An Account of The Kingdom of Nepal Part 17

I have already mentioned the manner in which Bahadur Sahi thus connected himself with the Palpa family, and the success that attended Damodar Pangre, the officer who was most judiciously employed, and who then held the office of Karyi. Except Palpa, and its share of the spoil, this officer speedily reduced the whole country from Gorkha to the boundary of the country called Garhawal, the capital of which is Srinagar. At the same time, the dominion of Gorkha was extended over the Sikim Bhotiyas of the east, as I have already mentioned; and several other chiefs of the Bhotiya nation towards the north were reduced to obedience.

So far the greatest success had attended the regent, when he was tempted to adopt a very rash measure. Sumur, a discontented brother of the Tishu Lamas from Degarchi, came to Nepal, and told the needy chief wonderful stories concerning the wealth of the convent, in which the Tishu Lama, spiritual guide of the Chinese Emperor, resided. Inflamed with a desire for plunder, and without having the slightest pretence or intercourse with that priest, a large body of Gorkhalis (it is said 7000) overcame all the obstructions of a long and very difficult route, and succeeded in carrying back a large booty, although closely pursued by a Chinese army, that came to the a.s.sistance of the Lama. This army having been greatly increased, about the time when Colonel Kirkpatrick visited Nepal, advanced to Dhayabung, and compelled the regent to submit to several indignities, although it had suffered severely from the climate, and the poverty of the country. For the particulars, however, I may refer to the Account of Colonel Kirkpatrick, {248a} and of Captain Turner, {248b} whose opportunities of acquiring information were superior to mine. So far as I can learn, the people of Gorkha were very much discontented with the regent for submitting to the indignities which the Chinese demanded; and they seem to have thought, that the invading army had been reduced to a situation rather to offer than demand submission. The submission was, however, not impolitic; for I believe, that the tribute agreed upon has never even been demanded, much less expected, and the Gorkhalis are in the habit of saying, that, should they have any dispute with the English, their only formidable neighbour, they will claim the protection of the Chinese, with whose influence over the Company they seem to be much better acquainted than one would have expected. The Chinese general consented to move back on receiving a supply of grain for his army, and fifty virgins as an homage for his sovereign; but no stipulation was made for the restoration of the plunder of Degarchi. It was given out at Kathmandu, that the virgins threw themselves from the precipices on the route, and perished rather than submit to the embraces of infidels defiled by every impure food: but I have since learned, that their sense of honour did not carry them to such lengths, and that the Chinese placed them in a convent near the frontier. The people of Thibet procured no satisfaction for the injury, and Chinese garrisons having been placed through their country, they have become more subject than ever to that empire, and most of their petty chiefs have been put to death or banished, while the Chinese have since extended their conquests still farther west. The dominions of Nepal are therefore the only thing that separates them from the British power, and saves them from political discussions, managed free from the control of their own forms, and from exposing to their officers and people the view of a nation far their superior in power.

It is alleged, that at length the regent's ambition overcame his sense of duty, and that he intended to keep his nephew in confinement, and seize the government. The people of Palpa allege, that he had secured the a.s.sistance of his brother-in-law Mahadatta Sen. Certain it is, that he was suddenly dispossessed of power by his nephew, and died in confinement, some say by the Raja's own hand, while others a.s.sert that he was starved to death.

Bahadur Sahi, although a prince of great vigour, is supposed to have been uncommonly superst.i.tious; yet from some anecdotes related by Colonel Kirkpatrick, {250} it would appear, that he was very capable of evading with skill the performance of troublesome ceremonies, and that he could speak on religion with the popish missionaries without harshness, but with a considerable quickness of repartee. His superst.i.tion was probably, therefore, of that nature which is usually a.s.sumed by princes placed in difficult situations.

Rana Bahadur received little or no education from his guardians, but was allowed to indulge in every vice, surrounded by minions and young profligates of the court. These not only a.s.sisted him in the pursuit of low vices, but encouraged his natural propensity to cruel diversions. He had no sooner secured his rights to the throne, and a.s.sumed the power of the state, than he showed the restless ambition of his family by an attack on the Yumila Raja, whom all the mountain chiefs acknowledged as their liege lord. The Yumila chief, although he had been thrown off his guard by all manner of professions, having an extensive territory, made a stout resistance, but was finally compelled to seek refuge in the country of the Vazir.

Rana Bahadur had married a daughter of the Gulmi Raja, to whom he showed some favour, compelling the Raja of Palpa to give up to that chief several estates, of which he had been stript by Mahadatta Sen; but, perhaps being disgusted by his wife's having no children, he soon neglected that virtuous and high-minded lady, and very openly cohabited with other women. He first had a son by a common slave girl, and then one by the daughter of a Brahman. This gave great offence to the sacred order, but the ungovernable fury of the Raja's temper hushed all complaints. As a means of disturbing him, however, the skilful in astrology (Jyotish) published a prophecy, foretelling that the Raja would not long survive his beauteous favourite of the sacred order, who would soon be seized with a disease. As the latter circ.u.mstance happened, the Raja, who, like other Hindus, had no doubt in the science, was in the utmost consternation. Some of the learned took immediate advantage, and informed him, that, by certain ceremonies performed before a certain image, his favourite might be restored to health. The Raja, caught by this device, advanced what was held to be a very large sum, it is said 100,000 rupees; but without effect, for his favourite died in a few days.

The Raja's ungovernable temper now fully disclosed itself. He not only scourged the Brahmans to make them disgorge his money, but he took the image, and, grinding it to pieces with excrement, threw the fragments into a river. His fears, however, were not abated, and the people, disgusted and terrified at his violence, were ripe for change. It was judiciously suggested to him, that, as he could not expect to survive long, he should endeavour to secure the government to the son of his favourite, by placing him immediately on the throne, (Gadi,) and by making all ranks take the oaths of fidelity to the child. The Raja approved entirely of this measure, and determined to end his days at Banaras, and thus to secure a place in heaven. Every step, however, was taken to secure the young Raja's authority. The Raja of Palpa was invited to place the mark of royalty (Tika) on his forehead, and some of the conquered chiefs, I believe chiefly those descended of Khancha and Mincha, were induced to be present, and promised an annual pension, on condition of their acknowledging the legitimacy of their illegitimate kinsman: and so much weight has been attached to this acknowledgment, that the pensions, I am told, are still continued.

Before all these ceremonies had been performed, much time had elapsed.

Although, therefore, every preparation had been made for the Raja's departure for Banaras, and although he had conferred the regency on his surviving favourite the slave girl, his wife having refused to accept of the office, and having insisted on accompanying her lord, Rana Bahadur, no longer called Raja but Swami, finding himself very well, seems to have repented of what he had rashly done, and suspecting some trick, was inclined to resume the government. Both people and chiefs were, however, in general averse to this measure, as the violence of his temper was universally feared. The chiefs, therefore, under the direction of Damodar Pangre, informed him, that they, having sworn obedience to the young Raja, would support his government. The Raja fortified himself in the town of Lalita Patan, near the capital, and most of the eastern provinces were disposed to support his authority; but Damodar had shown such prudence and mildness, when he conquered the west, that the people of that quarter were determined to adhere to his cause. Sadhu Ram alleges, that on this occasion, in the country between Gorkha Proper and Garhawal, including Palpa, in the strictest friends.h.i.+p with Damodar, 17,000 men of the sacred order, and an equal number of the military tribes, were ready to support this officer. After some skirmis.h.i.+ng, Damodar's party being evidently the strongest, Rana Bahadur retired privately to Banaras with the character of insanity but, except in an ungovernable ferocity and cruelty of temper, and in a credulity, evidently the fault of education, he seems to have been abundantly judicious, and in fact finally overreached all his adversaries.

Rana Bahadur having incurred a considerable debt to the British Government, which supplied his wants at Banaras, a treaty was entered into for a gradual repayment, and for the residence of a British officer at Kathmandu; and Captain Knox, with whom I went, entered their territory in February 1802. We had been there only a few days, when the officers, who came to meet us, and who were very friendly disposed, were thrown into great trouble by the arrival of the princess, Rana Bahadur's wife.

The unprincipled chief had connected himself with one of these frail but pure beauties, (Gandharbin,) with which the holy city abounds, had stript his wife of her jewels to bestow them on this wanton companion, and finally had turned his wife out of doors. As the slave regent had the meanness to seize on the income of the town, a.s.signed for the princess's dowry, the poor lady was reduced to the utmost distress, and conceived that we were her enemies, being on an emba.s.sy to the low woman, by whom she had been so shamefully used. She therefore stirred up to destroy us a certain Masan Raut, who had under him many thieves and robbers, with whom he plundered the borders. We received, however, timely notice, and our guard being all night under arms, no attempt was made, although the sentries saw hovering round parties of men, who, no doubt, had come in the expectation of finding some unguarded part.

As might have been expected, under such circ.u.mstances, the slave girl's regency had been from the first marked with weakness. The two most powerful chiefs then in Nepal were Brahma Sahi of the royal family, and Damodar of the house called Pangre, which, ever since the conquest, has been the most powerful family among the Gorkhalis. Damodar had strengthened his influence by the marriage of his sister into the distinguished family of the Viswanaths, and had procured the command of most of the fortresses, which he intrusted to the care of his own dependants. The eldest of his nephews, of the Viswanath family, was then a fine young man named Kritimohun. Him the regent appointed Karyi, and in his abilities reposed the highest confidence, which was supposed to have been increased by her regard for his person. Far from supporting his uncle, this rash young man removed all the adherents of the Pangre family from the command of the fortresses, and gave them in charge to dependants of his own, and of Rudravir his illegitimate brother. In the meanwhile, envy raised against him many enemies, and he was a.s.sa.s.sinated by persons of a rank too elevated to be publicly mentioned. Among these was Sri Krishna Sahi, one of the legitimate princes of the royal family, who was compelled to fly into the Company's territory; but the princ.i.p.al odium and suspicion fell on Damodar Pangre, the young minister's uncle.

As the regent never liked this chief, the circ.u.mstance was made a pretence for attempting his ruin, and for the elevation of Brahma Sahi to the princ.i.p.al authority in the government. This personage having joined with two brothers of the Viswanath family, and with Sher Bahadur, illegitimate brother of Rana Bahadur, seized on the two sons of Damodar Pangre; but the old man could not be touched; he was too much versed in affairs, and was too strongly supported by his friends, and especially by two warlike brothers. With these he retired from court; and when Captain Knox approached the frontier, in the beginning of 1802, was living in sullen retirement. At this time an apparent reconciliation took place between Brahma Sahi and Damodar Pangre; both came to receive the English emba.s.sy; and the sons of Damodar were liberated. The probable cause of this reconciliation was the elevation of a low man to the princ.i.p.al confidence of the regent, while the charge of her conscience and heart was in possession of a young Sannyasi or religious mendicant, one of the finest formed men that I have ever seen. Both circ.u.mstances gave offence to the people.

On our arrival in the valley of Nepal, in April, we found a young illegitimate Raja, about six years of age, whose nominal chief minister, Chautariya, was an illegitimate brother, two years older than himself, and son of the regent slave girl, who had in fact given the whole power to a very low person, which occasioned universal disgust. Damodar Pangre, who had met us on the frontier, did not accompany us to the court, for what reason I do not exactly know; but it is probable that he scorned the low favourite, who had been raised to the chief authority in the kingdom. The only man of weight at the court was in fact Brahma Sahi, descended of the royal family; but whether or not legitimate, I cannot say. He was, however, highly respected by the people, and has fewer of the vices of his family than usual, with much good sense and moderation.

Soon after our arrival we learned, that the distressed princess, spouse of Rana Bahadur, terrified at the thought of remaining in the unhealthy forests during the rainy season, deprived of means to support her in the Company's territory, and probably encouraged by Damodar Pangre, intended to come up to Nepal without leave; for the regent could not bear the approach of her former mistress, and yet would not give her the stipulated dower. People were therefore sent, who brought up all the male attendants of the princess in irons; and it was hoped, I believe, that she would perish in the woods. Necessity, however, added boldness to her measures, and she advanced with ten or twelve female attendants to Chisapani, a fortress commanding the entrance into Nepal. It was evident, however, that the commiseration of the people was daily gaining strength, and the timidity of the regent gave daily an increase of power to the princess. An additional company of Seapoys was sent to Chisapani, as if soldiers were the proper persons to stop the progress of a few helpless women. The officer commanding had received positive orders to refuse the princess admittance; but he contented himself by executing merely the letter of his orders. He took in all his garrison, shut the gates, and allowed the lady and her attendants to walk quietly round the walls. Much anxiety was now evident at the capital, and another company of Seapoys was dispatched to Chitlang, with positive orders to prevent the princess from advancing farther; and, if the arrears of dower had accompanied the officer, I do not believe that she would have made any attempt; but the sordid dispositions of the regent and her favourite did not suffer them to part with money. The officer commanding the company met the poor princess and her attendants on the road, and, being a man of true honour, with a good deal of difficulty mustered courage to disclose his orders. When he had done so, the high-born lady, unmoved by fear, pulled out a dagger, and saying, will you presume to oppose the lawful wife of a Gorkhali Raja, while going to her own estate? she struck him on the arm; on which, although wounded, he immediately retired, quite ashamed of the service on which he had been employed; and his men required no orders to follow his example. The princess that morning entered the valley of Nepal, and halted about five miles from the capital. No sooner was this known than she was joined by Damodar Pangre, and all ranks flocked to pay their respects, and among them all the officers of government, except the low favourite, who immediately fled towards Thibet.

The regent, thus deserted, retired with the Raja and her son to the sanctuary of a temple, taking with her all the money in the treasury and the jewels of the crown. Next day the princess entered the capital, and, after a short negotiation, took upon herself the regency, and settled on her base-born rival an income, which, had she received, she would never have given any trouble. In the whole transaction, indeed, she showed great magnanimity; and the only stain on her character, so far as I know, during so difficult a scene, was her conduct to the wife of the low man, whom the late regent had elevated to the office of Serdar. This unfortunate woman was put to the torture, to make her disclose where her husband had concealed his treasure; but, I believe, the treasure was imaginary, and the report of his having acc.u.mulated wealth arose, I imagine, in base minds, envious of his sudden rise, and anxious to gratify their envy by misrepresentations to the princess regent. The man, indeed, bore on the whole a good character; and the meanness of his birth and education, with some low conduct, arising more from these misfortunes than from any inclination to evil, are the only things for which I ever heard him blamed.

The new regent placed in her chief confidence Damodar Pangre, the officer in the country of by far the highest reputation; and although she consulted him chiefly, she expressed great anxiety for her husband's return. She also showed the utmost jealousy of the British emba.s.sy as likely to interfere with that event; and in the end of March 1802 we left the capital. It was probably at the instigation of Damodar, that the Palpa Raja, as I have mentioned, was allowed to return home. Whether or not these chiefs had entered into any conspiracy, as has been hinted, I do not know; but it is generally believed, that Damodar, so far as he was able, opposed the return of Rana Bahadur, which certainly was neither desirable for Nepal nor its neighbours. The natives in general believe, that he wrote a letter to a gentleman of rank at Banaras, requesting his influence to keep Rana Bahadur at that city; and that this letter, by the treachery or mistaken policy of the gentleman, came into the hands of this ferocious chief. He instantly departed by post, and was in the dominions of Nepal before any one suspected that he had left Banaras. He was cordially received by his faithful wife, although he did not fail to send to Banaras for the wanton beauty, by whom he had been there captivated, and who must have cost him great sums, if we can judge from the style in which she now lives at Banaras, to which she returned on his death.

On his approach to the capital, Rana Bahadur was met by Damodar Pangre, at the head of a large body of armed men. This certainly had an alarming appearance, and the intention of a man so prudent and reserved as Damodar must always remain uncertain; but the prince, supported by the advice of Bhim Sen, a young attendant, showed no sign of fear, and called aloud to the officers and men, "Now show whether you will have me or Damodar for your lord?" on which the whole joined him, and the gallant veteran, and his eldest son, were bound.

Rana Bahadur contented himself with the t.i.tle of Swami or Lord, and, finding that the oath of fidelity had still a considerable influence among the troops, acted merely as regent for his son; but, in action, he never hesitated to a.s.sume the full power of the prince. Soon after, having shown the letter to Damodar, he delivered him and his son to the public executioner. As leading to the place, the young man proposed resistance, and a sudden attempt might have put them in possession of arms, which, with their known courage, and the veneration for their character, where no higher authority was present, might have overcome the guard. The old general, however, recommended submission, lest their attempt might have proven totally fatal to their house. He appears to have here also acted with his usual judgment; as his only surviving son was spared by Rana Bahadur, when treacherously delivered up by the Palpa Raja, as I have above mentioned; and the young man, I believe, now holds the office of one of the Karyis, the whole soldiery viewing the family with affection, and considering it ent.i.tled to have one of its members always in possession of that dignity.

Immediately after this, Rana Bahadur determined to enlarge his dominions, and with that view entrusted Bara Amar Singha with a large force. This officer Rana Bahadur, when he arrived from Banaras, found in confinement, in which he had been placed by his old commander, Damodar Pangre, and, on this account, he was justly considered as more faithful to the prince.

He rapidly seized on Garhawal, and extended the power of Gorkha beyond the Yamuna; where, had it not been checked by Ranjit Singha, the Sikh chieftain, it would soon have extended to the boundary of Kasmira.

I have already mentioned the arts by which Rana Bahadur inveigled Prithwi Pal, and the chief officers of that prince, into his power; in which he showed no symptoms of insanity, unless a shameless perfidy be considered as such. His career, however, was then near a close. Most of the chief officers were disgusted, and kept in constant terror by the remembrance of Damodar Pangre's fate, with whom most of them had been intimately connected; and each daily expected, that this connection might be made a pretence for his ruin; for the regent or lord consulted only a young man named Bhim Sen, vigorous, ambitious, and unprincipled as himself. A conspiracy is said to have been formed with a view of placing the Palpa Raja at the head of affairs; and Sher Bahadur, an illegitimate brother of the regent, who long had held the high office of Chautariya, is supposed to have been concerned. In order to remove his brother from such dangerous enterprises, the regent ordered him to join the army in the field, but he declined. The regent was then very angry; and, while in full court, sent for his brother, with orders to bring him by force if he declined. Sher Bahadur followed the messengers into the court, and being asked, if he would join the army, declined by saying, we are sons of the same father, go you and I will follow. What may be exactly meant by this phrase in an ambiguous language, I cannot say; certainly, however, it so enraged Rana, that he ordered his brother for execution; but, while no one was aware, the brother drew his sword, and gave the regent a mortal blow. He was instantly put to death by Bhim Sen, into whose hands the regent, before he expired, delivered his son, the Raja, and commanded all persons to obey his authority.

When the Raja expired, Bhim Sen immediately retired to another room, commanding a view of the court, in which the guard was a.s.sembled, and, having addressed the soldiers, and received a promise of their support, he immediately surrounded the hall, in which the court was a.s.sembled, and put to death all the most active persons, under pretence, at least, of the conspiracy, and there is reason to suspect, that what he alleged was not dest.i.tute of foundation. On this occasion, Bidur Sahi, an illegitimate son of the royal family, then one of the Chautariyas, Narasingha Karyi, Tribhuvan Karyi, and about fifty military officers, were killed. On the same day he put to death the Palpa Raja, and his chief officers, as has been already mentioned; and his father, Amar Singha, immediately seized on the dominions of that chief. Some variations are told in the circ.u.mstances of this event, but the above I consider as the best authenticated.

Rana Bahadur, although he could not treat his wife with kindness, nor even decency, does not seem to have been altogether unmoved by her n.o.ble conduct; and, after his return from Banaras, had enlarged her father's dominions. Fortunately for Bhim Sen, the high-spirited lady accompanied the body of her faithless husband on the funeral pile and freed the new regent from her presence, which might have been very troublesome. For his subsequent conduct in seizing on her father's petty states, which was done when he seized Palpa, it will be difficult to account, except on the principle of insatiable rapacity. The tragedies of his first day's government of course stopped all observations on his conduct. Disliking to have at the capital a person so venerable, and of such high rank as Brahma Sahi, he induced that chief to accept the government of k.u.mau or Almora, the most honourable in the kingdom, and augmented in dignity by the new t.i.tle of Raja Brahma Sahi, exempt from ambition, and knowing from his character that he was safe from danger, accepted the office as more suited to his great years, than the dangerous intrigues of Kathmandu.

The remote government of Saliyana is occupied by his brother Rudravir, but the youngest brother Hasthadal, and all his legitimate male issue, are held at Kathmandu, no doubt as hostages; for all the family is suspected not only of disaffection, but of being too friendly to the English. Hasthadal, however, is now one of the Chautariyas. The command of the army in the west has been continued to Bara Amar Singha, whose birth gives him no pretension to raise disturbances; but who has good abilities, and there is reason to believe is firmly attached to the present ruler. Bhim Sen, himself, now in the vigour of youth, and of the most determined courage, has probably very ambitious views. Whether or not he may think these promoted by his disputes with the English, I do not know; but the Raja approaches manhood, and the objections to his succession are very numerous, while the disputes with the English have been a pretence for a.s.sembling a very large force, (twenty-five companies under the son, and thirteen companies under the father,) and for thus attaching to his family a very large proportion of the army. The army in the west is under the command of Bara Amar Singha, father of Ranadhwar, the chief confidant and coadjutor of the young minister.

From the following genealogical table of the legitimate descendants of Narabhupal or Nribhupal, composed in spring 1803, it will appear, that the line of Prithwi Narayan ended in Rana Bahadur; nor do I know what has since become of the other branches of the family. They were in obscurity when the table was composed, and their condition since has probably in no way been altered, at least for the better; and at any rate, they are distant relations to Rana Bahadur, nor are they descended from Prithwi Narayan, the favourite hero of the nation. Every male of the family, legitimate or not, takes the t.i.tle of Sa, Sahi, or Saha, which is always used in conversation and writing, but need not be repeated in the table.

[Picture: Genealogical Table]

There was another family, which contained six petty chiefs, Gulmi, Khachi, Argha, Musikot, Dhurkot, and Isma; all of whom, except Musikot, had adopted the rules of purity, and took the t.i.tle of Sahi, or Saha, like the chiefs of Gorkha; but it is not alleged, that the two families had any connection, except by marriage, and two of the branches of the family, of which I am now giving an account, Gulmi and Musikot, called themselves Kala Makwani, although no one knows from whence they came, nor the origin of the appellation. The Rajas of Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, followed Palpa in war; Dhurkot stood independent; and Isma and Musikot followed Piuthana.

It is probable, that Gulmi was the original seat of the family, as Khachi and Argha are acknowledged to be collateral branches; but with the claims of the other three chiefs I am not acquainted. Gulmi, the capital of the state so named, is situated on a hill, the ascent of which is said to be three miles in length. The castle is built of bricks, and covered with tiles. The town contained 500 houses, mostly thatched. There is no water within a quarter of a mile of the town. A part of the great mart, called Rerighat, mentioned in the account of Palpa, belonged to the chief of Gulmi. His territory contains mines of zinc, (dasta,) cinnabar, (sabita,) and copper, of which one is on a hill, called Chandrakot, and another on Arakul Pahar, near the former. These mines would appear to be valuable. The allied chiefs of Palpa, Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, as I have mentioned, about the beginning of the eighteenth century, destroyed the Magar chief of Balihang, and divided among themselves his dominions, both on the hills and plains. The division seems to have given rise to sundry bickerings. The capital, which was situated on a hill near the plains, and fortified, fell to the share of Palpa; but Gulmi and Khachi received a large share of the plains. Makunda Sen of Palpa, about the middle of the last century, contrived to seize on Gulmi, by the intrigues of a Brahman, named Kanak Nidhi, who gives me the account, and he delivered the fortress to an officer of his master's, named Kirtibamb Thapa; but that person very soon restored the place to its lawful owner.

I have already mentioned the base manner in which Mahadatta of Palpa joined with his son-in-law, Bahadur Sahi of Gorkha, and how he obtained Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, as the dear bought fruit of his perfidy.

These, however, he was allowed to possess, so long as he lived. Siva Saha, the dethroned chief of Gulmi, retired to Ramnagar, where he found refuge with the exiled chief of Tanahung, and while there, gave his grand-daughter in marriage to Rana Bahadur, the young Raja of Gorkha and Nepal, who no sooner obtained the government, than he compelled Prithwi Pal to restore the hills of Gulmi to his wife's father; and when he returned from Banaras, and had secured Prithwi Pal in confinement, the original possessions of the Gulmi family were augmented by the whole of the hills of Balihang; but this flouris.h.i.+ng state lasted only for a few weeks, as, on the death of Rana and his high-minded spouse, all her father's possessions were seized by the rapacious Bhim Sen, who now governs Nepal. Sidhi Pratap, the chief of Gulmi, is supposed to be still in the mountains; but others allege, that he has died without issue. He is supposed to have been about the thirtieth chief of his race.

In Gulmi and Balihang one-half of the people are Khasiyas, one-eighth Brahmans, of whom many are of pure birth, (Upadhyayas,) and few illegitimate, (Jausi.) The remainder of the population consists of impure tribes of cultivators and artificers.

The princ.i.p.al crop in these hills is the rice, which is reaped in the beginning of winter, (Aghani.)

The chief of Khachi, a younger branch of Gulmi, profited much by the spoils of Balihang, and had a fine territory on the plain adjacent to his hills. In the latter were no mines, except one of iron; but at the foot of the hills was a considerable mart, called Barakadwar, the trade of which, however, has been almost totally forced to Butaul, since the chief of Gorkha has seized on both countries. It is said, that there is a still more important pa.s.s, called Khor, four coses east from Barakadwar.

This is said to be the easiest of all the ascents to the mountains, and leads to the town of Khachi, from whence there are routes in many directions leading to places at a great distance, without any very difficult ascent or descent. The town of Khachi, which was the capital, stands on a hill plentifully supplied with water. The town contained about 300 houses, mostly thatched; that of the chief was built of brick.

The Raja's share of the land revenue on the hills, besides the lands for supplying the officers and soldiers, amounted to 4000 rupees a-year, and from the plain he annually procured from 500 to 1500 rupees, according as the cultivators were discontented or satisfied. Some of the officers had lands free of rent on the plains; but, as usual among the mountaineers, the whole revenue from the plain went to the chief. On the hills of this state 5-16ths of the people were Khasiyas, Brahmans and Rajputs 3-16ths, and low cultivators and artisans 8-16ths. The last Raja's name was Durgar Sahi, who was expelled by Mahadatta of Palpa, as already mentioned. I have not heard of his subsequent fate.

Argha belonged also to a collateral branch of Gulmi, which is supposed by some to have become extinct; but others allege, that the son of the last chief is now in Nepal. It had a small territory on the plain, bestowed by Makunda Sen in consequence of a marriage; but both hill and plain were seized by his son, as I have mentioned. Argha, the capital, is on a hill, four coses in ascent, on the summit of which, round the chief's castle, are about 150 houses, while there are 350 about the middle of the ascent. The houses have mud walls and thatched roofs. Water is plenty at the lower town, but is a quarter of a mile distant from the upper.

The hills possessed no mines, nor any considerable mart. The Raja's share of the land rent amounted to about 4000 rupees a-year, and the whole of his territory might contain 5000 houses. Not above 100 of these belonged to Brahmans, and the number of Rajputs was quite trifling. One half of the people were Khasiyas, the other half impure cultivators and tradesmen.

Concerning Dhurkot I learned nothing but what has been already mentioned, and that its chief had one iron mine. It was rendered subject to Gorkha by Damodar Pangre.

Musikot was the residence of the chief of this name, who had a brick-house on a hill close to the Barigar river, and, unlike the other chiefs of his race, rejected the pure doctrines of the Brahmans. The house of the chief was surrounded by 400 houses of his subjects, mostly thatched. He had no possessions on the plain, and his whole territory might contain 3000 houses, of which 5-16ths were occupied by Rajputs, 1-16th by Brahmans, mostly of spurious birth, (Jausis,) 4-16ths by Khasiyas, and 6-16ths by impure cultivators and tradesmen. Most of the Rajputs were of the Raja's family, a circ.u.mstance uncommon on the hills, where the governing families seem seldom to have propagated to nearly such an extent, and were often rather weak. The Raja's share of the landed revenue was estimated at 2000 rupees a-year. There was no great mart, but near the Barigar there is a mine of copper. The great crop here, also, is winter rice. When Damodar Pangre seized the country, the chief and many of his family went to Kathmandu, where a great part has obtained service.

Isma, the last chief of this family, resided at a fortress of the same name, situated on a lofty hill, of very difficult access, three coses in ascent. Horses could not ascend more than half way, where there were about 250 houses. Round the castle, on the summit, were 50 or 60. These houses are thatched huts, with walls of stone or planks. On the hill are several springs of water. The Raja had no possessions on the plain, and his subjects might amount to 2500 houses, from whom his share of the rent might amount to 2000 rupees. One half of his subjects were Khasiyas, 1-8th pure Brahmans, (Upadhyayas,) 1-16th b.a.s.t.a.r.d Brahmans, (Jausis,) 1-16th Rajputs, and 1-4th low cultivators and tradesmen. The country contained neither mines nor marts. It must, however, be observed, that both in this country and in Musikot, Corundum (Kusan) is found in detached ma.s.ses, either on the surface or mixed with the soil. Some of it is bluish like lead, and some is of a copper colour. The pieces seldom exceed 4lbs. or 5 lbs. in weight. It affords no revenue. The chiefs of this family waged a constant war with their kinsman of Musikot, and the twenty-third or twenty-fourth of them married a daughter of Makunda Sen of Palpa, so that Mahadatta leagued with the chief of Gorkha to destroy his nephew.

The Raja of Piuthana, among these petty chiefs, was a person of some consequence, and was followed in war by Isma and Musikot, two chiefs of the last mentioned family. He was also followed by the chiefs of Khungri and Bhingri, whose countries were surrounded by Piuthana; and I think, that in all probability these two belonged to the Chaubisiyas, although they are not mentioned in Kanak Nidhi's list; and I must confess, that the latter I have heard arranged with the twenty-two Rajas. All that I learned concerning these chiefs is, that they were of the same family, followed Piuthana in war, and were very petty. The situation of their countries will be seen in the maps.

Piuthana had no mines of value, but it possessed a considerable tract on the plain, and paid the revenue of this through the Raja of Bangsi, after Mahadatta of Palpa had been freed from that va.s.salage by the Nawab Vazir.

This territory on the plain, called Siwaraj, is, therefore, claimed by the Bangsi family; but is in possession of the Raja of Gorkha. The chief of Piuthana pretends to be a Chandel Rajput, nor had his family subdivided into different branches. The town, from whence he derived his t.i.tle, is situated on a hill, the ascent to which is two coses in length.

Round their chief's house, which was built of brick after the fas.h.i.+on of Kathmandu, were about 400 houses, mostly mud-walled huts with thatched roofs. The Jimri, called Rapti in the low country, pa.s.ses on its south side. The whole territory on the hills and plains contained about 2500 houses, of whom 5-16ths were Khasiyas, 3-16ths Brahmans, one-half low cultivators and tradesmen. There were a very few Rajputs and Newars.

Manik Chandra possessed this country in quiet, and was succeeded by Mati Chandra, who retired without a struggle, when attacked by Damodar Pangre.

Rudra Chandra, his son, now resides at Ramnagar with the Tanahung Raja, for the people of Gorkha seized on Siwaraj, when they took possession of Piuthana, although it then belonged to the Nawab Vazir, and should now form a part of the Gorakhpur district. They at first cajoled the Bangsi Rajah, promising to pay more than the chief of Piuthana had done; but, after the first year, he got nothing. The present representative of the family, in 1814, was about twenty-eight years of age, and is supposed to be the twenty-fifth chief of his race. If so, his pretence to be a Chandel is probably ill-founded, as no true Rajputs are said to have settled so early in these hills.

Poin was a very petty chief, who followed in war the impure chief of Bhirkot, but was himself pure, and called himself a Sirnet, saying that he came from the mountains south-west from the Yamuna. Poin is situated on a high hill, where much snow falls, and there is intense cold. At this capital were only 120 houses, and the whole in the territory amounted to only 2000; but there were iron and copper mines in the country, and the Raja, for his share of the revenue, had 4000 rupees a year.

In the list of the twenty-four Rajas given by Kanak Nidhi, a Tarki Raja is mentioned; but I heard no account of any such person, nor does any such place appear in the maps. In place of Tarki I suspect, therefore, we must introduce the very petty chief of Malihang, usually called the Sat Bisi, or seven-score Raja, because his revenue amounted to 140 rupees a year; a poverty which renders St Marino an empire.

There remain two countries, Maleb.u.m or Malebamba, and Galkot, which, by all the authorities that I consulted, were included among the Chaubisiya or twenty-four Rajas, and, therefore, I shall treat of them here, although I suspect an inaccuracy. It is said, that there was a certain impure chief of the Jariya tribe, who had very extensive dominions. The daughter and heiress of this chief married a Gautamiya Brahman, and by him had twenty-two sons, each of whom obtained a share of his grandfather's dominions, and among these, besides Maleb.u.m and Galkot, are the northern Musikot, Jajarkot, Jahri, Bangphi, Rugun, and Salyana, all reckoned in a cla.s.s called the Baisi or twenty-two Rajas. I have not been able to procure a complete list of these chiefs, some of whose dominions extend farther north than the knowledge of my informants; but I think, that the above mentioned circ.u.mstance of the twenty-two descendants of a common origin must have given rise to the cla.s.sification, and that Maleb.u.m and Galkot in fact belong to the Baisi, thus making room for Khungri and Bhingri in the Chaubisiyas, among whom they are placed in the maps. The same conclusion may be drawn from a circ.u.mstance stated of Nag Bamba of Maleb.u.m; who is said in his wars to have led twenty-two chiefs to battle.

The Brahman common ancestor of this family settled first at Takam, where his father-in-law probably resided, and this place is in Maleb.u.m, or Parbat, as the country is often called, on account of the immense mountains that it contains. This division of the grandfather's estate was always by far the most powerful, and was probably the share of the eldest son. The Brahman was named Dimba Ray, which savours rather of a barbarous race. On his marriage he called himself a Samal Rajput, and all his descendants have imitated his example, although, according to the custom of the country, they should be reckoned Khasiyas, being descended of a Brahman father and impure mother. I have never before, nor any where else, heard of a Gautamiya Brahman; and the Gautamiya tribe of the plains is a spurious branch of the Gautama Rajputs, formerly very powerful near Allahabad; and I suspect that Dimba Ray belonged to this race.

Some generations after the fortunate marriage of this chief, the seat of government was removed from Takam to Dhoral Thana, usually called Maleb.u.m, and situated at the junction (Beni) of the Mayangdi, Mehagdi of Kirkpatrick, with the Narayani. On this account the town is often called Beni Shahar or Beniji, while Dhoral is the name of the castle by which it is commanded; Maleb.u.m is a term applicable to both. Nag Bamba was then Raja, and he was a person eminent for strength and courage. A prize-fighter (Mal) from Dilli, who had previously overcome all those in three princ.i.p.alities that dared to engage him, was conquered by Nag Bamba, on which occasion the king (Padshah) sent him the t.i.tle of Nag Bamba Mal. This chief and his allies had afterwards a long continued war with his sovereign lord, the Raja of Yumila, who wished to possess himself of Thenikot.

Long after this Raja Male Bamba Mal communicated his name to the princ.i.p.ality. His son was Saha Bamba Mal, who was succeeded by his son Kirti Bamba, reckoned the sixtieth in descent from Dimba, but more probably from the first of the barbarian race from whom Dimba procured the country. The government of Kirti Bamba gave great dissatisfaction to his officers, who wished to dethrone him, and to place in his stead his own son Nrisingha Mal, then a child. This gave Bahadur Saha an opportunity of conquering the country with little difficulty. The Raja with his son retired to Balirampur, in the dominions of the Nawab Vazir, where the father shortly died, and the son, unable to suffer the heat, retired to the hills, and lives near Bhirkot on a small allowance from the Raja of Nepal.

Parbat or Maleb.u.m is a very elevated cold country, one-fourth of the whole being occupied by mountains covered with perpetual snow. It contains the remarkable hot springs of Muktanath, with mines of sulphur, cinnabar, iron, and copper, and some allege of zinc, (Dasta,) although by others this is denied. The mines of copper are said to be twenty-five in number, and produce a great revenue, besides what is used in the country and Thibet, sending large quant.i.ties to the plains of India. It also has three mines of Abrac or mica, and several places abound in rock crystal, (Phatik.) The crystals are said to be sometimes found as thick as a man's thigh, but their usual size is five or six inches in length. Gold also is found in the sands of several rivers, especially in the Krishna Gandaki or Narayani, the Bakhugar or Bathugar, the Modi, and the Mayangdi.

The upper part of the river, which in the plains of India is called the Gandaki, is called Kali, and, rising near a place called Damodur kund, runs through the territories of a Bhotiya chief, called the Mastang Raja, who is, or at least when I saw him in 1802, was tributary to Gorkha; but there is reason to think, that since that time the Chinese have compelled the Raja of Gorkha to cede both Mastang and Kerung. On pa.s.sing the highest peaks of Emodus, the Kali enters Maleb.u.m, and receives from the east a small stream called the Narayani, which rises near the perennial snow from the warm sources of Muktanath, a very celebrated place of pilgrimage. The usual love of fable multiplies the number of these sources to 1000; but Sadhu Ram, who has visited the place, reduces the number to seven, and the most remarkable is the Agnikund or spring of fire, which is in a temple. The spring is not remarkably copious, but is perennial, and issues from among stones, accompanied by a flame, which rises a few inches. The water falls immediately into a well (Kund) or cistern, which is about two feet wide. On the whole, so far as I can understand the description, it entirely resembles the Sitakunda near Chitagang, that is, the water has no connexion with a subterraneous fire, and the flame is occasioned by the burning of an inflammable air, that issues from the crevices of a rock, over which the water has been artificially conducted. The streams of the Kali and Narayani unite at Kagakoti, take the name of Narayani, and are also called Krishna, Gandaki, and Salagrami, from the number of stones of that kind, which the channel contains.

Concerning these places Colonel Kirkpatrick states, {273} that four journeys beyond the capital, is situated Muktanath, within half a mile of which the Gandaki takes the name of Salagrami. It rises north from Muktanath, and not far from Kagbeini (Kagakoti) in the direction of Mastang, a place of some note in Upper Thibet, and twelve days' journey from Maleb.u.m. Three days' journey beyond Muktanath is Damodarkund, a celebrated spring or natural reservoir. The breadth of the Narayani at Beni, the capital of Maleb.u.m, is said not to exceed thirty yards wide.

Colonel Crawford laid down the upper part of this river's course, from the authority of a Lama, who accompanied the Mastang Raja, which is better than that received by Colonel Kirkpatrick.

Thakakuti, some way below Kaga Koti, is the chief mart for the trade with Thibet through Mastang, and may contain one thousand houses. The Narayani is no where fordable below this place, and is crossed in some places on wooden bridges, (Sangga,) and in others on jholas or bridges of ropes made of rattans connected by cords of tough gra.s.s. Thakakuti is situated in a fine valley extending from Dhumpu to Kaga Koti, which is compared to the valley of Nepal, but is not so wide, and the hills around are covered with perennial snow. The plain is sandy. Danakoti, some way below Dhumpu, is a place of some trade. There is there a bad hill, but except over that, oxen could, with some difficulty, carry loads all the way from Rerighat to Kaga Koti. Goods are, however, conveyed mostly, if not entirely, on men's shoulders, or on sheep. Dhorali, the former abode of the Rajas, with the adjacent town of Beni, is still the most considerable place in Maleb.u.m. Kusma on the Modi, near its junction with the Narayani, has some commerce, but the great route of trade goes through the hills straight from Dhorali to Rerighat, and from thence to Butaul, without at all following the course of the river. Baglungchaur, according to Colonel Kirkpatrick, {274} is a large town and fort situated in a valley, and very opulent and populous.