Pictures of German Life in the XVIIIth and XIXth Centuries Volume Ii Part 7

Such a condition of things, in a transition time, from the old despotic state to a new one, gave a helpless aspect to the Prussian commonwealth. It was however, in truth, no symptom of fatal weakness, as was shortly after shown by zealous Prussians.

For, besides the strength and capacity of self-sacrifice, which was still slumbering in the people, a fresh hopeful vigour was already visible in a distinguished circle. Again it was to be found among the Prussian officials. The supreme court of judicature had maintained itself in the high consideration it had gained since the organisation of the last King. It was a numerous body; it included the flower of Prussian intelligence, the greatest strength of the citizens, and the highest culture of the n.o.bles. The elder were trained under Cocceji, and the younger under Carmer--judicious, upright, firm men, of great capacity for work, of proud patriotism and independence of character, who were not led astray by any ministerial rescript. The court _coteries_ did not yet venture to a.s.sail these unpliable men; and it is a merit in the King that he held a protecting hand over their integrity. They belonged partly to citizens' families, which for many generations had sent their sons to the lecture-rooms of the professors of law; in the East to Frankfort and Konigsberg, in the West to Halle and Gottingen. Their families formed an almost hereditary aristocracy of officials. United with them as fellow-students and friends, and like-minded, were the best talents of the administration; also foreigners who had entered the Prussian civil service. From this circle had been produced all the officials, who, after the prostration of Prussia, were active in the renovation of the State, Stein, Schon, Vinke, Grolmann, Sack, Merkel, and many others, presidents of the administration, and heads of the courts of justice after 1815.

It is a pleasure in this time of insecurity to direct our attention to the quiet labours of these trustworthy men. Many of them were strictly trained bureaucrats, with limited ideas and feelings; on the green table of the Board lay the ambition and labour of their whole lives.

But they, the chief judges, the administrators of the Province, maintained faithfully and lastingly through difficult times their consciousness of being Prussians; each of them imparted to those about him something of the tenacious perseverance and the confident judgment which distinguished them. Even when they were severed from the body of their State, and were obliged to declare the law under foreign rule, they worked on in their sphere unchanged, in the old way; accustomed to calm self-control, they concealed in the depths of their souls the fiery longing after their hereditary ruler, and perhaps quiet plans for a better time.

Whoever will compare these men with some of the powerful talents of the official cla.s.s which were developed at this time in the territories of South Germany, will perceive an essential difference. There, even in the best, there are frequently traits that are displeasing to us; arbitrariness in their political points of view; indifference as to whom or for what they served; a secret irony with which they consider the petty relations of their country. They all suffer from the want of a State which merits the love of a man. This want gives their judgment, acute as it may be, something uncertain, unfinished, and peevish; one does not doubt their integrity, but one feels strongly that there is a moral instability in them which makes them like adventurers, though learned and highly cultivated men. Undoubtedly, however, if a Prussian once lost his love of Fatherland, he became weaker than them. Karl Heinrich Lang is deficient in what Freidrich Gentz once had, and lost by moral weakness.

Conscientious officials have admitted at this time the confusion of every country, especially the North; but the Prussians may justly claim this pre-eminence, that in the circle of their middle order, not the most refined, but the soundest culture of that time was to be found, not occasionally, but as a rule.

The Prussian army suffered from the same deficiencies as the politics and administration of the state. Here also there was improvement in many particulars, but much that was old was carefully preserved; what once had been progress was now mischievous. This bad condition is acknowledged; none have condemned it more strongly than the Prussian military writers since the year 1815.

The treatment of the soldiers was still too severe; there was unworthy parsimony in their scanty uniforms and small rations, endless was the drilling, endless the parades, the ineradicable suffering of the Prussian army; the man[oe]uvres had become useless "spectacle," in which every movement was arranged and studied beforehand; incapable officers were retained to the extreme of old age. Hardly anything had been done to adapt the old Prussian system to the changed method of carrying on war which had arisen in the Revolution.

The officers were still an exclusive caste, which was almost entirely filled by the n.o.bility; only a few not n.o.ble were in the Fusilier Battalions of Infantry and some among the Hussars. Under Frederic II., during the deficiency of men in the Seven Years' War, young volunteers of citizen origin were made officers. Then they were, at least in their pay, and frequently in the regimental lists, represented as n.o.ble; but after the peace, however great their capacity, they were almost always kept out of the privileged battalions. This did not improve under the later Kings. Only in the Artillery, in 1806, were the greater number of officers commoners, but on that account they were not considered as equals. It was a bitter irony that a French artillery officer should be the person, as Emperor of the French, to think of shattering the Prussian army and its State into pieces, at the same time in which they were contending in Prussia as to whether an officer of artillery should be received upon the general staff, and that the citizen Lieutenant-Colonel Schamhorst should be envied this privilege.[39] It was natural that all the failings of a privileged order should appear in full measure in the Prussian corps of officers. Pride towards the citizens, roughness to those under them, a deficiency in cultivation and good morals, and in the privileged regiments an unbridled insolence. It is a common complaint of contemporaries, that in the streets and societies of Berlin people were not secure from the insults of the _gens d'armes_, who were the _elite_ of the young n.o.bility. Already did these arrogant men, at the beginning of the reign of Frederic William III., begin to be ashamed of wearing their old-fas.h.i.+oned uniform in society, and where they dared, lounged in with protruding white neck-ties, top-boots, and sword-sick.

In spite of these deficiencies, there was still in the Prussian army much of the capacity and strength of the olden time. The stout race of old subaltern officers had not died out, men who had shed bitter tears over the death of their great General in 1786; and still did the common soldiers, in spite of the diminished confidence in their leaders, feel pride in their well-tried war-like capacity. Many characteristic traits have been preserved to us, which give us a pleasing picture of the disposition of the army. When, in the campaign of 1792, a Prussian and Austrian, as good comrades and malcontents, were complaining to one another, and the Prussian did not speak in praise of his King, he yet stopped the other, who was repeating his words, with a box on the ear, saying: "You shall not speak so of my King;" and on the angry Austrian reproaching him with having said the same, the aggressor replied: "I may say that, but not you, for I am a Prussian." Such was the feeling in most of the regiments. The disgraceful prostration of Prussia was not owing to the bad material of the army, nor especially to the obsolete tactics. Nay, in the struggle it was shown how great was the capacity of both the men and officers who were so shamefully sacrificed. Amidst the lawlessness, coa.r.s.eness, and rapacity which inevitably come to light among a demoralised soldiery, we rejoice in finding the most worthy soldier-like feeling often amongst the meanest of them. One of the many unworthy proceedings of the stupid campaign of 1806, was the surrender of Hameln. How the betrayed garrison behaved has been related in the letter of an officer. The narrator was the son of an emigrant, a Frenchman by birth, but he had become an inestimable German, of whom our people are proud; he had done his duty as a Prussian officer, but at every free moment he devoted himself to German literature and science; he had no satisfaction in carrying on war against the land of his birth, and had sometimes wished himself away from the ill-conducted campaign; but when a bad commander betrayed his brave troops, the full anger of an old Prussian was kindled in the breast of the adopted child of the German people, he a.s.sembled his comrades, and urged them to a general rising against their incapable commander; all the juniors were as indignant as himself; but in vain.

They were deceived, and the fortress, in spite of their resistance, delivered over to the French. Fearful was the despair of the soldiers; they fired their cartridges into the windows of the cowardly commander; they shot one another in rage and drunkenness; they dashed their weapons on the stones, that they might not be carried with more renown by strangers, and the old Brandenburgers wept when they took leave of their officers. In the company of Captain von Britzke, regiment von Haack, were two brothers, Warnawa, sons of soldiers; they mutually placed their muskets to each other's breast, drew the triggers at the same time, and fell into each other's arms, that they might not survive the disgrace.[40]

But those who were the leaders, but not men, who were they? Experienced Generals from the school of the great King, men of high birth, loyal and true to their King, grown old in honours. But were they too old?

They undoubtedly were grey-headed and weary. They had come into the army as boys, perhaps from the teaching of the cadet colleges, where they had been trained; they had marched and presented arms at the word of command; had kept line and distance in countless parades; afterwards they had kept a sharp look-out, that others might keep line and distance, that the b.u.t.tons were cleaned, and that the pig-tail was the right length. In order to gain promotion, they had taken pains to learn at Berlin whether Ruchel or Hohenlohe was in favour. This had been their life. They knew little more than the spiritless routine of the army, and that they were a wheel in the great machine. Now their army was beaten, and the shattered remains in rapid retreat to the east.

What remained now, what was left of any value to them?

But it was not cowardice that made them such pitiful creatures. They had formerly been brave soldiers, and most of them were not old enough to be in their dotage. It was something else: they had lost all confidence in their State; it appeared to them useless, hopeless to defend themselves any longer--a fruitless slaughter of men. Thus did these unfortunate ones feel. They had been all their life mediocre men--not better nor worse than others; this mediocrity now prevailed, as far as their narrow point of view reached, everywhere in the State.

Where was there anything great or strong? where any fresh life to give enthusiasm and warmth? They themselves had been the delight, the society of the Hohenzollerns--the first in the State, the salt of the country; they were accustomed to look down upon citizens and officials.

Besides their Prince and the army itself, what had they in Prussia to honour? Now the King was away--they knew not where--they were alone within the walls of their fortress; and they found little in themselves either to shun or to honour; they felt at best that they were weak.

Thus, in the hour of trial they became bad and mean, because they had all their lives been placed higher than their merits. A fearful lesson may be learnt from this; may Prussians always think of it. The officers, as a privileged cla.s.s, socially exclusive, with the feeling of a privileged position in the State, were in constant danger of fluctuating between arrogance and weakness. Only the officer who, besides his honour as a soldier and his fidelity to his sovereign, had a full partic.i.p.ation in all that enn.o.bled and elevated a citizen of his time, could in a moment of difficulty find certain strength in his own breast.

A period of intellectual poverty and mediocrity brought Prussia to the verge of destruction; political pa.s.sion raised it again.

But here an account shall be given of the feelings of a German citizen on the fall of his State. He belonged to that circle of Prussian jurists of whom we have just spoken. What he imparts is already known from other records, yet his honest description will find sympathy from its judicial clearness and simplicity:--

Cristoph Wilhelm Heinrich Sethe, born 1767, deceased 1855. "_Wirklicher Geheimer Rath_," and chief president of the Rhenish court of appeal, descended from a great legal family in the dukedom of Cleves; his grandfather and father had been distinguished officials of the government; his mother was a Grolmann. The boy grew up in the enjoyment of wealth in his father's town; at sixteen years of age his father sent him to the university of Duisburg, and then to Halle and Gottingen; on his return he went through the Prussian grades of service in the government of Cleve-Mark, an excellent school. These western provinces---not of very great extent--comprised a good portion of the strength of the Prussian State. This firm, vigorous population clung with warm fidelity to the house of their Princes; there was in the cities and among the peasants, who lived as freemen on their land, much wealth, and the High Court of Justice was one of the best in Prussia Sethe was "_Geheimer Rath_," happily married, with his whole heart in his home, when a gloom was thrown over his native city and his own life by the sound of war, the march and quartering of troops, exciting reports, and, finally, the occupation of the town by the French, who, as it is well known, allowed the sovereignty of Prussia to continue for some years, till the Peace of Amiens took away the last vestige of Prussian possession. Then Sethe severed himself from his home, and established himself in the Prussian administration of the newly-acquired portion of Munster.

He shall now relate himself what he experienced.[41]

"You can easily imagine, my dear children, that the departure from Cleve was very distressing to us. It was a bitter feeling to wander in this way from home, and leave one's native city under foreign laws and the dominion of a foreign people.

"On 3rd October, 1803, we left. We went from Cleve to Munster in three days; the journey from Emmerick was extremely difficult and tedious; it was over corduroy roads, with loose stones thrown on them."[42]

"In the beginning of our life at Munster we also encountered many annoyances. From the number of officials who had removed there, and the numerous military, our accommodation was very restricted. Then we arrived there towards winter, and provisions were very deficient; in Munster there was no regular market, and the women from Cleve were in despair, because they could get nothing. This, however, came right, and afterwards they got on very well.

"On a friendly reception and courtesy to us intruding strangers we had never reckoned, because we knew how much the people of Munster clung to their const.i.tution--with what steadfastness a great portion of them still relied on their elected bishop, Victor Anton, and how unwillingly they endured the new rule of Prussia. I have never blamed them for this; it was a praiseworthy trait in their character that they should be unwilling to separate from a government under which they had felt happy; but others took this much amiss of them, and expected that they would receive the Prussians with open arms, and immediately become Prussians in heart and soul, which could only be expected from a fickle people who had groaned under the fetters of a harsh government.

"Therefore, there was already division and separation between the new comers of old Prussia and the people of Munster before our arrival.

Thus, much took place which was not likely to promote intimacy, or to awaken a friendly feeling in the inhabitants.

"By the disbanding of the Munster military, the greater number of the officers were dismissed with pensions, and thrown out of their course of life. This first consequence of the Prussian occupation not only deeply wounded the feelings of those dismissed, but was generally considered as unjust; and the more so as among the Munster officers there was much culture and scientific knowledge, and the general run of Prussian officers could not stand comparison with them.

"The introduction of conscription increased the discontent; but still more general indignation was excited by the ill-treatment which the enlisted sons of citizens and country people had to bear from the non-commissioned officers. I myself was eyewitness of the way in which a non-commissioned officer dealt abusive language, blows, and kicks to a recruit, and struck him on the s.h.i.+ns with his cane, so that tears of sorrow coursed down the cheeks of the poor man. The spirit, also, which prevailed among the greater number of the Prussian officers, and their consequent behaviour, was not calculated to excite a favourable feeling in a new country towards the new government. Blucher, indeed, who was commandant of Munster, won real esteem and liking by his popular manner, his open and upright character, and his justice; and General von Wobeser, commander of a dragoon regiment, a very sensible, cultivated, moderate man, did so likewise; but the good effect of their conduct was spoilt by that of the others, namely, the general body of the subaltern officers.

"Once there arose a dispute betwixt some citizens and the guard at the Mauritz-gate; the citizens were said to have gone amongst the arms and hustled the guard. Blucher was at that time at Pyrmont. There appeared then a proclamation, under the signature of a General von Ernest, but from another pen, by which every sentry who was touched by a citizen should be authorised to strike him down. This irrational order, which gave every sentinel power over the lives of the citizens, who, by touching them even accidentally, were exposed to their bayonets, excited indignation.

"In addition to this, there now happened a disagreeable affair between three officers and three prebendaries.[43] There existed at Munster a so-called n.o.ble ladies' club, which admitted both men and ladies.

Immediately after the first possession of the place, from political motives. Generals Blucher and Wobeser, the President Von Stein, and other Prussian officers were admitted, also Blucher's son Franz. In balloting for the admittance of another Prussian officer, he was blackballed. Indisputably this showed an objection, either to him as a Prussian, or to the admittance of more officers, for against the individual nothing could be said. This could not fail to increase the bad feeling, and it wounded especially the sensitive vanity of the young officers. Moreover, the ballot was at first declared to be favourable, and it was only upon a revision of the b.a.l.l.s that the black ball was discovered; that is to say, the lady president of the club, the widowed Frau von Droste-Vischering, a very worthy and good-humoured lady, either by mistake or from the well-meant intention of preventing the disagreeable consequences of blackballing, had counted a white ball too much. It was remarked by one of the prebendaries present, that the whole number of b.a.l.l.s did not agree with the number of votes. On counting them again accurately, it was found that the candidate was not received. Undoubtedly the younger prebendaries might have co-operated in the exclusion.

"The impetuous Lieutenant Franz von Blucher gave vent to his feelings concerning this to one of the young prebendaries, and some words ensued between them. The following day Franz Blucher challenged this prebendary by letter; and two other officers, one of whom was the rejected one, challenged two other young prebendaries in the same way.

Both these, who had not had the slightest hostile communication with the challengers, wrote to express their surprise. One of them received for answer, that he had laughed at the altercation between Lieutenant von Blucher and the other prebendary, and therefore he, the challenger, felt himself injured in the person of his friend Blucher. The other challenger would not even give such an excuse, he only wrote that he felt himself aggrieved, and that was enough.

"The prebendaries, who, on account of their spiritual order, could not accept the challenge, informed the King immediately of the occurrence.

The result was, the appointment of a mixed commission of inquiry under the presidency of General von Wobeser, and our President of Administration, Von Sobbe, into which I also was introduced, together with the quartermaster of the regiment, Ribbentrop. The prebendaries were acquitted by the court of justice before which the case was brought, and the officers were sentenced by a court-martial to three weeks' arrest, which they spent at the guard-house in the society of their companions, and promenading before it.

"But the three prebendaries were also wounded in their most sensitive feelings by a malicious trick which was played them. Before this commission of inquiry was appointed, they were invited, through a livery servant, to a great evening party at General Blucher's without his knowledge. They were all startled, suspected some mistake, and were doubtful about going. But as they were all three invited through a servant of the General's, they decided there could be no mistake, and also their relations and friends, who thought this invitation was a step towards the accommodation of the affair, advised them to go.

General Blucher, who had never thought of inviting them, was naturally very irate at seeing the three prebendaries enter. Being much prejudiced against them by his son Franz, who had then much influence over his father, and perhaps irritated by invidious remarks from the originator of the intrigue, upon their boldness in appearing, he gave them to understand that they had not been invited, and might go. They indignantly left the party, and not only they, but also their families; the ladies hastened home on foot, so deeply did they feel the mortification. This concerted deliberate affront excited general ill-will, and contributed very much to increase the bad feeling.

"But what more than all increased the bitterness was the exercise of 'Cabinet justice'[44] in the suit of the firm of Herren von der Beck, against the Herren von Landesberg and Von Boselager. By a 'Cabinet order' of the 5th September, 1805, obtained by Von der Reck, the suit between the two parties pending in the Imperial Aulic Council was declared to be legally decided, and a commission of execution was appointed to eject the Herren von Landesberg and Von Boselager from their property, and to place the Herren von der Reck in possession of it.

"This unfortunate business, in a country which had as yet no Prussian feeling, revolted all minds. In public writings this violent inroad on the course of law was vehemently attacked, and an odious stain was inflicted on our Prussian justice, of which we had talked so loudly.

"It was a mistake not to introduce the whole Prussian const.i.tution at the outset, there would then have been only one source of discontent instead of constantly recurring irritation. Some, of the new things that were introduced piecemeal were peculiarly disagreeable to the people of Munster, who were quite unaccustomed to them, such as the stamp duty, conscription, and the salt monopoly. Also the well-known excise was impending. Already were the toll-houses built, and it was to have been introduced in 1807, but was prevented by the events of the year 1806. But the expectation gave a disagreeable foretaste, and through it new fuel was added to the hatred. At last, but much too late, as the unhappy war had begun, the chapter was dissolved.

"Under such circ.u.mstances, residence in Munster was not agreeable to us old Prussians. I indeed felt this less than others; after I had made myself, to a certain extent, at home, I got on well with the people there; we won many true friends, and experienced from them much love and friends.h.i.+p. As in my office, so in social intercourse, I took pains to judge justly.

"But the year 1806 came, and one sorrow followed upon another. First the three Rhine portions of the Duchy of Cleve, which remained to the Prussians, surrendered to Napoleon; he established himself on this side of the Rhine, and came into possession of the fortress Wesel, which was only too near to the present Prussian frontier. His brother-in-law Joachim Murat became duke of the old hereditary possessions of the King's family. No one could conceal from himself that our State, which spread so wide from east to west, was in a very critical position. Our grief was increased by the insolence with which the newly created duke carried on his encroachments even as far as Munster.

"New clouds rose darkly over us. Letters from Berlin breathed war against Napoleon, Blucher left us, and we expected the French occupation of Munster. It is true that General Lecoq had entered it with a small corps, but this gave us little comfort, for he appeared to wish to abandon the city, with its moats and ramparts, to the evil results of a useless defence. When he had felled down a beautiful plantation in front of the Egidien gate, and after the appearance of our war manifesto, the city was terrified one night by sudden alarm signals, in order, as he said, to prove the watchfulness of his soldiers; in the middle of October he suddenly withdrew and left us to our fate.

"Nevertheless, we old Prussians, confiding in the valour of our soldiers, gazed hopefully towards the east, and looked forward with impatient expectation to news of victory. And it came--when Napoleon was already making his victorious march to Berlin--and it bore such an impress of truth, that President Von Vinke[45] ordered it to be published. Never was there such exultation; every one hastened to the other to convey first the joyful news. But the deepest prostration followed; the cup we had now to drink was the more bitter after the intoxication of pleasure. A few days after we received from fugitives only too certain an account of the loss of the battle of Jena.

"Yet we recovered from the first stupefaction, and did not give up all hope. One lost battle could not decide the fate of the whole war.

"But when we received detailed accounts of the terrible consequences of this defeat, when the last remains of the army had to lay down their arms at Lubeck, when the fortresses of Hameln, Magdeburg, Stettin and Castrin had, with unexampled cowardice, been surrendered without a blow to the enemy, and the whole Prussian State came under their power, then our courage sank, we knew that we were lost.

"Meanwhile the sorrowful intelligence of the lost battle was followed by the enemy taking possession of the place.

"Early one morning, a division of cavalry of the army of the King of Holland entered. Our anger and sorrow were increased by the feeling of the people of Munster, which was very different from ours. Already on the arrival of the vanguard of the Dutch army, their long-nourished, slumbering indignation against the Prussians manifested itself in unconcealed joy. With open arms were the liberators from Prussian domination received, and joyfully lodged. Immediately afterwards the King of Holland marched in at the head of his army.

"We had hard work in quartering them, as ten thousand men had entered the city. But strict discipline was kept, for it was undoubtedly the object of the King of Holland not to make the country inimical to him; but to treat it in the most conciliatory way. He flattered himself that the frontier Prussian province would come to the share of the Kingdom of Holland. His proceedings and the language of those about him, showed that he already considered himself as possessor of the country. He established an upper administrative council, at whose head General Daendels was placed, in co-ordinate authority with the presidents of the provincial administration and exchequer. Immediately the Munster n.o.bles came before him with their complaints of the Prussian rule, to which he listened. First stood the abolition of the chapter, and the ejection of Herren von Landesberg and von Boselager. He exercised a real act of sovereignty, for he reinstated the chapter, and reversed the execution against those who had been expelled in the suit of the Herren von der Reck.

"Meanwhile his kingdom soon came to an end; he had to march away at the command of Napoleon, who divided the conquered Prussian provinces into military governments, and appointed Generals and General-Intendants to preside. The Princ.i.p.alities of Munster and Lingen, and the counties of Mark and Tecklenburg, together with the Domain of Dortmund, formed the first of these governments. General Loison came to Munster.

"Thus for the second time I came under French rule. In vain had I endeavoured to escape; fruitless were the severe sacrifices I had made for this purpose. I had abandoned Fatherland and home, parents and property, only to undergo once more in a foreign country the catastrophe which I had avoided, and which now came upon me in a far worse form. When Cleve became French, I took leave of it; I felt in my heart pleasure in returning under the sceptre of my own King, and under the rule of home laws; this one anchor to which I had held, was now torn from me. The power of Prussia was shattered, the whole State, with the exception of a small portion, was now in the power of a conqueror, whose ambitious plans displayed themselves more and more. It was only too certain that we should be trampled upon; but what our fate might be, over that a dark veil was drawn. The grief which gnawed in our bosoms and the deep mourning in which we were sunk, were increased by the annoyance of witnessing the joyful exultation of the people of Munster over their liberation from Prussian rule, and the favour with which they were treated by the conqueror and his satellites. It was more especially the Munster n.o.bles who thus distinguished themselves, and behaved in a most undignified way. I will relate some instances of it.

"In order in the speediest way to remove the hated Prussian colours, which were painted on the turnpikes, bridges, and public buildings, and to replace them by the old Munster colours, a subscription was raised to defray the costs, and our colours were erased as soon as possible.

One of the most opulent n.o.bles took pleasure in showing his warm partic.i.p.ation in this undertaking, by giving his signature to a considerable sum; in order to make known that he could not refrain from expressing his satisfaction, he added to his subscription, the phrase: 'With pleasure,' that no one might doubt his patriotic feeling.

"The presidents, directors, councillors, a.s.sessors and referendaries of the government, and of the war and royal domain departments, continued to wear their official uniforms. These reminiscences of Prussian supremacy were an abomination in the eyes of the n.o.bles. They therefore endeavoured to work upon General Loison to order the laying aside of the uniform; but they only half succeeded. The General expressly permitted the continuance of the uniform, and only ordered that the Prussian b.u.t.ton should be taken away, which we were obliged to change for a smooth one. Thus the uniform was not laid aside, and the Geheime Rath von Forkenbeck and I still wore it at the council in the year 1808, when we were called to Dusseldorf.

"This otherwise proud Munster n.o.bility paid as much court to the French Generals as to their former ruler, the Prince Bishop.