The Orations of Lysias Part 7

15. I should not have spoken of these matters, had I not seen that he would try to get himself off with justice on his side as being a friend of the people, and that he would instance his exile as a proof of his good-will to the people. But I, too, can show others of those who joined in the plot against the democracy who have been put to death, some, in exile, others deprived of civil rights, so he can have no credit for this. 16. For he contributed some part in exiling you, and it was the democracy which was the cause of his return. And it will be strange if you thank him for what he suffered against his will, and do not punish him for the wrongs he committed voluntarily.

17. And I hear that he says I am impious in abolis.h.i.+ng sacrifices. If I had made the laws about the copying, I think Nicomachus might have made the charge against me; but now I claim his obedience to the common established laws. And I wonder if he does not remember, when he claims I am impious, and says the sacrifices must be made which are ordered on the tablets and pillars according to the summaries, that he accuses the city as well; for you voted on these things. Then if you think this is hard, then you must think those men did wrong who used to sacrifice by the tablets alone. 18. But truly, gentlemen of the jury, one should not learn about piety from Nicomachus, but consider the facts. Our ancestors who sacrificed by the tablets made this the largest and most prosperous of the Greek cities, so it is right for you to perform the same sacrifices as they, if for nothing else, for the sake of the good fortune which resulted from those sacrifices. 19. How could any one be more pious than I who sacrifice first according to my family customs, then as befits the state, then what the people vote and we can pay for from our revenues.

But you, Nicomachus, have done just the opposite; for by writing more than was prescribed you caused the revenues to be spent for these, and left nothing for the hereditary sacrifices. 20. For example, last year there were omitted sacrifices worth, three talents of those due on the tablets. And it is not possible to say the city appropriations would not have been sufficient; for if he had not copied more by six talents, there would have been enough for the hereditary sacrifices, and the city would have had three talents left over. I will bring witnesses as to what has been said.

WITNESSES.

21. Remember now, gentlemen of the jury, that when we sacrifice according to the summaries, all the hereditary sacrifices are being attended to, and when according to his copy, many of the sacrifices are omitted. Yet this sacrilegious fellow runs around, saying that he copied for piety, not economy, and this does not suit you, he says to strike it off, and from this thinks to persuade you that he commits no offense, a man who spent in two years twelve talents more than he ought, and tried to get six talents a year out of the city, (22) and this, too, when he saw the state embarra.s.sed for funds, the Spartans threatening us when we did not send money, the Boeotians making reprisals on us because we could not pay two talents, the docks and the walls in need of repair. He knew, too, that the Boule of the time being when it has sufficient money for managing affairs does not fail, but when it is embarra.s.sed, it is forced to admit impeachments, and to confiscate the property of citizens, and to follow the advice of those speakers who give the worst counsel. 23.

Gentlemen of the jury, it is not right to blame those who happen to be members of the Boule at each session, but those who bring the state into such difficulty. Those who desire to plunder the state are interested to see how Nicomachus will come out; if you do not punish him, you will render them fearless; and if condemning him you shall punish him with death, by the same vote you will make the rest better, and exact the penalty from him. 24. And you should know, gentlemen of the jury, that it will be a warning to others not to dare to wrong you, not because you punish those who are not eloquent, but as you punish those who are. For who in this city is more liable to punishment than Nicomachus? Who has done less good or more harm to the city than he? 25. He, who, appointed commissioner of laws relating to private life and religious duties, tampered with both. You remember to have put many citizens to death for embezzlement. Yet they injured you only so much as for the time being, but this man, while transcribing the laws and making gain of the sacred money, injures the state for all time.

26. And why should any one acquit him? On the ground of his being a man brave against the enemy in many land and naval battles? But while you sailed off and risked yourselves, he remained here and tampered with the laws of Solon. Because he has spent his money, and many, many contributions? But he never gave you anything, but took much of your revenue. 27. On account of his ancestry? For some formerly were pardoned by you on this account. But this man should die on his own account, and be sold as a slave on theirs. But that he will pay you if you spare him?

He who has no remembrance of your former favors to him. For from a slave he became a citizen, from a pauper a rich man, from an under-copyist a commissioner. 28. One could accuse you that your ancestors chose as lawgivers a Solon, a Themistocles, and a Pericles, thinking that the laws would be like those who proposed them, while you (chose) a Tisamenus, son of Mechanion, and a Nicomachus, and other under-clerks; and you think offices are degraded by such men, and yet trust in them. 29. Here is the strangest thing of all; the same man may not be under-clerk twice in the same year, but you allow the same men to be in charge of the most important matters for a long time. And finally you chose Nicomachus commissioner of traditional laws, who has no part in the state on his father's side. 30. And the very one who ought to have decided for the people plainly joined in the plot against the democracy. Now you should regret what you have done, and not endure continuous injury at their hands, nor merely in private charge offenders, and then acquit them when you can punish them.

31. I have said enough of these matters, but I wish to say a few words about those who intend to beg him off. There are some ready to plead for him, both of his friends and those who manage state affairs. I am sure some of these would do better to defend their own deeds than to go out of their way to save offenders. 32. And I think it remarkable, gentlemen of the jury, that they have not tried to persuade him, a man standing by himself, and in no way wronged by the state, that he must cease injuring you, but they are seeking to persuade you, who are so many and have been wronged by him, that you need not exact a penalty from him. 33. So, as you see these trying to save their friends so zealously, you should likewise punish your enemies, well knowing that these first of all will think you better men when you punish offenders. And bear in mind that neither Nicomachus nor any of his helpers has ever aided the state as much as he has wronged it, so that you have much more reason to punish him than to aid them. 34. These same men must realize that by entreating the accusers they in no way persuaded us, but have entered the court to tamper with your votes, and they hope by deceiving you to gain the liberty for the future of doing whatever they wish. 35. We refused to be bribed by them, and we call on you for the same, and hate baseness merely before the trial, but during the trial punish those who degrade your legislation. For in this way everything in the state will be managed in accordance with law.

ORATION x.x.xL.

AGAINST PHILON.

1. Until now I believed, gentlemen of the Boule, that Philon would not come to such a point of daring, as to bring himself to appear before you for examination; but as he is audacious, not in one thing but many, and I have come to the council-house after taking oath to legislate for the state in the best possible way, (2) and it is contained in the oath (that one should) declare it if he knows that a man chosen for office is not fit to consult for the state, I will make this accusation against this Philon here, not indeed because I follow up any private enmity, nor rising among you because I am able and accustomed to speak, but realizing (trusting in) the number of his crimes, and believing I must be faithful to the oaths I have taken. 3. You will know that I am not so well prepared to bring proof against him as he was (when) he entered on his course of crime. Yet if I should omit some point in the accusation, he ought not justly to benefit from this, but rather should be rejected on ground of whatever I prove satisfactorily. 4. For I shall speak insufficiently on account of my lack of acquaintance with all he has done, but adequately so far as the evil goes which attaches to him. But I beg you, as many of you as are better speakers than I, to declare that his sins are (even) greater, and out of what I leave unsaid you are to accuse Philon about what you yourselves know. For you should decide upon his character not alone from what I may say.

5. For I mean that it is not right for any to legislate for us, except those who besides being citizens are really interested in being such. For with such the difference is great between a prosperous and an unsuccessful condition of this state, because they think they must bear their share of evil as well as good. 6. But as many as are citizens by birth, but believe that the whole earth is their country in which they have property, it is evident that these would disregard the common welfare of the state, and turn their attention to their personal advantage, because they consider not the state, but their property their country. 7. So I will show that this Philon has cared more for his personal safety than for the common danger of the commonwealth, and that he thinks it better for him to live his life without danger than for the state to be in safety, even while endangering other citizens.

8. When misfortune came to the state, members of the Boule,--I will mention this only as far as is necessary,--this man was drafted from the city by the Thirty with the rest of the citizens and for a time lived outside, but when the party from Phyle marched on the Piraeus, and men from the country as well as those in exile joined forces either in the town or at the Piraeus, and brought what aid each could to his country, this man took just the opposite course from the rest of the citizens. 9.

For he packed up his possessions and went into a country not his own, and paid the alien's tax in Oropos and lived under a patron, preferring to be an alien there rather than be a citizen with us. Then, not like some of the citizens who changed parties when they saw the men from Phyle were successful in their attempts, did he claim to share in their successes, but he wished to come after all was over rather than come with them and unite in what was for the common advantage of the state. For he did not come to the Piraeus, nor offer himself to you to be appointed for military duty. 10. And while he dared betray us in our success, what would he have done, if we had been unsuccessful? Those who did not share in the risk to the state through some personal misfortune, should be excused, for such failure is involuntary; (11) but those who pursued this course of action on purpose are not to be pardoned, for they did so, not through misfortune but by design. And it is agreed by all men that for the same trespa.s.ses we should be most of all angry at those who are perfectly able not to commit a wrong, but excuse those who are poor or infirm, because we consider they sin involuntarily. 12. But this man should have no excuse; for he is neither a cripple and so unable to work, as you see, nor (unable) to contribute money as if poor, as I shall show.

How should not a man be hated with reason by you if he put the same energy into being wicked that he might have used aiding you? 13. And you will not incur the hatred of any of the citizens by rejecting this man; for he evidently betrayed not one party, but both, so that it appears he is not liked either by the city party,--for he did not consent to go into danger with them--nor by those who took the Piraeus,--for he would not move with them. 14. If then any of the citizens are left over who had the same experiences as his, let him claim to legislate in their company, if they ever,--which Heaven forbid,--take the state.

So that he took up his residence in Oropos under a patron and gained sufficient property, and neither took arms in the town nor in the Piraeus, that you may know that these first things which I affirm are true, hear the witnesses.

WITNESSES.

15. Then it remains for him to say that he was incapacitated through some weakness of body from helping against the Piraeus, but that he offered from his resources either to give money to the majority of you or to arm some of his fellow-citizens, just as other citizens (do) who are unable to serve personally. 16. That it may not be possible for him to deceive us by lying, I will show you plainly about this too, since it will not be possible for me afterwards to convict him, if I pa.s.s this by. Now call for me Diotimus of Acharnae, and those chosen with him to arm the citizens from the money contributed.

EVIDENCE or THOSE CHOSEN WITH DIOTIMUS.

17. This man then did not think how he might benefit the state in so critical a condition of the state, but made every preparation to make some gain from your misfortunes. For he started at Oropos at one time by himself, and at another at the head of men to whom your bad fortune was a series of benefits, (18) and went about through, the country and met the older citizens who remained in their demes with few possessions, and those the bare necessities, men who were in sympathy with the government, but were incapacitated for active service on account of their age, and he robbed these men of their goods and thought nothing of wronging them if he could gain even a little. These men are now unable to prosecute him for the very reason which kept them from aiding the state then. 19. So it is not right that he should gain advantage twice from their inability, once when he robbed them of their possessions, and now while under examination at your hands. But if any one of those wronged shall come, consider it a great point, and feel the greatest hatred for this man, who dared to rob of their goods the very men whom other men through pity have chosen as objects of charity. Call me the witnesses.

WITNESSES.

20. I do not know why you should feel differently about him from his relatives. For (their feelings) are such that if he had done no other wrong, it would be right to refuse him the examination on account of them alone. I will pa.s.s over the accusations which his mother made during her life. It is easy for you to infer from what she did at the close of her life, how her son conducted himself towards her. 21. For she did not dare trust herself to him at death, but gave to Antiphanes who was not a relative, but whom she trusted, three minae of silver for her burial, disregarding her own son. So is it not evident that she knew well that he would not do his duty even to a relative? 22. Then if a mother, who naturally endures the wrongs put upon her by her children and thinks she has great returns from them even if they render only a slight service, because she judges what happens rather by her natural mother-love than by any cold-blooded standard, (if she then) thought her son would rob her at death, what should be your judgment about him? 23. For what would a man do to those who were not connected with him if lie commits such offenses against his own relatives? That this is true, hear the man who took the silver and buried her.

EVIDENCE.

24. How then could you allow him to pa.s.s? As if he had done no wrong?

But he has been guilty of the greatest offenses against his country. That he will improve? Then let him improve first and afterwards go into political life; after he has done something as manifestly good as his evil deeds were bad in the past. It is more prudent to show grat.i.tude for all his deeds, for it seems to me a dreadful thing if he shall escape punishment for his past offenses and be rewarded for his good intentions.

25. But perhaps he should be examined that the citizens may be n.o.bler if they see all honored alike! But there is danger that if the good see the bad held in equal honor they will cease from their upright mode of life, thinking it is the same thing to honor bad men and pa.s.s by the good. 26.

But this is to be remembered, that if any one betrays a stronghold or s.h.i.+ps or a camp, in which there chance to be any citizens, he receives the extreme penalty, while this man who betrayed the whole city is planning not for punishment but for reward. So one who betrayed freedom as evidently as this man did would justly be contending not for political office, but against slavery and the greatest penalties.

27. But I hear that he says that if it was wrong that lie was not at hand at that time, that a law would have expressly stated it, as about other transgressions, For he does not think you will know that no law was written about it on account of the enormity of the offense. For what statesman ever thought of such a thing, or what lawgiver ever supposed a citizen would commit such an offense? 28. For I suppose we are to think if a man left the ranks not while his country was in danger, but while she was acting on the offensive, that a law would be framed which condemned him as guilty, but if he left the ranks while his country was in danger, the law would not be framed. The fact is that such a law would have been made, if any one had supposed that a citizen would commit such a deed. 29. But who would not justly blame you if you reward the metics for aiding the state as they were expected to, but do not punish this man for betraying the state contrary to what was expected of him, if not by some greater penalty, at least by the present dishonor? 30. But call to mind the reasons which lead you to honor those men who were brave in relation to the city and to punish those who were not. For both these lines of conduct were followed as a sort of warning, not so much for the past as for the future, that men may become good for some good reason, and by no means attempt to be bad. 31. And besides, think how this man would probably regard his oaths, if he actually betrayed his country's G.o.ds. Or how would he make any useful law for the const.i.tution, if he wished his country to be deprived of her freedom? Or how would he keep secret engagements, if he thought it right to disregard the regularly appointed ones? How can it be probable that this man who never entered danger even behind others, should be foremost in action and so now be worthy of honor? But it would be a shame, if he cared nothing for all the citizens while he is the one man whom you do not reject.

32. But I see some who now are in readiness to help him and beseech you, since they cannot persuade you; but then, when yours were the dangers and struggle and the prize was the democracy, and when you had to take counsel not merely for legislation, but for freedom, then they did not ask him to aid you and the commonwealth, and not betray the country and the senate in which he now claims a seat, though he has no share in it since others did the work. 33. Members of the Boule, he should not be angry if he does not obtain this honor; for it is not you who dishonor him, but he robbed himself at the time when he did not think it best to establish himself among you as if contending for the senate as zealously as he now comes as a candidate.

34. I think I have said enough, though leaving much unsaid. But I trust that you yourselves will know without anything more what is for the interest of the state. For you need not take any evidence but your own about those who are worthy to legislate, as many of you as have pa.s.sed the examination for the state. For his conduct is an unprecedented warning and contrary to all democracy.

ORATION x.x.xIL.

DIOGEITON.

1. If the points in dispute, gentlemen of the jury, were not great, I should not have allowed these to come to you to court, believing it a disgrace to have differences with one's relatives, and knowing that both such offenders seem to you to be all the worse, and those who cannot bear to be ill-treated by their relatives. But then, gentlemen of the jury, these have been defrauded of much money, and have suffered terribly at the hands of those for whom it was least proper, and they have appealed to me, their brother-in-law, and so I must speak in their behalf. 2. I married their sister, a granddaughter of Diogeiton, and having asked both of them many times, at first I persuaded them to entrust the case to friends, thinking it important that outsiders should not know of their affairs. But when Diogeiton could not bring himself to trust to any of his friends (to decide) about that which he had plainly been proved to hold, but preferred to defend suits, and to bring them if they were not brought (against him), and to run the greatest risks rather than by doing justice be rid of the charges in regard to them, (3) I beg of you, if I shall prove that they were treated under the guardians.h.i.+p of their grandfather worse than any one ever was in the city even by those not related, (I beg of you) to a.s.sist them to get justice, and if I do not prove it, trust him in everything, and believe me wrong here-after. I will try to tell you the whole story.

4. There were (two) brothers, gentlemen of the jury, Diodotus and Diogeiton, with the same father and mother, and they divided the ready money, and shared in the real estate. Now Diodotus made much money in business, and Diogeiton persuaded him to marry his only daughter, and they had two sons and a daughter. 5. Some time after this, Diodotus, having enlisted with Thrasyllus in the infantry, called his wife, who was his niece, and her father, who was his own father-in-law and son of the same father, the grandfather and uncle of his little ones, and thinking on account of these ties he could entrust his children to no one's care more fittingly, he made a compact with him, and deposited with him five talents of silver. 6. And he showed lent out on bottomry seven talents and forty minae, and two thousand (drachmae) invested in the Chersonesus.

And he provided in case of his death a talent to be given to his wife together with the household goods, and a talent to his daughter. And he left for his wife twenty minae and thirty Cyzicene staters. 7. After doing this, and leaving schedules at home, he went to join Thrasyllus.

And when he died in Ephesus, Diogeiton concealed his death from his daughter, and took the doc.u.ments which he had left sealed, claiming that he must collect by these papers the money lent out on bottomry. 8. And when after a time he told them of his death, and they had performed the customary rites, for the first year they lived in Piraeus, for their store of provisions had been left there. But when these began to give out, he sent the sons up to the city, and married off their mother, giving her (as dowry) five thousand drachmae, a thousand less than her husband had appointed for her. 9. Eight years after this the elder of the boys pa.s.sed his examination (_became a citizen_), and Diogeiton summoned them and said that their father had left them twenty silver minae and thirty staters. "So I have spent much of my own property for bringing you up. And as long as I had money, it made no difference to me; but now I myself am short of funds. So you, as you are of age and have become a citizen, are to look out to get your own living." 10. After they heard this they were surprised, and went weeping to their mother, and taking her with them they came to me, feeling terribly bitter because of their trouble, and (really) miserably turned out of doors. With tears they called on me not to allow them to be cheated out of their inheritance and made paupers, cruelly treated by one who ought least of all (to have done it), but to aid them both for my wife's sake and their own. 11. It were a long story to tell you the sorrow in my house during that time. Finally their mother begged and entreated, me to bring together her father and their friends, saying that, although formerly unaccustomed to speak before men, the magnitude of her misfortunes compelled her to declare to us all their miseries. 12. And in my indignation I went to Hegemon who had married the daughter of this (Diogeiton), and I went into the matter with other interested persons, and summoned him (_Diogeiton_) to an examination on what he had done. At first Diogeiton was unwilling, but at last was compelled by his friends. And when we had a.s.sembled, the woman asked him in what possible spirit (_how he had the heart to_) he had treated the boys so, "being (as you are) their father's brother, my father, and both uncle and grandfather to them. 13. And if you feel no shame before men, you ought to fear the G.o.ds," she said, "for when he sailed away you took five talents which he had deposited (with you). And for (the truth of) these things, I am willing to imprecate my children, both these and those I have had later, wherever you may please. Truly I am not so wretched nor think so much of money as to die having sworn falsely on my children, and take away unjustly the property of my father." 14. Then she proved that he had received seven talents four thousand drachmae, and she showed the accounts of this. For in changing residence, when he moved from Collytus to the house of Phaedrus, the boys found an account-book which had been thrown away, and brought it to her. 15. This proved that he had received a hundred minae loaned out on interest on a mortgage, and two thousand drachmae, and valuable furniture; also there came in every year corn from the Chersonesus. "And then did you go so far," she said, "with so much money in your possession, as to say that their father left (only) two thousand drachmae and thirty staters, the very amount which I inherited at his death and gave over to you? 16. And you even thrust out of their own house these grandsons of yours, thinly clad, barefooted, without an attendant, without beds, without cloaks, without the furniture their father had left them, without the deposit he entrusted to you. 17. And now you are supporting at great expense the children of my stepmother, happy children; and in this you do well, but you are wronging my children, whom you have driven from the house, and try to make out that they are poor instead of rich. And in such deeds you neither fear the G.o.ds, nor are ashamed before me, your daughter, who understand you, nor do you remember your brother, but care for your brother more than everything else." 18. Then, gentlemen of the jury, as so many dreadful charges were made by this woman, all of us who were present were greatly affected by what he had done, and by her words, as we saw what the boys had suffered, and realized how unworthy a guardian of the property the dead had left. Then feeling how difficult it was to find a worthy person to entrust one's affairs to, no one of those present, gentlemen of the jury, could speak, but went off in silence, weeping no less than the sufferers. So first let the witnesses come in.

EVIDENCE.

19. I ask you now, gentlemen of the jury, to hear my calculation, that you may pity the boys for the magnitude of their misfortunes, and think this man most deserving of your anger. For Diogeiton causes all men to suspect one another, so as to trust neither the living nor the dead, nor one's dearest ones more than one's enemies. 20. For he had the hardihood to deny some of the facts, but finally acknowledged part, and showed the receipts and expenses for the boys and their sister for eight years, amounting to seven silver talents and four thousand drachmae. And he became so shameless, that not being able to account for the money, he charged five obols a day for the living of the boys and their sister, and he made no itemized account for shoes and clothing, and the barber either by the month or year, but made the sum-total amount to more than one talent of silver. 21. And while not spending more than twenty-five minae of the five thousand drachmae charged for their father's monument, he charged half that amount to himself, and half to them. And for the festival of Dionysus, gentlemen of the jury, (for I think it not out of place to call this to your minds,) he entered a lamb as costing sixteen drachmae, and charged the children with eight; at this we were the most indignant. So, my friends, in great losses often the minor wrongs trouble those who are injured no less (than more important ones), for they show all too plainly the baseness of the offenders. 22. Then for other festivals and sacrifices he charged to them more than four thousand drachmae, and there were other large charges made, which were reckoned to make out the amount, as if he had been made the children's guardian for this, that he might show them accounts instead of money, and make up that they were poor and not rich, and that, if they had any hereditary enemy, they might forget him, and only contend with their guardian being bereft of their patrimony.

23. If he had wanted to be just to the children, according to the laws which exist about (the treatment of) orphans for the guidance of guardians with and without property, he could have farmed out the estate (thus) getting rid of all trouble, or bought land, and brought up the children on the income from it. Whichever course he followed, they would have been as rich as any Athenian. But now he seems to me never to have taken any thought of securing the property, but to keep it for himself, thinking that his baseness should be the dead man's heir.

24. Here is the worst count of all, gentlemen of the jury. For he, while sharing as Trierarch with Alexis, the son of Aristodicus, claimed that he had contributed forty-eight minae, and charged half of this to these orphan children, whom the state has made exempt, not only because they are children, but that when they are of age they are released from liturgies for a year. But this man, their grandfather, illegally exacts from the children of his own daughter half of his contribution as Trierarch. 25. And having sent to Adria a merchant-s.h.i.+p worth two talents, he told their mother when he dispatched it, that the risk was the children's, but when it arrived in safety and doubled its value, he said the profit was his own. And yet, if he puts down their losses, and takes himself what is saved, he will find no difficulty in setting down on the account what has been spent, and will easily become rich himself from the money which does not belong to him. 26. It would be too much, gentlemen of the jury, to go through the accounts point by point; but when with some difficulty I got the accounts from him, in the presence of witnesses I asked Aristodicus, the brother of Alexis, for he had died, if he had any record of the trierarchy. He said he had, and going to his house we found that Diogeiton had given over to him (Alexis) twenty-four minae for the trierarchy. 27. The whole expense was here shown to have been forty-eight minae, so that he charged them with what his whole expense had been. And what do you think could have been his conduct in matters of which no one had any knowledge but himself, and which he managed alone, when in transactions which were carried on through others, and were not difficult to find out, he had the hardihood to cheat his daughter's children out of twenty-four minae. Now bring in the witnesses.

WITNESSES.

28. You have heard the witnesses, gentlemen of the jury. Now taking as a basis the money which he finally acknowledged to have, I will reckon from that, taking no income into account, but spending from the princ.i.p.al. I will allow what no one in the city does, for the two boys, their sister, teacher, and maid a thousand drachmae a year, a little less than three drachmae a day, amounting in eight years to eight thousand drachmae, (29) which shows a balance of six talents from the seven talents twenty minae.

For he could not show that he has lost to pirates nor suffered loss, nor paid creditors (for the father).

ORATION x.x.xIII.

PANEGYRIC.

1. For many n.o.ble deeds, my friends, it is well to commemorate Heracles, but especially because he was the founder of these games through his good-will to Greece. For at that time cities lived in enmity one with another; (2) but then that (hero) slew the tyrants, punished the arrogant, and established this, contest of strength, emulation of wealth, and exhibition of mind in this most beautiful spot in Greece, that for all these things we might a.s.semble together, to witness and to hear. For he believed that concourse here would be the starting-point for a common friends.h.i.+p among the Greeks. 3. He then conceived the plan, and I am here not to quibble or juggle with words. For this I believe is the part of useless sophists needing to make a living, but it is for a brave man and worthy citizen to speak for the highest good, seeing how low lies Greece, much in the power of the barbarian, many cities under the foot of tyrants. 4. And had we suffered this through weakness, we should have to put up with our fate; but as (it resulted) from seditions and wrangling among ourselves, why should we not put an end to these things and check them, knowing that it is for those who are successful to love quarrels, but for the unfortunate to have the clearest ideas about conduct? 5. For we see great dangers threatening on all sides, and you know that power belongs to the rulers of the sea, and the king holds the treasure and the lives of such Greeks as can be bought, and he has many s.h.i.+ps, and many, too, the tyrant of Sicily. 6. So it is best to cease our quarrels with one another, and with one purpose cling to our liberties, feeling shame for our past, and fear for the future, and imitate our ancestors who took from the barbarians their liberty while they were plotting against that of other men, and drove forth the tyrants, and established equal freedom for all. 7. And most of all I wonder with what mind the Spartans watch the conflagration of Greece, they who are not unjustly the leaders of the Greeks through their inborn valor and knowledge of military affairs, who are the only ones who live unsacked, without walls, with no factions, unconquerable, with no change of customs. For these reasons there is hope that they have imperishable freedom, and as in past dangers they were the saviors of Greece that they will be seen as such for the future. 8. No future time is better than the present. For there is no need of regarding the misfortunes of those who have perished as concerning others, but ourselves, and not wait until the forces of both come upon us in person, but while we can, check their arrogance. 9. For who would not feel alarm, seeing them gaining in importance in the war with each other? And in these disgraceful and terrible circ.u.mstances those who have been so greatly at fault have every advantage from what has occurred, while the Greeks (have) no means of redress.