Dio's Rome Volume I Part 18

[Footnote 45: See note, page 335.]

[Sidenote: FRAG. Lx.x.xI] --Furius[46] led out among his lieutenants both Pompeius and Metellus though they were hostile both to him and to each other; for, expecting to achieve some great success, he wished to have in them sure witnesses to his deeds and to receive the evidence of his prowess from their unwilling lips. (Valesius, ib.)

[Footnote 46: P. Furius Philus (consul B.C. 136).]

_(BOOK 24, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: FRAG. Lx.x.xIII] 1. --Tiberius Gracchus caused an upheaval of the Roman state,--and this in spite of the fact that he belonged to one of the foremost families (his grandfather being Africa.n.u.s), that he possessed a natural endowment worthy of the latter, that he had gone through a most thorough course of education, and had a high spirit. In proportion to these great gifts of his was the allurement that they offered to follow his ambitions: and when once he had turned aside from what was best he drifted even involuntarily into what was worst. It began with his being refused a triumph over the Numantini: he had hoped for this honor because he had previously had the management of the business, but so far from obtaining anything of the kind he incurred the danger of being delivered up; then he decided that deeds were estimated not on the basis of goodness or truth but according to mere chance. And this road to fame he abandoned as not safe, but since he desired by all means to become prominent in some way and expected that he could accomplish this better through the popular than through the senatorial party, he attached himself to the former. (Valesius, p. 621.)

2. --Marcus Octavius on account of an hereditary feud with Gracchus willingly made himself his opponent. [Sidenote: B.C. 133 (_a.u._ 621)]

Thereafter there was no semblance of moderation: striving and quarreling as they were, each to survive the other rather than to benefit the community, they committed many acts of violence as if they were in a princ.i.p.ality instead of a democracy, and suffered many unusual calamities proper for war but not for peace. In addition to their individual conflicts, there were many who, banded together, inst.i.tuted grievous abuses and battles in the senate-house itself and the popular a.s.sembly as well as throughout the rest of the city: they pretended to be executing the law, but were in reality making in all things every effort not to be surpa.s.sed by each other. The result was that the authorities could not carry on their accustomed tasks, courts came to a stop, no contract was entered into, and other sorts of confusion and disorder were rife everywhere. The place bore the name of city, but was no whit different from a camp. (Valesius, p. 622.)

3. --Gracchus proposed certain laws for the benefit of those of the people who served in the army, and transferred the courts from the senate to the knights, bedeviling and disturbing all established customs in order that he might be enabled to lay hold on safety in some wise. And after he found not even this of advantage to him, but his term of office was drawing to a close, when he would be immediately exposed to the attacks of his enemies, he attempted to secure the tribunes.h.i.+p also for the following year (in company with his brother) and to appoint his father-in-law consul: to obtain this end he would make any statement or promise anything whatever to anybody. Often, too, he put on a mourning garb and brought his mother and children, tied hand and foot, into the presence of the populace.

(Valesius, ib.)

[Sidenote: FRAG. Lx.x.xIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 129 (_a.u._ 625)] --Scipio Africa.n.u.s had more ambition in his makeup than was suitable for or compatible with his general excellence. And in reality none of his rivals took pleasure in his death, but although they thought him a great obstacle in their way even they missed him. They saw that he was valuable to the State and never expected that he would cause them any serious trouble. When he was suddenly taken away all the possessions of the powerful cla.s.s were again diminished, so that the promoters of agrarian legislation ravaged at will practically all of Italy. And this seems to me to have been most strongly indicated by the ma.s.s of stones that poured down from heaven, falling upon some of the temples and killing men, and by the tears of Apollo. [Sidenote: B.C. 131 (_a.u._ 623)] For the G.o.d wept copiously[47] for three days, so that the Romans on the advice of the soothsayers voted to cut down the statue and to sink it in the deep. (Valesius, p. 625.)

[Footnote 47: In the original the word "wept" is repeated. Van Herwerden thinks that the second one should be deleted, but Schenkl prefers to subst.i.tute an adverb in place of the first. In the translation I have used an adverb giving nearly the same force as the repet.i.tion of the verb.]

_(BOOK 25, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: FRAG. Lx.x.xIV] --Gracchus had a disposition like his brother; only the latter drifted from excellence into ambition and then to baseness whereas this man was naturally intractable and played the rogue voluntarily and far surpa.s.sed the other in his gift of language.

For these reasons his designs were more mischievous, his daring more spontaneous, and his self-will greater in all junctures alike. He was the first to walk up and down in the a.s.semblies while he harangued and the first to bare his arm; hence neither of these practices has been thought improper, since he did it. And because his speaking was characterized by great condensation of thought and forcefulness of words and he consequently was unable to restrain himself easily but was often led to say what he did not wish, he used to bring in a flute-player, and from him, playing a low accompaniment, he would take his rhythm and time, or if even so he in some way fell out of measure, he would stop. This was the sort of man that attacked the government, and, by a.s.suming no speech or act to be forbidden, in the briefest time became a great power among the populace and the knights. All the n.o.bility and the senatorial party if he had lived longer[48] ...

[Sidenote: B.C. 121 (_a.u._ 633)] but as it was his great authority made him envied even by the members of his faction, and he was ruined by his own devices. (Valesius, ib.)

[Footnote 48: One may supply here, as Reiske suggests, "would have been overthrown", "would have been humbled", or "would have been brought low".]

_(BOOK 26, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: FRAG. Lx.x.xV] [Sidenote: B.C. 114 (_a.u._ 640)] 1. --The priestesses for the most part incurred destruction and shame themselves, and proved the source of great evils to numerous others as well, while the entire city because of them was thrown into an uproar.

For the people, in view of the fact that what was immaculate by law and sacred by the dictates of religion and decent through fear of vengeance had been polluted, were ready to believe that anything most shameful and unholy might be done. For this reason they visited punishment not only on the convicted, but also on all the rest who had been accused, to show their hatred of what had occurred. Hence the whole episode in which the women were concerned seemed now to be due not so much to their feminine incontinence[49] as to a kind of madness inspired by supernatural powers. (Valesius, p. 626.)

[Footnote 49: Reading [Greek: eti aselgeias] (Boissevain's emendation) in place of the unintelligible [Greek: aitias algein] of the MS.]

2. --Three altogether had had intercourse with men; and of them Marcia had acted individually, granting her favors to one single knight[50]

and would never have been discovered, had not the investigation into the cases of the others spread and overtaken her besides. aemilia and Licinia had a mult.i.tude of lovers and carried on their wanton behavior with each other's help. At first they surrendered themselves to some few privately and secretly, telling each man that he was the only one admitted. Later they themselves bound every one who could suspect and inform against them to certain silence in advance by the price of intercourse with them, and those who had previously enjoyed their conversation, though they saw this, yet endured it in order not to be detected by a show of vexation. So after holding commerce with many, now singly, now in groups, now privately, now publicly, Licinia enjoyed the society of the brother of aemilia, and aemilia that of Licinia's brother. These doings were hidden for a great period of time, and though many men and many women, both free and slaves, were in the secret, it was hidden for a very long period, until one Manius,[51] who seems to have been the first to a.s.sist and cooperate in the whole evil, gave information of the matter because he had not obtained freedom nor any of the other objects of his hope. He was, indeed, very skillful not only at leading women into prost.i.tution, but also in slandering and ruining some of them. (Valesius, p. 626.)

[Footnote 50: Namely, L. Betutius Barrus.]

[Footnote 51: A slave of the aforesaid Barrus.]

[Sidenote: FRAG. Lx.x.xVI] [Sidenote: B.C. 112 (_a.u._ 642)] --This was calculated to bring him [sc. Marcus Drusus] glory first of itself and second in the light of Cato's disaster; and because he had shown great amiability toward the soldiers and seemed to have made success of more importance than truth, he also secured a renown greater than his deeds deserved. (Valesius, p. 629.)

[Sidenote: FRAG. Lx.x.xVII] [Sidenote: B.C. 108 (_a.u._ 646)] 1. --When Jugurtha sent to Metellus about peace the latter made separate demands upon him as if each were to be the last, and in this way got from him hostages, arms, the elephants, the captives, and the deserters. All of these last he killed but did not grant a truce because Jugurtha, fearing to be arrested, refused to come to him and because Marius and Gnaeus[52] prevented. (Ursinus, p. 385.)

[Footnote 52: Possibly an error for _Gaudas_.]

2. For he [sc. Marius] was in general seditious and turbulent, wholly friendly to the rabble from which he had sprung and wholly ready to overthrow the n.o.bility. He risked with perfect readiness any statement, promise, lie, or false oath in any matter where he hoped to gain a benefit. Blackmailing one of the foremost citizens or commending some rascal he thought child's play. And let no one be surprised that such a man could conceal his villanies for a very long time: for, as a result of his exceeding cunning and the good fortune which he enjoyed all through his early life, he actually acquired a reputation for virtue. (Valesius, p. 629.)

3. --Marius was the more easily able to calumniate Metellus for the reason that the latter was numbered among the n.o.bles and was managing military concerns excellently, whereas he himself was just beginning to come forward from a very obscure and doubtful origin into public notice:--the populace was readily inclined to overthrow Metellus through envy, and favored Marius increasingly for his promises:--of great a.s.sistance, too, was the report that Metellus had said to Marius (who was just then coming forward for election): "You ought to be satisfied if you get to be consul along with my son" (who was a mere lad). (Valesius, p. 630.)

4. --Gaudas was angry at Metellus because in spite of requests he had received from him neither the deserters nor a garrison of Roman soldiers, or else because he could not sit near him,--a privilege ordinarily vouchsafed by the consuls to princes and potentates.

(Valesius, ib.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 107 (_a.u._ 647)] 5. --When Cirta was captured by capitulation Bocchus sent a herald to Marius and first demanded the empire of Jugurtha as the price for his defection, but later, as he did not obtain it, simply asked him to make terms. So he sent envoys to Rome, but Jugurtha while this was taking place retired to the most desolate portions of his own territory. (Ursinus, p. 385.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 106 (_a.u._ 648)] 6. --Marius entertained the envoys of Bocchus but said he would make no compact with him unless he should receive Jugurtha's prisoners from his hands; and this was done.

(Ursinus, p. 386.)

_(BOOK 27, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: FRAG. Lx.x.xVIII] --Tolosa, which was formerly at peace with the Romans but had revolted, under the influence of hope in the Cimbri, to the extent of imprisoning the garrison, was occupied by them at night: they were admitted unexpectedly by friends and plundered the temples, obtaining much other money besides, for the place had been wealthy from of old, containing among other offerings those of which the Gauls under the leaders.h.i.+p of Brennus had once despoiled Delphi. Nothing of importance, however, reached the Romans in the capital, but the victors themselves confiscated the most of it.

For this a number were called to account. (Valesius, p. 630.)

[Sidenote: FRAG. Lx.x.xIX] [Sidenote: B.C. 105 (_a.u._ 649)] 1.

--Servilius by reason of his jealousy of his colleague[53] became the cause of many evils to the army; for, though he had in general equal powers, his repute was naturally diminished by the fact that the other was also consul. And ... after the death of Scaurus[54] he [Manlius?]

sent for Servilius: but the latter replied that each of them ought to keep his position. Then, apprehending that Manlius might gain some success by his own resources, he grew jealous of him, fearing that he might secure individual glory, and went to him: yet he did not bivouac on the same ground nor make him the partaker of any plan, but took up a distinct position with the evident intention of joining battle with the Cimbri before him and winning all the glory of the war. At the outset they still inspired the enemy with dread, as long as their quarrel was concealed, so much so as to lead the foe to desire peace, but when the Cimbri sent a herald to Manlius as consul Servilius became indignant that they had not directed their emba.s.sy to him, refused to agree to any reconciliation, and came near slaying the envoys. (Valesius, p. 630.)

[Footnote 53: _Cn. Manlius Maximus_.]

[Footnote 54: _M. Aurelius Scaurus_ (consul suffectus B.C. 108).]

2. --The soldiers forced Servilius to go to Manlius and consult with him about the emergency. But so far from coming into accord they became as a result of the meeting even more hostile than before: they fell into strife and abuse and parted in a disgraceful fas.h.i.+on.

(Valesius, p. 633.)

[Sidenote: FRAG. XC] [Sidenote: B.C. 104 (_a.u._ 650)] --After Gnaeus Domitius obtained leave to bring suit against Scaurus, one of the slaves then came forward and offered to bring any damaging charges against his master: but he refused to become involved in such despicable business, and arresting the fellow delivered him over to Scaurus. (Valesius, ib.)

[Sidenote: FRAG. XCI] 1. --Publius Licinius Nerva, who was praetor in the island, on learning that the slaves were not being justly treated in some respects, or else because he sought an occasion of profit (for he was not inaccessible to bribes), circulated the announcement that all who had any charges to bring against their masters should come to him, for he would a.s.sist them. Accordingly, many of them banded together, and some declared they were being wronged and others made known some other grievances against their masters, thinking they had secured an opportunity for accomplis.h.i.+ng without bloodshedding all that they wished. The freeborn, after consultation, resisted them and would not yield to them on any point. Therefore Licinius, inspired with fear by the united front of both sides and dreading that some great mischief might be done by the defeated party, would not admit any of the slaves but sent them away thinking that they would suffer no harm or that at any rate they would be scattered and so could cause no more disturbance. But they, fearing their masters because they had dared to raise their voices at all against them, organized a force and by common consent turned to robbery. (Valesius, p. 633.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 103 (_a.u._ 651)] 2. --The Messenians, believing that they would suffer no abuse, had deposited in that place for safe keeping all their most valuable and highly prized possessions.

Athenio, who as a Cilician held the chief command of the robbers, on learning this attacked them while they were celebrating a public festival in the suburbs, killed many of them as they were scattered about, and almost took the city by storm. After building a wall to fortify Macella,[55] a strong position, he did serious injury to the country. (Valesius, p. 634.)

[Footnote 55: Possibly the modern _Macellaro_.]

[Sidenote: FRAG. XCII] [Sidenote: B.C. 102 (_a.u._ 652)] 1. --After the defeat of the barbarians though many had fallen in battle some few were saved. Whereupon Marius attempted to console these survivors and to make amends by restoring to them all the plunder at a nominal price, to prevent its being thought that he had bestowed favors gratuitously upon any one. By this act Marius, who previously had been the darling of the populace alone because sprung from that cla.s.s and raised to power by it, now won over even the n.o.bles by whom he was hated, and was praised equally by all. He received from a willing and harmonious people a reelection for the following year, to enable him to subdue his remaining foes. (Valesius, ib.)

2. --The Cimbri when they had once halted lost much of their spirit and consequently grew duller and weaker in both soul and body. The reason was that in place of their former outdoor life they rested in houses, instead of their former cold plunges they used warm baths, whereas they were wont to eat raw meat they now filled themselves with richly spiced dishes and relishes of the country, and they saturated themselves, contrary to their custom, with wine and strong drink.

These practices extinguished all their fiery spirit and enervated their bodies, so that they could no longer bear toils or hards.h.i.+ps or heat or cold or sleeplessness. (Valesius, ib.)

_(BOOK 28, BOISSEVAIN.)_

[Sidenote: FRAG. XCIII] [Sidenote: B.C. 99 (_a.u._ 655)] 1. --The son of Metellus besought everybody to such an extent both in private and in public to let his father return from exile that he received the appellation _Pius_, i.e. dutiful. (Valesius, p. 638.)

2. --Furius had such enmity toward Metellus that when he was censor he took his horse away. (Valesius, ib.)