evils, and others who pay no attention to these things have effected great good.

20. I see that some, members of the Boule, are dissatisfied because I, so young a man, have ventured to speak before the people. I was compelled to do so first on account of my case, and then I seem even to myself to be somewhat more ambitiously disposed than I ought to be, both because I remember my ancestors who never stopped working for the city, (21) and because I perceive that you (for I must speak the truth) think that only men of this sort are worth anything. So, seeing you have this opinion, who could not be induced to work and speak in behalf of the city? Why, then, should you be disgusted with men of this sort? For it is you and no other people who judge them.

ORATION XVII.

PROPERTY OF ERATON.

1. Perhaps some of you, gentlemen of the jury, on account of my wish to be a worthy citizen, think that I can speak better than other men. But I am so far from being able to speak about what does not concern myself, that I cannot say what I ought in regard to those things about which I should speak. I think however, if I shall go over the whole affair between myself and Eraton and his children, that you will easily understand what view to take about the claim. So hear me from the start.

2. Eraton, the father of Erasiphon, borrowed two talents from my grandfather. That he took the money and that he asked him to lend so much, I will furnish as witnesses those in whose presence it was given.

How he employed it, and what use he made of it, those who know better than I and were cognizant of his proceedings will declare and give evidence to you. Now call the witnesses.

EVIDENCE.

3. As long as Eraton lived, I received the interest and other details of the transaction. When he died he left three sons, Erasiphon, Eraton and Erasistratus, but they no longer paid their dues. So in the war, as there were no courts, we could not exact from them what they owed, and when peace came, when civil suits were being heard, my father, having obtained leave to bring suit against Erasistratus for the whole debt; as he alone of the brothers lived in the city, obtained judgment against him in the archons.h.i.+p of Xenaetnetus. Now call the witnesses.

WITNESSES.

4. That the property of Eraton would rightfully be ours, is easily seen from these men, and that it is all confiscated, from the lists, for three or four persons entered the items. Now this is clear to every one that they would not have omitted anything else which it was possible to confiscate while making a list of all Eraton's property,--even what I have for some time held myself.

I think it is evident that I cannot recover this money elsewhere if you confiscate this property. 5. But now see in what a different spirit I and these persons make my claim against you. For as long as the friends of Erasiphon disputed the property with me, I claimed it was all mine, because Erasistratus was defeated while defending a suit against my father for the whole. And I have let the property at Sphettus for three years past, and was engaged in a suit with the occupants of the property at Cicyna and the house there. But last year they struck out the suit on the ground that they were merchants; but now, though I brought in my suit in the month Gamelion, the Marine Court rendered no decision. 6. And since you thought best to confiscate Eraton's property, I think two shares should be allowed the state and the property of Erasistratus be voted to me, as you have decided that this was formerly in my possession.

So I have picked out for myself one-third of the property, roughly estimated, and leaving over two-thirds to the state. 7. It is easy to find out from the valuation put upon it. All the property has been valued at more than a talent, and what I claim, I value at five minae and a thousand drachmae respectively. If they are worth more than this, when the property is sold, the state shall have the rest. 8. That you may know that these are the facts, I will bring as witnesses to you, first, those who hired from me the place at Sphettus, then those living near the place at Cicyna who were acquainted with me when I made the claim three years ago, also the archons of last year before whom the suits were brought, and the present Marine Court. 9. The lists too will be read you, for from them you will know that my claim to this property is not a recent one, and that I do not ask more from the state than from private individuals.

Now call the witnesses.

WITNESSES. LISTS.

10. It has now been proved that I do not wrongfully claim the decision of the property in my favor, but that after relinquis.h.i.+ng much of the property to the state I claim this only. And now it seems right for me to ask this of you, and the magistrates with you.

ORATION XIX.

PROPERTY OF ARISTOPHANES.

1. This suit troubles me greatly, gentlemen of the jury, when I consider that if I do not speak well, not only I, but my father will appear in the wrong, and I shall lose all my property. So, if I am not naturally skillful in this task, I must come to the rescue of myself and my father as best I can. 2. You see the careful preparation and zeal of my enemies, and I need say nothing about them, and all who know me know my inexperience. So I shall beg you grant what is just (for me) and easy (for you), to hear me with patience, as well as the prosecution. 3. For a defendant is necessarily at a disadvantage even if you listen impartially, for the prosecutors have planned for a long time, and without any risk to themselves have made their attack, but I struggle with fear, prejudice and great danger. So it is right for you to show greater favor to the defendants. 4. For I suppose you all know that many who make terrible accusations have at once been convicted of falsifying so evidently, that they leave the court and become mistrusted for all they do. Some again have been convicted of false witness and of seeking to ruin men, when there was nothing more to their advantage. 5. Since, as I hear, there are many such cases, gentlemen of the jury, do not trust the words of the prosecution until I speak. For I hear, and I think many of you know that slander is most difficult (to deal with). 6. Surely we may realize this when so many come to trial on this charge, for usually the last tried are acquitted; for you listen to them without prejudice, and you admit their arguments willingly. 7. So remember that Nicophemus and Aristophanes were put to death without a trial, before the arrival of any one to (hear) them proved guilty. For no one saw them after the arrest; for they did not give up their bodies for burial, and so terrible was their fate, that besides all the rest they were deprived of this (privilege) too. 8. But I will pa.s.s this by, for I could never finish (the subject); but much harder I think was the fate of the sons of Aristophanes. For though never wronging any one in public or private, they not only lost their patrimony contrary to your laws, but also their remaining hope was blighted of being brought up by their grandfather. 9.

Still I, deprived of kindred, of the dowry (of my sister), and having to bring up three children, have charges brought against me, and run in danger about the inheritance which my ancestors left me, acquired legally (by them). And yet, gentlemen of the jury, my father during his lifetime spent more for the state than for himself and family, and it was four times what I have now, as I was often at hand when he was reckoning. 10.

Do not prejudge the injustice of a man who spent little for himself and much every year for you, but (be ready to condemn those) who are accustomed to spend their patrimony and everything else they get for vicious pleasures. 11. It is difficult, gentlemen of the jury, to defend myself contrary to the opinion which some hold about the property of Nicophemus, both because of the present scarcity of money in the state, and because the suit concerns the treasury. And yet under these disadvantages, you will readily see that the accusations are not true.

And I beg you by every means in my power to hear me favorably to the close, and to vote whatever you think best and in best accord with your oaths.

12. In the first place I will inform you how they came to be connections of mine. For Conon, commanding near the Peloponnesus, who was my father's friend when he was Trierarch, asked him to give my sister to the son of Nicophemus when he asked her hand. 13. And he seeing that they (_Nicophemus and his son_) were trusted by Conon, and were serviceable to the state, then at least conforming to her laws, promised to give her, not realizing the bad repute into which they would fall, at a time when any one of you would have wished to be connected with them; that it was (done) for the sake of money, it is easy to understand from the whole life and conduct of my father. 14. For when he was at a suitable age, although he could have married another with a large dowry, he married my mother who brought none, because she was the daughter of Xenophon, son of Euripides, who not only seemed to be of good character, but you thought him worthy to be Strategus, as I hear. 15. Moreover he did not give my sisters to rich husbands who would have been willing to take them without dowries, because they seemed to be of inferior birth, but one to Philomelus of Paeania, whom they say is better in character than wealth, another to a man who lost his property through no fault of his own, his nephew, Phaidrus of Murrhinoute, besides giving him forty minae, and the same to Aristophanes. 16. And besides, though I could have (married a woman with) a large dowry, be advised a smaller one, that I might be sure of having connections orderly and discreet. And now my wife is the daughter of Critodemus of Alopeke, who was put to death by the Spartans after the naval battle of the h.e.l.lespont. 17. And now, gentlemen of the jury, is it not probable that one who married without a portion, and gave his daughter much money, and took a small dowry for his son, should be trusted to have sought connection with these men for no money considerations?

18. It is easy to see that Aristophanes, already married, would have confided in any one sooner than my father. For their ages were wide apart, and their dispositions still more; for my father had merely his own concerns to attend to, but Aristophanes wished to attend not only to his own private affairs, but to public ones as well, and if he had any money, he spent it in his desire for honor. 19. You know from what he used to do that I speak the truth. For first, when Conon wished to send some one to Sicily, he undertook the commission and went with Eunomus, enjoying the friends.h.i.+p and hospitality of Dionysius, who benefited the state greatly, as I heard from those in his company at Piraeus. 20. And the hope of the expedition was to persuade Dionysius to become allied to Evagoras, and hostile to the Spartans, and a friend and ally to your city. And this they did in spite of dangers which threatened by sea and from the enemy, and they persuaded Dionysius not to send the trireme which he had prepared for the Spartans. 21. And afterwards, when amba.s.sadors came from Cyprus for a.s.sistance, he did cease his activity.