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Makunda Sen procured from the Nawab Vazir a grant of the extensive estate of Tilpur, and of that part of Rajpur, which is on the west side of the Gandaki, and had once, as lately mentioned, belonged to a branch of his family; but in the latter he never acquired proper authority, owing to the intrigues of the Kanungo, or register.
This enterprising chief married the eldest daughter (Maha k.u.mari) of his ally the Raja of Argha, and on this occasion presented his father-in-law with an estate situated on the plain, and called Tuppah Bandar; although he continued to pay the revenue to the Nawab. This was part of the spoil taken from Balihang by his grandfather.
Mahadatta Raja of Palpa was very much in favour with Asofud Doulah, the Nawab Vazir, who confirmed to him all his hereditary or acquired lands on the plains, at an easy rate; and, going there frequently to hunt, seems to have amused himself with the Raja's children. The youngest son Samar, a lame but shrewd man, seems in particular to have attracted his notice, and he bestowed on him the t.i.tle of Nader Shah, by which he is much better known than by his proper name.
Mahadatta also entered into the strictest alliance with Bahadur Sahi, younger son of Prithwi Narayan, and regent of Gorkha during the minority of his nephew Rana Bahadur. In order to cement the friends.h.i.+p, Mahadatta gave his daughter in marriage to the regent, which, on account of her birth, was considered as a very honourable connexion for the chief of Gorkha. These friends soon entered into a most iniquitous combination.
The Gorkha family had hitherto entirely failed in all their attempts to extend their dominions to the west, and, if Palpa had continued to a.s.sist the neighbouring Rajas, it is probable, that their resistance to Gorkha might have been continued with success; but the father and son-in-law agreed, that they should make a common cause, and divide the spoil. This scheme completely succeeded, and Damodar Pangre, a Khas by birth, but representative of one of the chief families in Gorkha, and a most gallant officer, was sent in command of the regent's forces. After the conquest, Damodar took for his master the lion's share, but allowed Mahadatta to retain as master Gulmi, Argha, and Kachi, three of the states that had been long in alliance with his family, and which he was bound to protect, not only by the duty of alliance, but of kindred, for the Raja of Argha was his uncle. The other three allies, who had been saved by his father, were abandoned to the power of Gorkha, and annexed to Nepal. Mahadatta was very soon forced to eat the fruit of his villany. Damodar advanced the conquests of his nation to the west, and, having subdued k.u.mau, all resistance to his force on the hills was in vain, and Mahadatta was soon deprived of all the hope of protection, that he might have had from the power of his son-in-law the regent, the young Raja of Gorkha having put his uncle to death. The friends.h.i.+p of the Nawab Vazir, however, saved Mahadatta, nor was any encroachment made on Palpa, so long as he lived.
Prithwi Pal succeeded his father, when very young, and was endowed with great personal vigour, nor was he, I believe, at all scrupulous about means; but he seems to have been rash and credulous, which rendered him totally unable to resist the wiles of the people of Gorkha, who were afraid to use open violence, on account of his connexion with the Nawab Vazir. They did not therefore molest his ancient dominions, nor any of the territory that he had acquired on the plains, all of which was tributary to the Nawab; but, immediately after his accession, Rana Bahadur, king of Gorkha and Nepal, compelled the Raja of Palpa to restore the mountains of Gulmi to Siddhi Pratap, the legal heir of that country, whose sister Rana Bahadur had married.
When Rana Bahadur of Gorkha determined to place the sovereignty in the hands of Yuddha Vikram Sahi, his illegitimate son, he invited Prithwi Pal to perform the ceremony of Tika, under pretence that he was desirous of obviating the defects of his son's birth, by having the mark of royalty placed on his forehead by a person of Prithwi Pal's high rank; for, among the hill chiefs he was considered as the most eminent by birth, and the Raja of Yumila had been expelled from his dominions; nor did the Gorkha family, after the acquisition of Nepal, acknowledge the superiority of its chief. The real object, however, of the invitation, was in all probability to have power over Prithwi Pal; for he remained in a kind of confinement until January 1803, when the n.o.ble and high-spirited lady, wife of Rana Bahadur, who then governed Nepal, had the magnanimity to allow him to return to his own territories, although his father had treacherously stript hers of his dominions, and, although there is strong reason to suspect, that Damodar Pangre, discontented with the illegitimacy of Yuddha Vikram, had entered into a conspiracy to dethrone that young prince, and to place Prithwi Pal on the throne of Nepal.
When Rana Bahadur had returned from Banaras, had a.s.sumed the management of affairs, as regent for his son, and had put to death Damodar Pangre, and the other discontented n.o.bles of his kingdom, his first care was to secure Prithwi Pal. He accordingly sent an emba.s.sy to that chief, requesting his sister in marriage, and making the most profuse offers of increasing the territories of his future brother-in-law. The lady was sent, accompanied by her brother Rana Bahadur, for Prithwi Pal was suspicious; and, although invited, did not attend. The lady and her brother were most kindly received by Rana Bahadur of Gorkha, who said to the chief of the same name, I have been a king, and should therefore think myself degraded by wors.h.i.+pping you, (according to the Hindu custom,) when I received your sister from your hands; it will be therefore highly agreeable to me, if your brother, who is a prince my superior in birth, would attend to give away his sister. The Guru, or spiritual guide of the Palpa Raja, was in the suite of the princess, and was dispatched in order to persuade Prithwi Pal, in which he succeeded, by declaring, that Rana Bahadur had before him taken the most solemn oaths to do his guest no injury. Whether Rana Bahadur had actually done so, or whether the Brahman was bribed, and told a falsehood to obtain his end, I cannot take upon myself to say, either circ.u.mstance being abundantly compatible with the characters of the persons; but Prithwi Pal had no sooner reached Kathmandu, with about 400 attendants, than these were disarmed, he and his princ.i.p.al officers were put in close confinement, and no more mention was made of the marriage. No one can pity the fate of Prithwi Pal; as, in order to ingratiate himself with his intended brother-in-law, he took with him, and delivered to Rana Bahadur, the widow and only surviving son of his friend Damodar Pangre; who, when that gallant veteran and his elder sons had been murdered by the tyrant, had fled to Palpa for refuge. The Raja of Gorkha was, however, afraid of driving the Palpa family to extremities, and compelling it to seek refuge in the territories of the Company, which had received from the Nawab Vazir the sovereignty of the low countries belonging to Palpa, and might be disposed to give its powerful support.
When mortally wounded by his brother, the Raja of Gorkha placed the authority of the kingdom, and the protection of his son, in the hands of Bhim Sen, a very vigorous rash young man, who, owing partly to the moderation of the Company's negotiations with Rana Bahadur, by him attributed to fear, and partly to the hope of protection from the Chinese, seems to have beheld the British government with contempt. One of his first measures, about the end of June 1804, was to put the Raja of Palpa and all his officers to death. It is said by some that, under pretence of the conspiracy to which I have alluded, he inflicted most severe tortures on the unfortunate chief; but others maintain, that his throat was cut, like that of the others, without any form of investigation or delay. Bhim Sen acted with the utmost prompt.i.tude in obtaining his object. His father, Amar Singha, was raised to the English rank of general, sent with a considerable force, and in less than a month from his son's elevation, took possession of Palpa without resistance; nor did he hesitate to advance into the low country, which belonged to the Raja of Palpa, as a subject of the Company. Had Bhim Sen confined himself to the hills of Palpa, it is almost certain that he would have met with no disturbance from the British government; but he still perhaps congratulates himself on having understood the British government better than Rana Bahadur; for, although he has not been allowed to keep undisturbed all the low country that was subject to Palpa, he has for some years held a considerable portion.
On the approach of General Amar Singha to Palpa, in July or August 1804, the widow of Prithwi Pal, with her son Ratna Sen, his uncle Samar Bahadur, usually called the Lal Dewan, or Nader Shah, and his grand-uncle Suravir, who held the office of Chautariya, fled to a house which the family had at Madhuvani in Tilpur. The unfortunate lady died there, and the Raja was removed to Gorakhpur, where he has ever since remained, but in such constant apprehension of a.s.sa.s.sination, that it has been judged necessary to have his house secured by a guard of regular seapoys. The Company have allowed him a pension in lieu of the profits which he would have had from his remaining estates, of which the collector has a.s.sumed the entire disposal; for owing to the encroachments made by Amar Singha, and the devastation that has followed in what remains, it is altogether impossible for him to fulfil the engagements into which his father's agents entered with Mr Rutlege, the gentleman who had the management of the country ceded by the Nawab vazir to the Company. This pension was altogether inadequate to support the number of persons by whom he was followed; and even his venerable grand-uncle Suravir, son of Makunda Sen, suffered such mortifications, that he had determined to perish on the place where his son had suffered death, for this youth had accompanied his cousin Prithwi Pal. The old man, after taking an affectionate leave of some of the family adherents in Tilpur, and weeping with them a whole day, went to Palpa and presented himself to Amar Singha, who was moved with compa.s.sion, and said, though we have killed your son, and overthrown your family, we will do you no injury, but will provide for you in a manner very different from your friends the English. There has accordingly been settled on him an income sufficient to supply his wants.
I am not sure that this has proceeded from generosity; but it has produced some effect on the minds of the populace. If it was intended to lull the fears of the family into a fatal security, it has. .h.i.therto completely failed.
The extent and boundaries of Palpa will be better seen from the maps than explained by description. The country, independent of Butaul, is in general lower and warmer than the valley of Nepal Proper. The greatest crop is transplanted rice, next to that broadcast rice, then maize, then the pulse called urid, almost equal in quant.i.ty to the maize, then the Lathyrus sativus, called dubi kerao, then the Eleusine coroca.n.u.s, or maruya, then the Ervum lens, or masuri, then four kinds of sesamum, and the cruciform oil seeds, like mustard and rape, then three kinds of the pulse called kurthi, and then a little of the grains called sama and kodo. Much ginger is reared. The sugar-cane grows very large and juicy, but is eaten without preparation.
When the colony from Chitaur first took possession of Palpa, it belonged to a Magar chief, and the people were of that tribe. Brahmans, but mostly of the spurious breed called Jausi, are now the most numerous cla.s.s; next to these are the Khas; and the Magars only occupy the third place.
Since the Raja of Gorkha and Nepal has seized on this country, the seat of government has been removed to Tansen, a town at some distance west from Palpa, with a tolerable road between them. This is now the residence of the General Amar Singha, formerly called Thapa, and the Subahs, or civil officers, governing the petty princ.i.p.alities to a considerable distance, are under his authority. He has with him a large force of regulars, (fourteen or fifteen companies,) which he has for some time been a.s.siduously increasing, and to enable him to put this measure into execution, a great part of the free land has been resumed. The plan adopted on this occasion was to say to the Brahmans who held the land, "you are impure fellows, who have degraded yourselves by doing many things totally inconsistent with the character of the sacred order. It is impossible, therefore, that you should, as such, be permitted to hold lands; and if you presume to act in the character from which you have degraded yourself, you shall be scourged. For a subsistence, therefore, betake yourself to cultivation; or other drudgeries for which alone you are now fit, and do not bring a disgrace on the character of the sacred order." In these degenerate days perhaps there is not one Brahman out of fifty who either does not do what he ought to shun, or who does not omit to do what he ought to perform; and all will admit that degraded Brahmans are unworthy of holding such possessions. If the Brahmans, however, were to be the judges of the quantum of such transgressions necessary to occasion the forfeiture of free lands, such an event would seldom indeed happen. But the lay rulers of Nepal judged more strictly; and as they knew that whatever proofs they might bring would produce no conviction, they probably deemed it quite unnecessary to put the parties to any trouble, or to go through the farce of a trial, where the measure to be adopted was predetermined; nor are the chiefs of Nepal men against whom any complaints of injustice are made by those under their authority.
There are many routes from the plain into the hills of Palpa; but, except by a few smugglers, most of these have been deserted since the conquest, for which there seem to be two reasons. The Nepalese are desirous of having only a few open routes, by which an army from the low country might penetrate into the hills, and they think that in a few years the neglected routes will be either altogether forgotten, or be so overgrown with woods as to prevent access. The few remaining roads will then be easily guarded by a small force. But besides the military point of view, they are desirous of having few pa.s.sages as a point of economy in collecting the customs. Accordingly, so far as they can, they have stopt every pa.s.s, except that by Butaul, which, of course, has become a considerable mart, although most inconveniently situated. It stands on the plain, but in a recess of the mountains, and is so dreadfully unhealthy, that no one resides there in the rainy season. The Rajas had a house called Nayakot on a hill overhanging the town, or a.s.semblage of huts; but I am told, that this castle is not sufficiently elevated to be exempt from the effects of the insalubrious air.
The Palpa Rajas possessed also a very important mart in the hills. It is called Rerighat, and is situated on the bank of the Narayani. The best, or rather the only tolerable roads pa.s.sing through the country either from the east and west, or from the north and south, pa.s.s this route; and it seems to be of equal importance either in a military or commercial view. During the cold season there is at Rerighat a fair (Mela) which lasts for three or four months, and is frequented by a great number of traders from all parts of the mountains. The road from Butaul to Rerighat by Morihang, Mosihang, and Tansen, was said to be far from difficult; but what idea a mountaineer annexed to a difficult road is not easy to determine. Some of them say, that loaded oxen could pa.s.s; others say that they could not. It is generally admitted, that the easiest route from Rerighat to the plains would be east through Tansen, Rampur, Nayakot, and Dewghat, but this road is at present stopt.
Loaded canoes, I am a.s.sured, can pa.s.s up the Gandaki, or Narayani, all the way to Rerighat, except at a narrow rapid between two rocks at a place called Gongkur, a little above Dewghat. There they must be unloaded and dragged up empty. Timber in floating down this pa.s.sage is apt to fall across the channel, and to stick between the rocks; but this may be obviated by tying a rope to one end of the logs so as to allow them to float end on. Canoes can ascend to Dewghat with little difficulty. There are, indeed, three rapids; one above Bhelaunji to which large boats can go with ease; a second at the junction of the Arhung; and a third at Khairiyani, near Dewghat; but in the dry season canoes or small boats may be dragged up loaded. In floods the navigation is altogether unadvisable, the river being then of tremendous rapidity.
Near Tansen, the present capital, there was formerly a mine of iron, but, since the conquest, copper has been discovered in the same place, and now, it is said, the mine produces that metal to the value of 50,000 rupees a-year. In the small territory of Khidim lately, as I have said, annexed to Palpa, is a mine of lead.
I received very little information concerning the Tanahung branch of this family. It is said to be descended of Bihangga, or Bhringga, son of Makunda Sen, who lived ten or eleven generations ago. After some generations the then chief of Tanahung, it is said, gave Rising as an appanage to a younger brother, although, as I shall afterwards state, there may be some doubt entertained on this point. Afterwards, on the failure of the Champaranya, or Rajpur branch of this colony from Chitaur, the then Raja of Tanahung secured a part called Ramnagar, which is situated in the district of Saran, under the protection of the Company, and is now all that belongs to the family. No chief resisted with such gallantry and effect the rising power of Prithwi Narayan of Gorkha as the Raja of Tanahung, by whom the forces of that perfidious prince were defeated in a most decisive battle; nor was any attempt afterwards made to extend the dominions of Gorkha to the west until the Raja of Palpa was gained, as I have already mentioned. How the overthrow of Tanahung took place I have not learned; but the Raja made his escape to Ramnagar, and retains only what he held of the Company. His country, that was formerly independent, consists of two portions; one on the hills that surround Gorkha on the west and south, and one in the valley of the Raputi, which is adjacent to the southern portion of what is on the hills. This valley is inhabited by the ordinary Hindus of Mithila. It contains three Pergunahs or baronies, Chitan, Belan, and Sengjhayat, of which the two former contain a good deal of cultivation. The road through them along the Raputi to Hethaura is tolerably level, and might be easily made good; while I understand that from Ramnagar by Bakraghat there is a pretty good road to Chitan over the low hills, by which the valley is bounded on the south. The direct road from the plain to Hethaura by b.i.+.c.hhakhori is, I know, very difficult; but some allege, that there is along the banks of the torrent, in which the road now goes, a very good route, which has been shut up by the present government of Nepal. Colonel Kirkpatrick describes another route through these hills; but, from all accounts, it is more difficult than any of the others.
The mountains of Tanahung were inhabited by the same races as Palpa, and nearly in the same proportions. Its southern division contained three towns, Yogimara, Upadrang, and Kavilas; the first of which is said to be large, and a military station of some importance, although I did not learn the t.i.tle of the officer commanding, nor the extent of his force.
The circ.u.mstance of the military station, however, strongly confirms the statement of Samar Bahadur, who alleges, that by these three towns is one of the easiest routes to Nepal, of which the following is a detail given by Sadhu Ram.
From Sivapur Ghat on the Gandaki, in the Company's territory, to Bhelongji in Nepal, the distance is 2 coses, very bad road, but large boats can go up the river. From Bhelongji to Benmohar the distance is 3 coses, the river having some rapids. Near Benmohar the Raputi joins the Gandaki or Narayani; and there is a road through a level country, partly cultivated, to Hethaura. From Benmohar to the Arung Dumohan the distance is 3 coses. At this place also are some rapids. From Arun Dumohan to Leraghat is a distance of 3 coses without rapids. From Leraghat to Dewghat are two days' journey, having the cultivated lands of Chitan to the right, and Nawalpur, the residence of a Subah, to the left. From Dewghat to Kavilas is one day's journey east through a hilly country, in some parts cultivated. Kavilas is a village near the Trisul Gangga, which is larger than the Narayani above Dewghat. From Kavilas to Upadrang is a day's journey through a hilly country. Upadrang is a town and military station, with the Trisulgangga one-quarter cose to the north. It must be observed, that Kanak Nidhi reverses the situation of the two last places; but Sadhu Ram's position is supported by Colonel Kirkpatrick. From Upadrang to Yogimara, or Yogimaya, is a day's journey east. Yogimara is a large village on a hill one-quarter cose south from the Trisulgangga. From Yogimara to Chitlang, in the lesser valley of Nepal, is two days' journey; and the road seems to pa.s.s through the valley, which Colonel Kirkpatrick calls Doona Baisi, and fully describes.
{184} From his account it would appear, that, from this valley, besides the route leading to Chitlong, there is another leading to Thankot in the greater valley of Nepal, and avoiding the difficult pa.s.sage of Chandangiri, which lies between Chitlong and Kathmandu. Samar Bahadur says, that on the whole route there is no great ascent; but the Brahman Prati Nidhi alleges, that the route is both circuitous and steep. At any rate, it has been stopt by the present government of Nepal.
In the western wing of Tanahung were the capital and Bandi, two places of some consequence. The two maps differ a good deal in the details of this princ.i.p.ality; nor do I know to which the preference should be given.
The mountains of Tanahung contained mines of iron, but no others.
It was said, by Samar Bahadur, that Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot, formerly belonged to Tanahung, and were given as an appanage to a younger brother, among whose descendants they were afterwards subdivided, and the three chiefs, to whom they belonged, are universally looked upon to be of the same family; but here a great difficulty occurs. The Tanahung family, as well as the Palpa branch, is very generally admitted to be descended of the Chitaur family, and to be of the highest and purest tribe on the hills, east of the river Kali; but these three petty chiefs wallow in all the ancient abominations of the mountaineers. That Samar Bahadur was mistaken, I see no reason to suppose; especially as these three chiefs were in league with his family, and as Rising seems to have belonged to his ancestor Makunda the 1st, who founded at the Dewghat, in that territory, a celebrated temple, where he died. I shall not take upon myself, however, to say, whether we are, from the circ.u.mstance, to infer, that the whole members of this family have no just claim to be descended from the Chitaur colony, but were impure mountaineers, who had this pedigree invented to flatter them, when they turned from their impure ways, and were induced to follow the Brahmans. It is possible, that the first chief of the Rising family, who obtained that country as an appanage, may have been of illegitimate birth, and that, his mother being impure, he may have been brought up in a hankering after the flesh-pots, from which it has been impossible to wean his descendants.
Rising, as I have said, was given by a Raja of Tanahung to a younger son.
The territory was always petty, and, according to Prati Nidhi, Dewghat seems to have been resumed by Tanahung; but Sadhu Ram alleges, that so long as the princ.i.p.ality of Rising continued independent, Dewghat was its port, and enjoyed some trade, which has been stopt by its present rulers.
The image of Siva, contained in the temple, is called Makundeswar, from the founder. There is a great a.s.sembly of votaries on the Sivaratri, and another on the Khichri. Some of this family are said to remain, but where, I have not heard. The country and its inhabitants do not differ materially from Palpa, but it contains no mines.
Ghiring and Gajarkot, which belonged to two collateral branches of Rising, were still more petty than that state, but did not differ in any other considerable respect.
SECTION III.
NEPAL PROPER.
Name.-History previous to the Conquest by the Gorkhalis.-Extent and Topography.-Population.-Buildings.-Revenue.-Trade.-Coins.-Weights.- Measures.-Agriculture.-Tenures.-Crown Lands.-Lands held for Service.-Charity Lands.-Tenants.-Implements.-Crops.-Manufactures.-Price of Labour.-Slaves.-Diet.
I must next proceed to describe Nepal Proper, which is bounded on the east, south, and south-west, by the territory above mentioned. I have to regret, that various restraints, by which my inquiries were checked, while at Kathmandu, prevented me from obtaining much information that I was anxious to procure. In particular, I obtained little or no information concerning the history of the princes who governed Nepal at the time of the conquest; except that the Newars had been long subject to a family of their own nation, all the members of which a.s.sumed the name of Mal, and, for some time previous to the conquest, had separated into three lords.h.i.+ps, Kathmandu or Kathmaro, Lalita Patan, and Bhatgang, which circ.u.mstance greatly facilitated the enterprise of the chief of Gorkha.
Nepal is a country celebrated in Hindu fable, and is said to be written thus in the Purans, attributed to Vyas; but in the country itself, it is commonly said, that its proper name is Niyampal, derived from a certain Niyam, a Muni, or very holy person, the Nymuni of Colonel Kirkpatrick.
{187a} This, however, is probably some modern conceit, as the Brahmans of both south and north agree in writing the name Nepala, or Nepal, and as the fables on which this etymology is built, as Colonel Kirkpatrick justly observes, {187b} merit no attention.
As I myself procured little or no historical account of Nepal Proper, previous to its conquest by the Raja of Gorkha, I might altogether refer on the subject to Colonel Kirkpatrick's account, contained in his eighth chapter; but for the sake of connection, and in order to communicate my opinions on the subject, I shall here give an abstract of Colonel Kirkpatrick's account, referring to his own work for particulars.
Colonel Kirkpatrick {187c} quotes books, which he calls Hurrumunt Khund and Ooter Khund, probably portions of the Sri Bhagwat, for copious details concerning Nepal, during the time that it continued one of the favourite haunts of the Hindu deities, that is, during the Satya Yug, or Golden age; nor have we any reason to regret, that, instead of detailing such idle fables, he has contented himself with a mere reference to this work. Afterwards he goes on to give a series of princes, who are said to have governed Nepal in subsequent ages, commencing with Niyam Muni, or as he writes Nymuni. In this part of his work Colonel Kirkpatrick quotes no authority; but, as he brings the lists down to the termination of the Newar dynasty in 1767, his authorities are probably quite modern, and, as he supports the doctrine of the Newars having come from Gar Samaran, which they deny, his authorities must be founded on the legends of the Brahmans, much of which probably may be inventions perfectly recent, but some foundation may have been taken from ancient works, mangled to suit them for modern systems of Hindu chronology.
However this may be, Niyam Muni and his eight descendants are said {188a} to have governed during the Treta and Dwapar Yugs, or the Silver and Brazen Ages, which, according to the present system, lasted for many hundred thousand years. The eight successors of Niyam Muni governed {188b} four hundred and ninety-one one-third years, which requires rather an unwarrantable stretch of faith to believe; but, even admitting this, what remains to Niyam Muni is altogether beyond measure. This, perhaps, is owing to the works originally consulted having been composed before the present system of chronology was invented. It is more to the purpose to observe, that these princes have Sangskrita names, and therefore probably came from the plains; and that, except Niyam and his immediate successor, all of them are called Gupt; which shows that they were of the cow-herd tribe.
This dynasty was deprived of power by Bhul Singh of the Rajput tribe, and descended of Mehip Gopal, who came from Semrounghur (Gar Samaran) and Jamnukpou, (Janakipur.) He and his two descendants both having Sangskrita names, governed a hundred and eleven seven-twelfth years. Gar Samaran, it must be observed, was not built for many ages after the time of this dynasty; but Bhul Singh may have come from Janakipur, which was in the vicinity of the place where Gar Samaran was afterwards built.
Whatever t.i.tle these princes may have a.s.sumed, there is no reason to suppose that they were of the ancient Kshatriyas, descended of the sun, who resided at Janakipur, and governed Mithila, as no such name as Mehip Gopal appears in any list of the princes of Mithila that I have seen.
Indeed, the t.i.tle Gopal rather implies, that, like the former dynasty, the descendants of Mehip belonged to the low tribe of cow-herds.
This dynasty, whatever may have been its origin, was expelled by the Kerrats, (Kiratas,) of whom 27 princes governed 1630 years. The names of these princes, as might be expected, from what I have said of the tribe Kirata, are entirely barbarous.
The barbarian Kiratas were expelled by Nevesit, a Chetree (Kshatriya) of the Surejbunsi (Suryabangsi) race, of whose descendants 33 princes governed 1702 years. These princes had Sangskrita names, although Colonel Kirkpatrick, {189a} speaking of one of them, who built the temple of Sambhunath, says, that they were Thibetians, who, after having been expelled by the Newars, obtained the name of Khat Bhotiyas, which they preserve to this day. Many of them took the t.i.tle of Burmah, {189b} on which account Colonel Kirkpatrick calls them Burmahs, probably meaning Varmas; and it is probable that these are the Varmas celebrated in the Purans, and had no connection with the Burmas of Ava, as Dr Leyden supposed. {189c} Both, indeed, were of the sect of Buddha, who are usually called Brahmas by the Hindus, and the word Burma, Burmah, or Birmah, is probably a corruption of that appellation.
The Ahirs, (Ahiras, another name for cow-herds,) who were originally the sovereigns of Nepal, then recovered their dominions, and three of them governed 175 years. These must have been descendants of Niyam Muni.
They have Sangskrita names, with the addition of Gupt, to mark their descent and tribe.
After these the Burmahs, descended of Nevesit, again recovered Nepal, and during 46 reigns governed 1869-1/6th years, which, by some error in the printing, or addition, is made 2869-1/12 years. Three sons of the last of these 46 princes governed successively, but the length of their reigns is not stated. One of them left a daughter, named Suttey Naik Deby, (probably Satya Nayeka Devi,) and married to Harrir Chander Deo, (probably Harihara Chandra Deva,) Raja of Banaras, by whom she had a daughter, Raj Letchmi, (Raya Lakshmi,) who was queen of Nepal.
This lady was succeeded by Hurr Singh Deo Raja of Semrour, (Hari Singha Deva of Samaran,) who introduced the Newars, and {190} expelled the Thibetians, now called Kath Bhotiyas, who since occupy chiefly the mountains near Kuti. This event happened in the Newar year 444, (A.D.
1323.)
The length of time allotted in the preceding account to these reigns is quite inadmissible, and on an average, I think, that more than ten years should not be allowed for each. According to this, we may form the following estimate.
Niyam and his eight descendants would govern 90 years, beginning A.D. 33, nearly about the time that Sakya introduced the doctrine of the Buddhas into these mountainous regions, and it was he who probably introduced Sangskrita names, and any considerable degree of civility among the mountain tribes. We know abundantly, that most of the successors of Niyam continued to adhere to the doctrine of Sakiya, as the Kiratas Burmahs and Newars occupy by far the greatest portion of the subsequent s.p.a.ce, and were no doubt of the sect of Bouddha.
The three descendants of Mehip Gopal would govern 30 years, beginning A.D. 173.
The Kiratas would govern 270 years, commencing A.D. 303.