The Life of John Marshall Volume IV Part 60

During the spring of 1831, Marshall found himself, for the first time in his life, suffering from acute pain. His Richmond physician could give him no relief; and he became so despondent that he determined to resign immediately after the ensuing Presidential election, in case Jackson should be defeated, an event which many then thought probable.

In a letter about the house at which the members of the Supreme Court were to board during the next term, Marshall tells Story of his purpose: "Being ... a bird of pa.s.sage, whose continuance with you cannot be long, I did not chuse to permit my convenience or my wishes to weigh a feather in the permanent arrangements.... But in addition, I felt serious doubts, although I did not mention them, whether I should be with you at the next term.

"What I am about to say is, of course, in perfect confidence which I would not breathe to any other person whatever. I had unaccountably calculated on the election of P[residen]t taking place next fall, and had determined to make my continuance in office another year dependent on that event.

"You know how much importance I attach to the character of the person who is to succeed me, and calculate the influence which probabilities on that subject would have on my continuance in office. This, however, is a matter of great delicacy on which I cannot and do not speak.

"My erroneous calculation of the time of the election was corrected as soon as the pressure of official duty was removed from my mind, and I had nearly decided on my course, but recent events produce such real uncertainty respecting the future as to create doubts whether I ought not to await the same chances in the fall of 32 which I had intended to await in the fall of 31."[1390]

Marshall steadily became worse, and in September he went to Philadelphia to consult the celebrated physician and surgeon, Dr. Philip Syng Physick, who at once perceived that the Chief Justice was suffering from stone in the bladder. His affliction could be relieved only by the painful and delicate operation of lithotomy, which Dr. Physick had introduced in America. From his sick-room Marshall writes Story of his condition during the previous five months, and adds that he looks "with impatience for the operation."[1391] He is still concerned about the court's boarding-place and again refers to his intention of leaving the Bench: "In the course of the summer ... I found myself unequal to the effective consideration of any subject, and had determined to resign at the close of the year. This determination, however, I kept to myself, being determined to remain master of my own conduct." Story had answered Marshall's letter of June 26, evidently protesting against the thought of the Chief Justice giving up his office.

Marshall replies: "On the most interesting part of your letter I have felt, and still feel, great difficulty. You understand my general sentiments on that subject as well as I do myself. I am most earnestly attached to the character of the department, and to the wishes and convenience of those with whom it has been my pride and my happiness to be a.s.sociated for so many years. I cannot be insensible to the gloom which lours over us. I have a repugnance to abandoning you under such circ.u.mstances which is almost invincible. But the solemn convictions of my judgement sustained by some pride of character admonish me not to hazard the disgrace of continuing in office a mere inefficient pageant."[1392]

Had Adams been reelected in 1828, there can be no doubt that Marshall would have resigned during that Administration; and it is equally certain that, if Jackson had been defeated in 1832, the Chief Justice would have retired immediately. The Democratic success in the election of that year determined him to hold on in an effort to keep the Supreme Court, as long as possible, unsubmerged by the rising tide of radical Localism. Perhaps he also clung to a desperate hope that, during his lifetime, a political reaction would occur and a conservative President be chosen who could appoint his successor.

When Marshall arrived at Philadelphia, the bar of that city wished to give him a dinner, and, by way of invitation, adopted remarkable resolutions expressing their grateful praise and affectionate admiration. The afflicted Chief Justice, deeply touched, declined in a letter of singular grace and dignity: "It is impossible for me ... to do justice to the feelings with which I receive your very flattering address; ... to have performed the official duties a.s.signed to me by my country in such a manner as to acquire the approbation of" the Philadelphia bar, "affords me the highest gratification of which I am capable, and is more than an ample reward for the labor which those duties impose." Marshall's greatest satisfaction, he says, is that he and his a.s.sociates on the Supreme Bench "have never sought to enlarge the judicial power beyond its proper bounds, nor feared to carry it to the fullest extent that duty required."[1393] The members of the bar then begged the Chief Justice to receive them "in a body" at "the United States Courtroom"; and also to "permit his portrait to be taken" by "an eminent artist of this city."[1394]

With anxiety, but calmness and even good humor, Marshall awaited the operation. Just before he went to the surgeon's table, Dr. Jacob Randolph, who a.s.sisted Dr. Physick, found Marshall eating a hearty breakfast. Notwithstanding the pain he suffered, the Chief Justice laughingly explained that, since it might be the last meal he ever would enjoy, he had determined to make the most of it. He understood that the chances of surviving the operation were against him, but he was eager to take them, since he would rather die than continue to suffer the agony he had been enduring.

While the long and excruciating operation went on, by which more than a thousand calculi were removed, Marshall was placid, "scarcely uttering a murmur throughout the whole procedure." The physicians ascribed his recovery "in a great degree ... to his extraordinary self possession, and to the calm and philosophical views which he took of his case."[1395]

Marshall writes Story about his experience and the results of the treatment, saying that he must take medicine "continually to prevent new formations," and adding, with humorous melancholy, that he "must submit too to a severe and most unsociable regimen." He cautions Story to care for his own health, which Judge Peters had told him was bad. "Without your vigorous and powerful co-operation I should be in despair, and think the 's.h.i.+p must be given up.'"[1396]

On learning of his improved condition, Story writes Peters from Cambridge: "This seems to me a special interposition of Providence in favor of the Const.i.tution.... He is beloved and reverenced here beyond all measure, though not beyond his merits. Next to Was.h.i.+ngton he stands the idol of all good men."[1397]

While on this distressing visit to Philadelphia, Marshall writes his wife two letters--the last letters to her of which any originals or copies can be found. "I antic.i.p.ate with a pleasure which I know you will share the time when I may sit by your side by our tranquil fire side & enjoy the happiness of your society without inflicting on you the pain of witnessing my suffering.... I am treated with the most flattering attentions in Philadelphia. They give me pain, the more pain as the necessity of declining many of them may be ascribed to a want of sensibility."[1398]

His recovery a.s.sured, Marshall again writes his wife: "I have at length risen from my bed and am able to hold a pen. The most delightful use I can make of it is to tell you that I am getting well ... from the painful disease with which I have been so long affected.... Nothing delights me so much as to hear from my friends and especially from you.

How much was I gratified at the line from your own hand in Mary's letter.[1399]... I am much obliged by your offer to lend me money.[1400]

I hope I shall not need it but can not as yet speak positively as my stay has been longer and my expenses greater than I had antic.i.p.ated on leaving home. Should I use any part of it, you may be a.s.sured it will be replaced on my return. But this is a subject on which I know you feel no solicitude.... G.o.d bless you my dearest Polly love to all our friends.

Ever your most affectionate J. Marshall."[1401]

On December 25, 1831, his "dearest Polly" died. The previous day, she hung about his neck a locket containing a wisp of her hair. For the remainder of his life he wore this memento, never parting with it night or day.[1402] Her weakness, physical and mental, which prevailed throughout practically the whole of their married life, inspired in Marshall a chivalric adoration. On the morning of the first anniversary of her death, Story chanced to go into Marshall's room and "found him in tears. He had just finished writing out for me some lines of General Burgoyne, of which he spoke to me last evening as eminently beautiful and affecting.... I saw at once that he had been shedding tears over the memory of his own wife, and he has said to me several times during the term, that the moment he relaxes from business he feels exceedingly depressed, and rarely goes through a night without weeping over his departed wife.... I think he is the most extraordinary man I ever saw, for the depth and tenderness of his feelings."[1403]

But Marshall had also written something which he did not show even to Story--a tribute to his wife:

"This day of joy and festivity to the whole Christian world is, to my sad heart, the anniversary of the keenest affliction which humanity can sustain. While all around is gladness, my mind dwells on the silent tomb, and cherishes the remembrance of the beloved object which it contains.

"On the 25th of December, 1831, it was the will of Heaven to take to itself the companion who had sweetened the choicest part of my life, had rendered toil a pleasure, had partaken of all my feelings, and was enthroned in the inmost recess of my heart. Never can I cease to feel the loss and to deplore it. Grief for her is too sacred ever to be profaned on this day, which shall be, during my existence, marked by a recollection of her virtues.

"On the 3d of January, 1783, I was united by the holiest bonds to the woman I adored. From the moment of our union to that of our separation, I never ceased to thank Heaven for this its best gift. Not a moment pa.s.sed in which I did not consider her as a blessing from which the chief happiness of my life was derived. This never-dying sentiment, originating in love, was cherished by a long and close observation of as amiable and estimable qualities as ever adorned the female bosom. To a person which in youth was very attractive, to manners uncommonly pleasing, she added a fine understanding, and the sweetest temper which can accompany a just and modest sense of what was due to herself.

"She was educated with a profound reverence for religion, which she preserved to her last moments. This sentiment, among her earliest and deepest impressions, gave a colouring to her whole life. Hers was the religion taught by the Saviour of man. She was a firm believer in the faith inculcated by the Church (Episcopal) in which she was bred.

"I have lost her, and with her have lost the solace of my life! Yet she remains still the companion of my retired hours, still occupies my inmost bosom. When alone and unemployed, my mind still recurs to her.

More than a thousand times since the 25th of December, 1831, have I repeated to myself the beautiful lines written by General Burgoyne, under a similar affliction, subst.i.tuting 'Mary' for 'Anna':

"'Encompa.s.s'd in an angel's frame, An angel's virtues lay: Too soon did Heaven a.s.sert its claim And take its own away!

My Mary's worth, my Mary's charms, Can never more return!

What now shall fill these widow'd arms?

Ah, me! my Mary's urn!

Ah, me! ah, me! my Mary's urn!'"[1404]

After his wife's death, Marshall arranged to live at "Leeds Manor,"

Fauquier County, a large house on part of the Fairfax estate which he had given to his son, James Keith Marshall. A room, with very thick walls to keep out the noise of his son's many children, was built for him, adjoining the main dwelling. Here he brought his library, papers, and many personal belongings. His other sons and their families lived not far away; "Leeds Manor" was in the heart of the country where he had grown to early manhood; and there he expected to spend his few remaining years.[1405] He could not, however, tear himself from his Richmond home, where he continued to live most of the time until his death.[1406]

When fully recovered from his operation, Marshall seemed to acquire fresh strength. He "is in excellent health, never better, and as firm and robust in mind as in body," Story informs Charles Sumner.[1407]

The Chief Justice was, however, profoundly depressed. The course that President Jackson was then pursuing--his att.i.tude toward the Supreme Court in the Georgia controversy,[1408] his arbitrary and violent rule, his hostility to the second Bank of the United States--alarmed and distressed Marshall.

[Ill.u.s.tration: "_Leeds Manor_"

_The princ.i.p.al house in the Fairfax purchase and the home of Marshall's son, James Keith Marshall, where he expected to spend his declining years._]

The Bank had finally justified the brightest predictions of its friends.

Everywhere in the country its notes were as good as gold, while abroad they were often above par.[1409] Its stock was owned in every nation and widely distributed in America.[1410] Up to the time when Jackson began his warfare upon the Bank, the financial management of Nicholas Biddle had been as brilliant as it was sound.[1411]

But popular hostility to the Bank had never ceased. In addition to the old animosity toward any central inst.i.tution of finance, charges were made that directors of certain branches of the Bank had used their power to interfere in politics. As implacable as they were unjust were the a.s.saults made by Democratic politicians upon Jeremiah Mason, director of the branch at Portsmouth, New Hamps.h.i.+re. Had the Bank consented to Mason's removal, it is possible that Jackson's warfare on it would not have been prosecuted.[1412]

The Bank's charter was to expire in 1836. In his first annual Message to Congress the President briefly called attention to the question of rechartering the inst.i.tution. The const.i.tutionality of the Bank Act was doubtful at best, he intimated, and the Bank certainly had not established a sound and uniform currency.[1413] In his next Message, a year later, Jackson repeated more strongly his attack upon the Bank.[1414]

Two years afterwards, on the eve of the Presidential campaign of 1832, the friends of the Bank in Congress pa.s.sed, by heavy majorities, a bill extending the charter for fifteen years after March 3, 1836, the date of its expiration.[1415] The princ.i.p.al supporters of this measure were Clay and Webster and, indeed, most of the weighty men in the National Legislature. But they were enemies of Jackson, and he looked upon the rechartering of the Bank as a personal affront.

On July 4, 1832, the bill was sent to the President. Six days later he returned it with his veto. Jackson's veto message was as able as it was cunning. Parts of it were demagogic appeals to popular pa.s.sion; but the heart of it was an attack upon Marshall's opinions in M'Culloch _vs._ Maryland and Osborn _vs._ The Bank.

The Bank is a monopoly, its stockholders and directors a "privileged order"; worse still, the inst.i.tution is rapidly pa.s.sing into the hands of aliens--"already is almost a third of the stock in foreign hands." If we must have a bank, let it be "_purely American_." This aristocratic, monopolistic, un-American concern exists by the authority of an unconst.i.tutional act of Congress. Even worse is the rechartering act which he now vetoed.

The decision of the Supreme Court in the Bank cases, settled nothing, said Jackson. Marshall's opinions were, for the most part, erroneous and "ought not to control the co-ordinate authorities of this Government.

The Congress, the Executive, and the Court must each for itself be guided by its own opinion of the Const.i.tution.... It is as much the duty of the House of Representatives, of the Senate, and of the President to decide upon the const.i.tutionality of any bill or resolution which may be presented to them for pa.s.sage or approval as it is of the supreme judges when it may be brought before them for judicial decision.

"The opinion of the judges has no more authority over Congress than the opinion of Congress has over the judges, and on that point the President is independent of both. The authority of the Supreme Court must not, therefore, be permitted to control the Congress or the Executive when acting in their legislative capacities, but to have only such influence as the force of their reasoning may deserve."[1416]

But, says Jackson, the court did not decide that "all features of this corporation are compatible with the Const.i.tution." He quotes--and puts in italics--Marshall's statement that "_where the law is not prohibited and is really calculated to effect any of the objects intrusted to the Government, to undertake here to inquire into the degree of its necessity would be to pa.s.s the line which circ.u.mscribes the judicial department and to tread on legislative ground_." This language, insists Jackson, means that "it is the exclusive province of Congress and the President to decide whether the particular features of this act are _necessary_ and _proper_ ... and therefore const.i.tutional, or _unnecessary_ and _improper_, and therefore unconst.i.tutional."[1417]

Thereupon Jackson points out what he considers to be the defects of the bill.

Congress has no power to "grant exclusive privileges or monopolies,"

except in the District of Columbia and in the matter of patents and copyrights. "Every act of Congress, therefore, which attempts, by grants of monopolies or sale of exclusive privileges for a limited time, or a time without limit, to restrict or extinguish its own discretion in the choice of means to execute its delegated powers, is equivalent to a legislative amendment of the Const.i.tution, and palpably unconst.i.tutional."[1418] Jackson fiercely attacks Marshall's opinion that the States cannot tax the National Bank and its branches.

The whole message is able, adroit, and, on its face, plainly intended as a campaign doc.u.ment.[1419] A shrewd appeal is made to the State banks.

Popular jealousy and suspicion of wealth and power are skillfully played upon: "The rich and powerful" always use governments for "their selfish purposes." When laws are pa.s.sed "to grant t.i.tles, gratuities, and exclusive privileges, to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful, the humble members of society--the farmers, mechanics, and laborers--who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a right to complain of the injustice of their Government.

"There are no necessary evils in government," says Jackson. "Its evils exist only in its abuses. If it would confine itself to equal protection, and, as Heaven does its rains, shower its favors alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor, it would be an unqualified blessing"--thus he runs on to his conclusion.[1420]

The ma.s.ses of the people, particularly those of the South, responded with wild fervor to the President's a.s.sault upon the citadel of the "money power." John Marshall, the defender of special privilege, had said that the Bank law was protected by the Const.i.tution; but Andrew Jackson, the champion of the common people, declared that it was prohibited by the Const.i.tution. Hats in the air, then, and loud cheers for the hero who had dared to attack and to overcome this financial monster as he had fought and beaten the invading Britis.h.!.+

Marshall was infinitely disgusted. He informs Story of Virginia's applause of Jackson's veto: "We are up to the chin in politics. Virginia was always insane enough to be opposed to the Bank of The United States, and therefore hurras for the veto. But we are a little doubtful how it may work in Pennsylvania. It is not difficult to account for the part New York may take. She has sagacity enough to see her interest in putting down the present bank. Her mercantile position gives her a controul, a commanding controul, over the currency and the exchanges of the country, if there be no Bank of The United States. Going for herself she may approve this policy; but Virginia ought not to drudge for her benefit."[1421]

Jackson did not sign the bill for the improvement of rivers and harbors, pa.s.sed at the previous session of Congress, because, as he said, he had not "sufficient time ... to examine it before the adjournment."[1422]

Everybody took the withholding of his signature as a veto.[1423] This bill included a feasible project for making the Virginia Capital accessible to seagoing vessels. Even this action of the President was applauded by Virginians: