The Life of John Marshall Volume II Part 60

[1103] "There never was perhaps a greater contrast between two characters than between those of the present President & his predecessor.... The one [Was.h.i.+ngton] cool, considerate, & cautious, the other [Adams] headlong & kindled into flame by every spark that lights on his pa.s.sions; the one ever scrutinizing into the public opinion and ready to follow where he could not lead it; the other insulting it by the most adverse sentiments & pursuits; W. a hero in the field, yet overweighing every danger in the Cabinet--A. without a single pretension to the character of a soldier, a perfect Quixotte as a statesman."

(Madison to Jefferson, Feb., 1798; _Writings_: Hunt, vi, 310.) And [Adams] "always an honest man, often a wise one, but sometimes wholly out of his senses." (Madison to Jefferson, June 10, 1798; _ib._, 325.)

[1104] Adams to Rush, Aug. 23, 1805; _Old Family Letters_, 76.

[1105] Cabot to King, April 26, 1799; King, iii, 8.

[1106] Wolcott was as malicious as, but more cautious than, Pickering in his opposition to the President.

[1107] "He [Adams] is liable to gusts of pa.s.sion little short of frenzy.... I speak of what I have seen." (Bayard to Hamilton, Aug. 18, 1800; _Works_: Hamilton, vi, 457.) "He would speak in such a manner ...

as to persuade one that he was actually insane." (McHenry to John McHenry, May 20, 1800; Gibbs, ii, 347.) "Mr. Adams had conducted strangely and unaccountably." (Ames to Hamilton, Aug. 26, 1800; _Works_: Ames, i, 280.) These men were Adams's enemies; but the extreme irritability of the President at this time was noted by everybody.

Undoubtedly this was increased by his distress over the illness of his wife.

[1108] McHenry to John McHenry, May 20, 1800; Gibbs, ii, 347.

[1109] See preceding chapter.

[1110] _Aurora_, May 9, 1800; the _Aurora_ had been attacking Pickering with all the animosity of partisans.h.i.+p.

[1111] The French press had been quite as much under the control of the Revolutionary authorities as it was under that of Bonaparte as First Consul or even under his rule when he had become Napoleon I.

[1112] _Aurora_, May 27, 1800.

[1113] _Ib._, June 4, 1800; and June 17, 1800. The _Aurora_ now made a systematic campaign against Pickering. It had "_substantial and d.a.m.ning facts_" which it threatened to publish if Adams did not subject Pickering to a "scrutiny" (_ib._, May 21, 1800). Pickering was a "disgrace to his station" (_ib._, May 23); several hundred thousand dollars were "unaccounted for" (_ib._, June 4, and 17).

The attack of the Republican newspaper was entirely political, every charge and innuendo being wholly false. Adams's dismissal of his Secretary of State was not because of these charges, but on account of the Secretary's personal and political disloyalty. Adams also declared, afterwards, that Pickering lacked ability to handle the grave questions then pending and likely to arise. (_Cunningham Letters_, nos. xii, xiii, and xiv.) But that was merely a pretense.

[1114] _Aurora_, June 12, 1800.

[1115] Pinckney to McHenry, June 10, 1800; Steiner, 460.

[1116] Wolcott to Ames, Aug. 10, 1800; Gibbs, ii, 402.

[1117] Cabot to Gore, Sept. 30, 1800; Lodge: _Cabot_, 291.

[1118] Wolcott to Ames, Aug. 10, 1800; Gibbs, ii, 401-02.

[1119] Adams's correspondence shows that the shortest time for a letter to go from Was.h.i.+ngton to Quincy, Ma.s.sachusetts, was seven days, although usually nine days were required. "Last night I received your favor of the 4th." (Adams at Quincy to Dexter at Was.h.i.+ngton, Aug. 13, 1800; _Works_: Adams, ix, 76; and to Marshall, Aug. 14; _ib._, 77; and Aug.

26; _ib._, 78; and Aug. 30; _ib._, 80.)

[1120] Was.h.i.+ngton at this time was forest, swamp, and mora.s.s, with only an occasional and incommodious house. Georgetown contained the only comfortable residences. For a description of Was.h.i.+ngton at this period, see chap. I, vol. III, of this work.

[1121] Marshall to Adams, Sept. 17, 1800; Adams MSS. This trip was to argue the case of Mayo _vs._ Bentley (4 Call, 528), before the Court of Appeals of Virginia. (See _supra_, chap. VI.)

[1122] Randall, ii, 547. Although Randall includes Dexter, this tribute is really to Marshall who was the one dominating character in Adams's reconstructed Cabinet.

[1123] Adams to Marshall, July 30, 1800; _Works_: Adams, ix, 66; also Marshall to Adams, Aug. 1, Aug. 2, and July 29, 1800; Adams MSS.

[1124] Marshall to Adams, July 29, 1800; Adams MSS. This cost Adams the support of young Chase's powerful father. (McHenry to John McHenry, Aug.

24, 1800; Gibbs, ii, 408.)

[1125] McMaster, ii, 448.

[1126] Adams to Marshall, Aug. 7, 1800; _Works_: Adams, ix, 72; and Marshall to Adams, Aug. 16, 1800; Adams MSS. Chief Justice Ellsworth presided at the trial of Williams, who was fairly convicted. (Wharton: _State Trials_, 652-58.) The Republicans, however, charged that it was another "political" conviction. It seems probable that Adams's habitual inclination to grant the request of any one who was his personal friend (Adams's closest friend, Governor Trumbull, had urged the pardon) caused the President to wish to extend clemency to Williams.

[1127] Marshall to Adams, June 24, 1800; Adams MSS.

[1128] Marshall to Adams, Aug. 2, 1800; _ib._

[1129] Marshall to Adams, July 26, 1800; _ib._

[1130] De Yrujo to Marshall, July 31, 1800; _ib._

[1131] Marshall does not state what these measures were.

[1132] Marshall to Adams, Sept. 6, 1800; Adams MSS.

[1133] _Am. St. Prs._, v, _Indian Affairs_, i, 184, 187, 246. For picturesque description of Bowles and his claim of British support see Craig's report, _ib._, 264; also, 305. Bowles was still active in 1801.

(_Ib._, 651.)

[1134] Adams to Marshall, July 31, 1800; _Works_: Adams, ix, 67; Marshall to De Yrujo, Aug. 15, 1800; Adams MSS.

[1135] Adams to Marshall, Aug. 11, 1800; _Works_: Adams, ix, 73.

[1136] Marshall to Adams, Aug. 12, 1800; Adams MSS.

[1137] _Ib._

[1138] Liston to Marshall, Aug. 25, 1800; _ib._

[1139] Marshall to Adams, Sept. 6, 1800; _ib._

[1140] Marshall to Liston, Sept. 6, 1800; Adams MSS.

[1141] Marshall to J. Q. Adams, July 24, 1800; MS. It is incredible that the Barbary corsairs held the whole of Europe and America under tribute for many years. Although our part in this general submission to these brigands of the seas was shameful, America was the first to move against them. One of Jefferson's earliest official letters after becoming President was to the Bey of Tripoli, whom Jefferson addressed as "Great and Respected Friend ... Ill.u.s.trious & honored ... whom G.o.d preserve."

Jefferson's letter ends with this fervent invocation: "I pray G.o.d, very great and respected friend, to have you always in his holy keeping."

(Jefferson to Bey of Tripoli, May 21, 1801; _Am. St. Prs., For. Rel._, ii, 349.)

And see Jefferson to Bey of Tunis (Sept. 9, 1801; _ib._, 358), in which the American President addresses this sea robber and holder of Americans in slavery, as "Great and Good Friend" and apologizes for delay in sending our tribute. In Jefferson's time, no notice was taken of such expressions, which were recognized as mere forms. But ninety years later the use of this exact expression, "Great and Good Friend," addressed to the Queen of the Hawaiian Islands, was urged on the stump and in the press against President Cleveland in his campaign for re-election. For an accurate and entertaining account of our relations with the Barbary pirates see Allen: _Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs_.

[1142] Marshall to Adams, Aug. 1, 1800; Adams MSS.

[1143] Marshall to Adams, June 24, 1800; Adams MSS.

[1144] Marshall to Adams, Aug. 16, 1800; July 24, 1800; _Ib._ and see Adams to Marshall, Aug. 2, and to Secretary of State, May 25; King, iii, 243-46. The jewels were part of our tribute to the Barbary pirates.

[1145] King to Secretary of State, Oct. 11, 1799; note to Grenville; King, iii, 129.

[1146] Secretary of State to King, Feb. 5, 1799; _Am. St. Prs., For.