Area Handbook For Bulgaria Part 8

-------------------+-------------------------+------------------------- Total Pa.s.sengers** Pa.s.senger Miles**

Pa.s.senger Traffic: -------------------------+------------+------------ 1960 1970 1960 1970 -------------------+------------+------------+------------+------------ Railroads 79.0 106.1 2,260 3,890 Motor transport 72.6 282.0+ 1,020 3,740+ Seaborne s.h.i.+pping 0.6 0.6 12 17 Inland waterways 0.8 0.3 29 19 Air transport 0.2 1.1 56 750 -------------------+------------+------------+------------+------------ * In million tons.

** In millions.

+ 1969 information.

Source: Adapted from _Statistical Yearbook, 1971_, Sofia, 1971.

Conversion from steam to diesel and electric locomotives is proceeding rapidly. As late as 1962 the country had no diesel locomotives and only a few pa.s.senger-carrying electric trains. By 1972, about 80 percent of the freight and a larger proportion of pa.s.senger traffic were carried on diesel or electric trains. Steam locomotives will probably have been replaced completely by 1978.

Roads

Construction is expensive, engineering problems are frequently challenging, and the roads are difficult to maintain on the mountainous terrain, with its many narrow and steep gorges. Ice and snow close most routes at times during the winter months. Spring thaws and floods damage the best roads and make the poorer roads impa.s.sable for considerable periods. Of the approximately 21,000 miles of roadway, about 8,000 are paved, another 8,000 have surfaces hardened with stone or gravel, but nearly 5,000 remain dirt surfaced.

Waterways

The 290 miles of the Danube River that flow along the northern border are navigable. Other streams are too short, too shallow, or have too great gradients to use or to allow development as waterways. The fact that the Danube leaves the country to exit into the Black Sea from Romania limits its potential as an avenue to seagoing trade, and the fact that it flows along the country's periphery keeps it from being the central feature that it is, for example, in Hungary. Bulgaria's entire portion of the river is, however, downstream from the Iron Gate and thus can handle 2,500-ton vessels. There are no locks or dams in this area and, although it freezes for a short time in the winter and floods during the spring, it is usable for an average of about 300 days per year.

The Black Sea is more commercially significant to Bulgaria. Burgas and Varna are thriving ports. Burgas has been a busy port for a longer time, but Varna has developed rapidly and by 1970 had surpa.s.sed Burgas as the major port and had become the center of maritime industry in the country. Between 1971 and 1975, for example, the city expects to produce 23,000-ton and 38,000-ton dry cargo s.h.i.+ps in series production and to build one, and possibly more, 80,000-ton tankers.

By 1970 inland waterways--which consisted exclusively of the Danube River--were carrying only about 0.6 percent of the country's freight cargo. Because the distances that the average cargo was transported exceeded those of rail or road transport, however, they accounted for about 2.5 percent of the total ton mileage. Seaborne s.h.i.+pping carried about 2.5 percent of the total cargo weight but, because of the far greater s.h.i.+pping distances, it accounted for nearly two-thirds of the total ton mileage. Traffic transported by inland waterway remained relatively constant during the late 1960s and early 1970s; traffic carried on seagoing vessels was increasing rapidly.

United Nations reports in 1971 credited Bulgaria with the fastest developing s.h.i.+pbuilding industry in the world. The p.r.o.nouncement is less meaningful than it might appear, however, because the industry started from very little. Moreover, a major portion of the products are for export, and much of the industry's local impact is as a production, rather than as a transportation, enterprise. Nonetheless, the country's capability for sea s.h.i.+pment increased by more than five times during the 1960s. There are no large pa.s.senger vessels in the fleet, but several hydrofoils, some having capacities to carry more than 100 pa.s.sengers, operate between the Danube River ports.

By 1972 the merchant marine consisted of more than 100 s.h.i.+ps, having a total of nearly 1 million deadweight tons. It has increased at an average rate of about 6 percent a year between 1967 and 1971, the rates of increase accelerating in the latter part of the period.

Airways

Civil aviation was carried on by Bulgarian Civil Air Transport before 1970, when that ent.i.ty was reorganized as Balkan-Bulgarian Airlines (BALKAN). Its airplanes, all of Soviet manufacture, are identified by BALKAN inset within a five-pointed star that is elongated to give the impression of flight. BALKAN operates under the Ministry of Transport.

Sofia is the center of all the air operations. International routes stop at the capitals of the six other Warsaw Pact countries and at sixteen other cities in Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East. The 1973 scheduled flights also connected Sofia with eleven other cities within Bulgaria, most of them on a daily basis.

Percentages of total cargo and pa.s.senger traffic carried by air are insignificant, and the rates of increase in the utilization of air transportation have been erratic. Air cargo s.h.i.+pments, for example, increased by a factor of seven between 1960 and 1967 but increased little the following year and decreased for the remainder of the decade.

CHAPTER 4

SOCIAL SYSTEM

In 1878 Bulgaria emerged from Turkish rule as a h.o.m.ogeneous, egalitarian peasant society centered in the family and the community. Through the introduction of foreign economic and social ideas and inst.i.tutions, the society gradually changed during the period between the two world wars.

At the time of World War II Bulgaria actually had two social systems: the traditional peasant society, changing but still focused on the family and the community, and a growing urban society that focused on the economy and the state. When the Communists took power in 1944, they set out to destroy the old social order and replace it with one that would reflect communist ideology. The resulting changes have been far reaching and basic. The traditional economic and value base has been destroyed by the elimination of private property. Social distinctions were introduced and magnified where none or few existed. Traditional inst.i.tutions, such as the church and the family, were weakened; and new inst.i.tutions, such as ma.s.s organizations, were introduced to take their place. Many segments of the population benefited materially from changes that opened new opportunities for education and social advancement; however, the price paid for these benefits was the loss of such important motivating forces as freedom of choice, independence of action, and the right to own income-producing property.

By the early 1970s the rate of change was slowing down, and the society was settling into a discernible pattern. Some aspects of the old social order seem to have survived, providing a continuity between the old and the new. The changes that continue to affect the society are more the result of economic growth than of social engineering.

ETHNIC AND RELIGIOUS COMPOSITION

The Bulgarian population is h.o.m.ogeneous in both ethnic and religious composition. Approximately 85 percent is Bulgarian, and some 90 percent adheres at least nominally to the Eastern Orthodox faith. The most significant ethnic minorities are the Turks, who number about 700,000, or 8 percent of the population; the Gypsies, estimated at 200,000, or 2.5 percent of the population; and the Macedonians, who also number approximately 200,000. The remainder are Greeks, Romanians, Armenians, and Jews.

The Turkish minority, once considerably more substantial in size, dates back to the centuries of Turkish rule (see ch. 2). A steady emigration of Turks from Bulgaria to Turkey after World War I and the expulsion of some 150,000 in the 1950-51 period reduced their number. Most of the remaining Turks are tobacco growers or artisans, who live in rural areas in the eastern third of the country and along the Danube River. Their traditional peasant conservatism, bolstered by their Islamic faith, has made them less willing to adapt to the contemporary social order than the rest of the population. A majority would like to emigrate to Turkey, but the Bulgarian government has been unwilling to let them go because the country cannot afford such a population loss.

Turkey, for its part, could not absorb the Bulgarian Turks without seriously endangering its own economy and therefore has not encouraged their desires. By agreement between the two governments, about 30,000 close relatives of Turks who left Bulgaria in the 1950-51 period will be allowed to emigrate during the 1970s. The majority of Bulgarian Turks, however, have little hope of leaving in the foreseeable future. In spite of the desire of its members to leave the country, the Turkish minority has posed no serious problem to the Bulgarian government. The government has made an effort to integrate the minority into national life, at the same time preserving its cultural distinctions, which are guaranteed by the const.i.tution.

Gypsies are not considered a national minority by the state, although they consider themselves such. Strongly attached to their nomadic way of life, the Gypsies have been reluctant to settle in a permanent place and to integrate themselves into the national society. They continue to follow their traditional occupations as musicians, tinsmiths, and hors.e.m.e.n.

The existence of a Macedonian minority has been disputed over many decades by Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. Bulgaria has consistently claimed that Macedonians are ethnically Bulgarians, that their language is a dialect of Bulgarian, and that their land is a part of Bulgaria.

Yugoslavia, on the other hand, has given legal recognition to a Macedonian nationality by establis.h.i.+ng the People's Republic of Macedonia and by designating the Macedonian language one of the official languages of the federal republic (see ch. 2; ch. 10).

The vast majority of Bulgarians have been born into the Bulgarian Orthodox Church ever since the ninth century, when Boris I adopted Christianity for his people. Until World War II a person had no legal existence without a baptismal certificate from the church. In keeping with Eastern Orthodox tradition, the Bulgarian Orthodox Church is an independent national church. It is inseparably linked with Bulgarian nationhood in the minds of most Bulgarians because of the role it played in preserving a national consciousness during the centuries of Turkish rule and in spearheading a national revival in the nineteenth century (see ch. 2).

A tradition of religious freedom and tolerance allowed religious minorities to exist without friction. Even during World War II the Jews in Bulgaria suffered little persecution in comparison with those in other parts of Eastern Europe. No census of religious affiliation has been taken since the Communists took power; however, according to various estimates in 1965 there were about 750,000 Muslims; 26,000 Protestants; 32,000 Roman Catholics; and between 3,000 and 7,000 Jews.

The Muslim population included most Turks and some 50,000 Pomaks (Bulgarians who converted to Islam during Turkish rule) living in the rugged Rodopi mountain range.

Religious freedom is guaranteed by the const.i.tution, but churches are subject to strict governmental control. Formal religious education is restricted to the training of priests. Children, however, continue to be instructed in the rudiments of faith and ritual by their families.

Despite government efforts to secularize the milestones in the life cycle, a large percentage of Bulgarians continue to regard the priest as an essential officiant at baptisms, weddings, and funerals. Churchgoing and the strict fasts prescribed by the Eastern Orthodox church have not been carefully observed by most Bulgarians since the 1930s; nevertheless, the people often exhibit strong religious feelings tempered by traditional beliefs in the powers of nature, the evil eye, and other forces. A survey conducted by the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences in the mid-1960s cla.s.sified 35.5 percent of those surveyed as religious and 64.4 percent as nonreligious. The criteria used to determine whether a person was religious or not was either a verbal expression of religious conviction or regular attendance at church services and regular prayer.

THE FAMILY

Until the time of World War I Bulgarian society was frequently characterized as familistic, that is, personal interests and prerogatives of an individual were subordinated to the values and demands of the family. The family was the focal unit in society; it was the chief training ground for the young and played the leading part in molding the individual into the accepted pattern. The family was the center of economic life also, particularly for the peasants, who lived relatively self-sufficient lives. Relations with other social units and inst.i.tutions were carried out through the family rather than by the individual. An individual had no standing in society apart from that of his family, and individual behavior and prestige reflected on the family as a whole. Individualism, therefore, was discouraged by constant pressure from the family to conform to custom and tradition.

The traditional family was patriarchal and strongly authoritarian. It reflected many features characteristic of the _zadruga_, the extended family that formed the basis of social organization of the South Slavs, including the Bulgarians, until its gradual decline in the late nineteenth century. A _zadruga_ consisted of the male offspring of the same parents and perhaps grandparents, with their wives and children, living together and jointly owning and working the ancestral lands. The group was ruled by the elected head, usually the oldest and most capable male, who was responsible for directing the work, for settling disputes, and generally for providing for the well-being of the _zadruga_ as a whole and for each of its members.

By law and by custom, even after the pa.s.sing of the _zadruga_ as a social inst.i.tution, authority over all matters concerning the family rested with the father. In the village married sons with their wives and children and unmarried children all tended to live under the father's roof until his death, at which time the oldest son took over the family homestead, and the others built their own houses nearby. The authority of the patriarch rested, in no small measure, on his owners.h.i.+p and control of the means of livelihood of the family. Sons submitted to their father's will in order to inherit their fair shares of the patrimony.

Close family relations were maintained not only with blood relatives but with relatives by marriage and with G.o.dparents. The bond between two families also related by marriage was as close, formally, as the bond with blood relatives; it included not only the parents of the married couple but also the brothers and sisters. For that reason parents took great interest in their children's choice of mates. Similarly, the bond between G.o.dparents and the family of the G.o.dchild was considered as close as that of blood kin. The strong relations.h.i.+p between the two families was developed partly because the same family usually provided the G.o.dparents for another family for generations. Reciprocity of G.o.dparenthood, however, was not allowed because a family tie was established with the first christening. Members of families who were related through G.o.dparenthood or through marriage could not marry because that would have been tantamount to incest.

Age and s.e.x determined the individual's role within the family and his relations with other members. Men occupied a superior position, and women were expected to show deference to their husbands and to older male relatives. A frequently cited image of Bulgaria at that time was the man riding a horse or donkey empty-handed while his wife walked behind carrying a heavy load. The position and influence of the wife, however, was far greater than this image implies. Few husbands made decisions or took action affecting the family without prior consultation with their wives.

Age was respected because it represented the acc.u.mulation of wisdom and experience. This greater wisdom and experience also gave the older members of the family authority over the younger ones. Children were highly valued as tokens of successful marriages and as economic a.s.sets, but they were not fussed over. Although they were expected to take their places as active members of the family at a relatively early age by performing light household tasks, running errands, and tending animals, they were also given considerable freedom to play. Until they reached maturity, children were expected to do what they were told by their parents or by other adults without question.

This traditional family system provided for great stability. Each member knew his place in society and knew what was expected of him, and he generally felt secure and satisfied.

The gradual industrialization and urbanization that took place between the two world wars slowly introduced changes into the traditional family system--at first among the urban population and eventually among the peasantry. Most notable among the changes was the s.h.i.+ft toward the nuclear family unit and the disappearance of the extended family household. This reduced the authority of the father over his adult children, who now formed an independent economic and social unit. It also gave greater freedom to young people in choosing their mates and, thereby, in their relations with each other. Within the nuclear family the relations.h.i.+p between husband and wife became a more egalitarian one.

Relations between parents and children also became less authoritarian, although the father's relations to his children continued to be rather formal.

The changes in family life and in the role of the family in society that began to take place between the two world wars accelerated during World War II in keeping with the rapid rate of economic change. The greatest a.s.sault on the traditional system, however, came in the second half of the 1940s and early 1950s when the new communist government set out to revamp Bulgarian society. The already dying patriarchal system was dealt its final blow with the elimination of inheritance through nationalization of industry and commerce and collectivization of agriculture. After the patrimony had been eliminated, a major incentive for submission to the patriarch had disappeared.

Another factor that contributed to the end of the patriarchal family and to the end of parental authoritarianism was the government's appeal to youth's desire for independence. Young people are taught to believe that they are the foundation of the new Bulgaria and that their elders'

traditional ways are outmoded and should be discarded. In this way a generation gap has been created, and youths wanting to escape parental influence can count on the state for support. Their escape has been facilitated through the expansion of educational facilities, the expansion of employment opportunities resulting from economic and bureaucratic expansion, and by the many youth organizations and youth activities--all of which enable young people to spend much time away from home and act independently of their parents.

The role of women, which had begun to change in the 1930s, was greatly altered under the influence of ideology and of economic realities. In social doctrine and law, women are considered equal to men and are continually urged to demand their rights in the home and in the community. They have also gained considerable independence of movement through the expanded employment opportunities available to them in a developing economy. In 1968, 80 percent of employable women worked outside the home. A large percentage of them worked because of the necessity to supplement the family income rather than through choice; nevertheless, the fact that they do work outside the home has altered the pattern of family life and the relations.h.i.+ps of family members.

Working mothers must leave their young children in state-operated nurseries or with relatives and thereby relinquish much of their influence in molding the children into adults. Evidence indicates that few mothers like to leave young children in nurseries, preferring to leave them in the care of trusted relatives or friends. Fathers appear to be playing a greater role in the raising of children than they did in the traditional family.

Housekeeping is still considered to be entirely or predominantly the responsibility of women, whether they work or not. The working woman spends much time every day after work standing in line at food markets and other stores, buying the daily necessities. Household appliances and convenience foods are scarce luxuries; therefore, housekeeping is a time-consuming and tiring activity. Even peasant women must take care of their households and children after putting in the required hours in cooperative labor, whereas formerly they could fit their field work in and around their other responsibilities.