West African studies Part 31

After being with us for twelve months, some other relatives laid claim to her, and as I was just leaving for England, I allowed them to take her, but not without making four or five of the princ.i.p.al chiefs responsible for her welfare. She will now be a grown woman, but will look back upon those happy months with pleasure, I feel sure.

Another incident may be of interest--quite a change of scene--showing you how you may be as kind and as good to a people as it is possible to be, yet you must always be ready to defend yourself at a moment's notice, which will be seen from the following circ.u.mstances. We had been troubled for some time past with night robberies, not very serious at first, but they became more frequent than I cared about. I gave the matter serious attention, but we could not trace the thieves, do what we would; the strange thing was, that as soon as a robbery had been committed, a native, a sort of half slave, was sure to be seen about the beach putting on what seemed to me a sort of bravado manner; but, of course, he never knew anything about the people who had been tampering with the premises, and he always appeared to be surprised to think that any one should do such a thing, but at last matters came to a climax; our plantain trees had been cut down, and a whole lot of fine plantains stolen, as well as a lot of wire fencing. I was vexed to the extreme when this dastardly work was brought to my notice. But what was my surprise, no sooner had my lad reported the matter to me, when along walked the very man I have just described, looking as bold as bra.s.s.

Said I to myself, "If you have not done this stealing you know something about it, and you will have to give an account of your movements before you leave these premises." So I sent orders to have him immediately put under arrest, which was done, and he was given to understand that until the thieves, whoever they were, had been brought to justice, he would have to remain under arrest.

This was an unexpected blow for my friend, but he proved one too many for my people. He managed to get the best side of his keeper, and slipped; next morning we had no prisoner, the bird had flown. I knew he would work no good for us in the villages, neither did he; he went from village to village, right through the Eket country, telling the people the most dreadful things, and the most abominable lies, of what had been done to him the short time he was our prisoner; so much so, that he got the people quite furious against me and my people. Just as an agitator will work up strife in England if he is not checked, so it was with this man; he got every village to declare war against me. This went on for three or four days, until he got them all to concentrate themselves.

They were all brought one night to within a quarter of a mile of our establishment; here they had their war dances all night, yet I did not think there was any likelihood of their attacking us. Still, for a couple of days things did not appear right, the people seemed strange in their manner; so I thought it not wise to be caught napping, and I made some preparations for an attack if we were to have one, and had the Gatling gun placed in position at the rear of the house. This I felt was quite enough to defend the house, if I could but get a fair chance to use it, although I was in hope I should not be called upon to do so.

We had not long to wait, for at 5.30 in the morning after a continuous beating of drums all night, I got up and walked out on the verandah, which was my usual custom, not thinking we were going to be attacked, but when I looked round, the wood and bush seemed to be alive with people, and some of them were already advancing towards the house, while one chief, more daring than the others, came on near enough for me to speak to him. Seeing this unexpected development of affairs, and the suspicious look of my friend near at hand, I called to my boy, who was near, to bring my revolver, and no sooner had the chief got within twenty paces or so of the house, when I called upon him to stop and tell me what was their mission so early in the morning. He said they had come to talk over the matter of the man I had imprisoned. But I said this is not the time of day we usually talk over matters we may have in dispute--the afternoon being always the recognised time. "Yes," said my friend, "but we want to settle matters now." "All right," I said, and with that I held my revolver at his head, and ordered him to stand, and not move an inch, or I would shoot him dead on the spot. The people at the back, seeing what was taking place, began to move towards the house. I said to my boy, "run to the beach and tell Mr. Sawyer to come up." This was my coloured a.s.sistant, whom I knew I could trust. The lad was away, and Mr. Sawyer at my side before the people had got too near.

"What am I to do, sir?" "Take this revolver and hold it to that man's head, whilst I jump to the Gatling; if he moves, shoot him down." There was not half a move in him, and in a moment I was at the Gatling. By this time there was a general move forward from all parts of the bush, but no sooner did this black ma.s.s see I was at the gun, and determined to fight or die, quicker than I can write these words, I saw the whole body fall back in dismay. There was my opportunity. I jumped from the Gatling, went straight to the people, and demanded of them what they wanted to do. Their answer was--"We don't know; we are a lot of fools, and we have lost our heads; send us back, we have no business to come to fight against you, and we don't want to."

By seven o'clock that morning the trade was going on in our establishment as though nothing had happened. This little incident I have always described as a bloodless battle, won in a few moments; yes, in almost less time than it has taken me to write its description. This matter we finally settled, after holding a large meeting with all the chiefs and people. The laws of these people are very definite; you must have absolute proof of a person's guilt, before you can even accuse him.

I had to sit as judge over my own case, which was rather an unfair position for one to be placed in. But as the laws are definite it was simple enough to decide. The question was--"Had I any proof that this man was one of the thieves, or in any way connected with the affair?" I had not; my evidence was purely suppositional. This ended the matter. I was in the wrong, therefore I had no alternative but to put a fine upon myself, which I did, and was very pleased to end what had nearly cost me my life, and probably also a number of my people. After this affairs went on merrily at Eket.

There was a place called Okon some few miles up the river from Eket, and here I proposed to start another establishment, so had made all preparations at Ibuno for that purpose, and left the latter place with my boat, people, provisions and materials. We arrived at Okot overnight, intending to sleep there, as it was the nearest beach to Okon. All went well until the next morning, when we were preparing to start. My factory keeper at Okot came to me in the most serious manner possible, wanting to know if I really meant going to Okon. I said "Certainly, we have come up for the purpose." "Well," he said, "I think you had better not go; there are very nasty rumours about here that it is intended to do you some harm if you should attempt to open up at Okon; in other words, men have been appointed to take your life." "All right," I said; "we must take our chance; we shall not turn back until we have tried." So away we went, I in a small boat with a few boys, the others in another boat with the etceteras. We arrived at Okon and landed our goods, but we found a number of Ja Ja's people had arrived before us. I took no notice of them any more than pa.s.sing the time of day. However, I must confess I did not like their demeanour. Nothing was said and our provisions were safely housed in a native shanty. Here I intended to remain while building our own house. The timber, iron and other goods were placed on the spot we intended to occupy. This done, I started off with a couple of boys to acquaint the king and the people of the village of our arrival, and to get the king or some of his chiefs to come down and allot me the land I required. We had been in the village some little time, and matters were well-nigh settled, when all at once there was a general stampede from the meeting house, and just at that moment I heard a regular fusilade of guns, and in came running one of my people from the beach, nearly frightened to death. "Ma.s.sa, ma.s.sa, come quick to the beach; Ja Ja's men have burnt down the house and want to shoot us all, and all our goods are in their hands." By this time a lot of Ja Ja's men were in the village, and I was left absolutely alone with the exception of my own boys and the one that had run up from the beach. Every native had rushed to his compound as soon as the firing had commenced. I turned to my boys, told them not to fire, but to keep cool, do as I told them, and be ready to protect themselves if any one attacked them, not else. So down we slowly walked to the beach. Here was a sight for me! All my goods thrown to the four winds, my house burnt to the ground, and about a hundred or more of Ja Ja's or Opobo men arranged up in line, every man with his rifle and cutla.s.s, ready to fight, which they evidently antic.i.p.ated I should do as soon as I appeared on the scene; but this I had no intention of doing. To attempt to show fight against such odds would have been simply suicidal, so I made up my mind to show the best front possible under the circ.u.mstances, called my boys, placed them in equal numbers on either side of me, with our backs to the bush and facing our would-be enemies. I then inquired what they wished to do.

Drawing my revolver, which was a six chambered one, I held it up. "If you want my life you may have it, but, FIRST, _let me tell you, inside this small gun I hold six men's lives; those six men I_ WILL _have_, then you may have me." Not a word was uttered. Then I said, "If you do not want that, I and my people will leave you here in possession of these goods and the house that you have already partly destroyed." With this I ordered my boys to the boats, to which we went quietly and in order, leaving our Opobo friends dumbfounded and baulked of the main object of their mission.

When we had got well clear of the beach I was thankful indeed, for never was a man nearer death than I was at that time, I think. We went down to Ibuno as fast as our boats could go, our boys singing as Kroo boys can sing when they feel themselves free from danger. I only stayed a few hours at Ibuno. As soon as the tide served I made right away to Old Calabar to lay the whole affair before H.M. Consul. After this I felt I had done my duty in the matter of the Opobo business. The affair was, of course, settled against the Opobos, and they had to leave the Okon beach to us absolutely.

I must not deal with the rough side only of pioneer life in West Africa, so I think I will just touch upon one of the many kindnesses shown to me by the Ibunos during these troublous times. The Qua Iboe bar, like many others along the coast, more so in this particular part, is very treacherous, being composed of quicksand. It is always on the move, so the channel changes from place to place. Sometimes you go in and out at one side, sometimes at the other, and sometimes straight through the centre. These moving sands require a great deal of careful watching and constant surveying, which I used to invariably see to and do myself about once a fortnight. While out on this work one day, with four boys and Mr. Williams, who at that time had a small establishment at Ibuno, and was as anxious as I was to know the true position of the channel, we were both working small sailing craft--we had not risen to a steamer then--(now there is, and has been for a considerable time, one working the same river), and started off, the weather being fairly fine, and to all appearances the sea very quiet. All went well with us going out. I got soundings right through the channel, and after pa.s.sing safely we turned our boat about to come back into the river again. Along we came until we got right into the centre of the bar, then suddenly a sea took us, and before any one could speak the boat was over. We were under water and the boat on top of us. Being a good swimmer, I was not afraid, but immediately dived down and came up alongside the boat. My boys were round me like a swarm of fish, not knowing whether I could swim or not.

I soon put their minds at rest and told them not to trouble about me, but to get everything together belonging to the boat and get her righted. This done, "Now," I said, "if you will all keep your heads and do as you are told, we shall get the boat and ourselves through all right." So we divided, three on one side, three on the other, and swam with the boat until we reached the beach, which was about a mile and a half distant, and I can tell you took us some considerable time. Before we landed we had been something like three hours in the water, which is no small matter anywhere, much less in West Africa, where one is not always in the best of condition. Mr. Williams got very frightened and, I think, was in doubt once or twice as to whether we should reach the sh.o.r.e; but we did, and were truly thankful, and although we did not openly show it, we gave none the less hearty thanks from our inmost hearts. After landing we righted our boat and paddled off up river to our factory. Here we arrived before any of the natives knew what had happened. Our boys soon put the news about, as they felt they had had a marvellous escape. Mr. Williams and I drank as much brandy as we could manage, then I jumped into bed and remained until the next morning. I believe he did the same too. At daylight I awoke and felt, to my surprise, as well as I ever felt in my life. Being so long in the water, I fully antic.i.p.ated a severe attack of fever next day, but it wasn't so, and I was about my business as though nothing had happened. I don't think I should have thought any more about it had not the Ibunos so forcibly reminded me of the danger we really had pa.s.sed through. After having so many narrow escapes this one appeared to pa.s.s as a matter of ordinary occurrence. Not so to them; the afternoon of the day after the accident, while I was out about the work, I saw an unusual number of natives going to the house, each little contingent carrying baskets of yams and fish. I had not long to wait before one of my boys came to tell me the Ibuno people wished to speak with me at the house. I went to them at once. Here was my dining room full of natives, and in the centre a pile of yams two or three feet high, and fish, the very finest that had been caught that day, as well as some very beautiful dried fish, enough to last me and my people, I should think, a month or more. This sight took me rather by surprise, not quite knowing what was about to take place. I took the chair which was placed for me and waited. All being quiet, one of the chiefs rose up and said, "We know you are somewhat surprised to see all us villagers here to-day, and also the food we have brought with us which is now in front of you, but we have come to tell you how sorry we all were, men, women and children throughout our villages, when we heard you had been thrown into the sea, and all had such a narrow escape of losing your lives. We are all the more sorry to think that not one of our people were able to render you the slightest a.s.sistance. Had we seen you or known what was taking place every canoe would have come to your aid, but we did not, and while we were sitting comfortably in our houses you were struggling in the water. To us this has been a grief, and to show you how thankful we are to think you have been preserved to us through this danger and many others, we have brought for your acceptance the best we can offer you. We are but poor, as you know, but these gifts come from our hearts as a present to you and a thank-offering to our Father in Heaven who has been pleased to restore you to us unhurt. We are, we must tell you, thankful in more ways than one for your deliverance, because had you been lost our great enemy Ja Ja would at once have said his Ju Ju had worked that it should be so." With this he sat down.

For me to attempt to express what I felt at that moment would be impossible; I must say I felt a very unpleasant feeling in my throat, and I don't know but that some of the water I had had too much of the day before was having a good try to a.s.sert itself. If it had, it was not to be wondered at; for any one would have to have been hard indeed if such kindness did not touch them; even the strongest of us are bound sometimes to give way for a moment. I did not attempt to hide from them the fulness of my heart, and the grat.i.tude I felt for such kindness, where I least expected it. I told them I had not thought much of the accident, but I was thankful to think my life and my people had been spared, and I only hoped I should live to show them how their great kindness would ever be remembered by me, and would not be forgotten as long as life lasted. After general thanks our meeting broke up and ended, but has never been forgotten.

After we had got fairly well established and our trade began to develop itself, our firm at Liverpool chartered a small brig, with a general cargo of goods for us, which in due time I was notified of. Now this was a great event, not only for us, but for the river, as this would be the first sailing s.h.i.+p that had ever entered the Qua Iboe to bring in and take out a cargo direct. Everything that had been done before this was by small craft, and trans.h.i.+pped at one of the main rivers; so I was very anxious that the arrival of this s.h.i.+p should be made as complete a success as possible. I knew it would be next to impossible to bring her in right over the bar, as deeply laden as she would be from England, as our depth of water was not more than 8 ft. 6 in. to 9 ft. at spring tides, and this vessel would draw from 10 to 11 ft. at the very least.

In due time the little s.h.i.+p was sighted off the bar. As soon as the tide made, I put off to her to receive her letters, and to give the captain instructions as to what I wished him to do. On arriving alongside, the first thing I found was that her draft of water was 11 ft., so I told the captain he could not possibly go into the river with that draft, so we decided to lighten her all we could; I left again for the sh.o.r.e to make all the necessary arrangements to this end. The next morning our boats were started off out; the day being fine they all got alongside without much trouble, and brought away as much as they could carry, which was not more than about twenty tons; this from 200 did not make much impression on the s.h.i.+p's draught. Next day all the boats were again despatched; this time the weather was anything but favourable, and, to my dismay, while all the boats crossed the bar in safety, not one could get to the s.h.i.+p; the wind and current being so strong down from the westward against them, they all fell away to leeward. When night came on they anch.o.r.ed, as they could neither get to the s.h.i.+p nor back to the river; here they were without food or fire. All remained until the next day, when the weather, if anything, was worse; so when evening came and they all found it was useless trying to get back into the river or to the s.h.i.+p, and being without food, they all ran before the wind for the Old Calabar River, which was some twenty-five miles to the mouth, then about thirty-five miles more of river, until they got to our establishment there; here they eventually arrived nearly starved; while I, with only one boy, was left at the Ibuno factory in a dreadful state of mind, as you may imagine, wondering what had happened to our people, and also what was to be done with the s.h.i.+p and cargo. The spring tides were upon us, and the vessel either had to come in at once, or remain out another fortnight, and be under demurrage, which meant a very serious matter for us. Being our first s.h.i.+p, it was most unfortunate.

The only thing to do was to bring her in as she stood. This had to be done at all costs; so I at once got Mr. Williams, who, by-the-bye, was generally to the fore in time of need, to lend me his boat, with three of his boys; these, with my one, made up some sort of a crew. Away we went, and got safely out. On the way I had a good survey of the bar, so as to get every inch of the water it was possible. This carefully done, we arrived alongside the s.h.i.+p, and no one was more surprised than the captain, when I told him I had come out to take his s.h.i.+p into the river, if he was ready. "Yes," he said; "if you will undertake to do it." "I will," I said. "You work your s.h.i.+p as I tell you, and we shall get in all right, I feel confident."

The order was given to loose all sails and heave anchor, which was done in a very short time. As the tide was near to being high, there was no time to be lost. We were soon under way, and our little craft, with all sails set, bounding for the bar. I had my channel to a nicety; over we went, to my astonishment, without a touch. The relief I felt when this was pa.s.sed, I am unable to describe. In a short time the first s.h.i.+p that had ever entered Qua Iboe River from England direct was anch.o.r.ed off our factory. The natives crowded down to see this, to them, wonderful sight, and when I landed I was immediately carried on the shoulders of some of the crowd up to my house. The delight in the river that evening was great indeed; so much so, that I shall not easily forget that event.

Still, my troubles were not quite at an end, for while we had the s.h.i.+p in, we had no one to discharge her cargo; but "necessity being the mother of invention," I called the chiefs of the village together, and told them of my position. One boy was all I had, and the cargo must come out of the s.h.i.+p. "All right," they said, "show our people what has to be done; we will discharge the s.h.i.+p." Next morning our beach was alive with people, and by the evening of the next day she was completely discharged and ready for homeward cargo. We could now afford to take more time. The next thing was to commence loading; this we had got well on with, when our people returned. After this we were not long in getting our s.h.i.+p ready for going out over the bar again, which was done as successfully as she was brought in. After getting her clear we ran her to Old Calabar to complete her loading for England. This ended our first s.h.i.+p, others followed after, one of which got left on the bar a wreck, and another turned back and was condemned in the river. We soon gave up the idea of working sailing s.h.i.+ps. A small steamer was bought, and after this things went fairly well.

APPENDIX III

TRADE GOODS USED IN THE EARLY TRADE WITH AFRICA AS GIVEN BY BARBOT AND OTHER WRITERS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. BY M. H. KINGSLEY

"Those used in trade by the Senga Company of Senegal at St. Lewis and Goree and their dependent factories of Rufisco, Camina, Juala, Gamboa (Gambia), _circa_ 1677.

"For the convenience of trade between the French at the Senega and the natives, all European goods are reduced to a certain standard, viz., hides, bars, and slaves, for the better understanding whereof I give some instances. One bar of iron is reckoned as worth 8 hides, 1 cutlace the same, 1 cl.u.s.ter of bugles weighing 4-1/4 lbs. as 3 hides, 1 bunch of false pearls 20 hides, 1 bunch of Gallet 4 hides, 1 hogshead of brandy from 150 to 160 hides. Bugles are very small gla.s.s beads, and mostly made at Venice, and sold in strings and cl.u.s.ters. At Goree the same goods bear not quite so good a rate, as, for example, a hogshead of brandy brings but 140 hides, 1 lb. of gunpowder 2 hides, 1 piece of eight 5 hides, 1 oz. of coral 7 or 8 hides, 1 oz. of crystal 1 hide, an ounce of yellow amber 2 hides.

"A slave costs from 12 to 14 bars of iron, and sometimes 16, at Porto d'Ali 18 to 20, and much more at Gamboa, according to the number of s.h.i.+ps, French, English, Portuguese, and Dutch, which happen to be there at the same time. The bar of iron is rated at 6 hides.

"Besides these, which are the most staple commodities, the French import common red, blue, and scarlet cloth, silver and bra.s.s rings or bracelets, chains, little bells, false crystal, ordinary and coa.r.s.e hats, _Dutch_ pointed knives, pewter dishes, silk sashes with false gold and silver fringes, blue serges, _French_ paper, steels to strike fire, _English_ sayes, _Roan_ linen, salamporis, platillies, blue callicoes, taffeties, chintzs, cawris or sh.e.l.ls, by the French called _bouges_, coa.r.s.e north, red cords called _Bure_, lines, shoes, fustian, red worsted caps, worsted fringe of all colours, worsted of all kinds in skeins, basons of several sizes, bra.s.s kettles, yellow amber, maccatons, that is, beads of two sorts, pieces of eight of the old stamp, some pieces of 28 sols value, either plain or gilt, Dutch cutlaces, straight and bow'd, and clouts, galet, martosdes, two other sorts of beads of which the blacks make necklaces for women, white sugar, musket b.a.l.l.s, iron nails, shot, white and red frize, looking-gla.s.ses in plain and gilt frames, cloves, cinnamon, scissors, needles, coa.r.s.e thread of sundry colours, but chiefly red, yellow, and white, copper bars of a pound weight, ferrit, men's s.h.i.+rts, coa.r.s.e and fine, some of them with bone lace about the neck, breast, and sleeves, _Haerlem_ cloths, _Coasveld_ linen, _Dutch_ mugs, white and blue, _Leyden_ rugs or blankets, _Spanish_ leather shoes, bra.s.s trumpets, round padlocks, gla.s.s bottles with a tin rim at the mouth, empty trunks or chests, and a sort of bugle called Pezant, but above all, as was said above, great quant.i.ties of brandy, and iron in bars; particularly at Goree the company imports 10,000 or more every year of those which are made in their province of _Brittany_, all short and thin, which is called in London narrow flat iron, or half flat iron in Sweden, but each bar shortened or cut off at one end to about 16 to 18 inches, so that about 80 of these bars weigh a ton English. It is to be observed that such voyage-iron, as it is called in London, is the only sort and size used throughout all Nigritia, Guinea, and West Ethiopia in the way of trade. Lastly, a good quant.i.ty of Cognac brandy, both in hogsheads and rundlets, single and double, the double being 8, the single 4 gallons.

"The princ.i.p.al goods the French have in return for these commodities from the _Moors_ and _Blacks_ are slaves, gold dust, elephants' teeth, beeswax, dry and green hides, gum-arabic, ostrich feathers, and several other odd things, as ambergris, cods of musk, tygers' and goats' skins, provisions, bullocks, sheep, and teeth of sea-horses (hippopotamus)."

The main trade of the Senga or Senegal Company seems to have been gum and slaves in these regions. Gold dust they got but little of in Senegal, the Portuguese seeming to have been the best people to work that trade. The ivory was, according to Barbot, here mainly that picked up in woods, and scurfy and hollow, or, as we should call it, kraw kraw ivory, the better ivory coming from the Qua Qua Ivory Coast. Hides, however, were in the seventeenth century, as they are now, a regular line in the trade of Senegambia, and the best hides came from the Senegal River, the inferior from Rufisco and Porto d'Ali. Barbot says: "They soak or dye these hides as soon as they are flayed from the beast, and presently expose them to the air to dry; which, in my opinion, is the reason why, wanting the true first seasoning, they are apt to corrupt and breed worms if not looked after and often beaten with a stick or wand, and then laid up in very dry store houses." I have no doubt Barbot is right, and that there is not enough looking after done to them now a days, so that the worms have their own way too much.

The African hides were held in old days inferior to those s.h.i.+pped from South America, both in thickness and size, and were used in France chiefly to cover boxes with; but in later times, I am informed, they were sought after and split carefully into two slices, serving to make kid for French boots.

"The French reckoned the trade of the Senga Company to yield 700 or 800 per cent, advance upon invoice of their goods, and yet their Senga Company, instead of thriving, has often brought a n.o.ble to ninepence.

Nay, it has broken twice in less than thirty years, which must be occasioned by the vast expense they are at in Europe, Africa, and America, besides ill-management of their business; but this is no more than the common fate of Dutch and English African Companies, as well as that to make rather loss than profit, because their charges are greater than the trade can bear, in maintaining so many ports and other forts and factories in Africa, which devour all the profits." I quote this of Barbot as an interesting thing, considering the present state of West Coast Colonial finance.

GAMBIA TRADE, 1678.

"The factors of the English Company at James Fort, and those of the French at Albreda and other places, drive a very great trade in that country all along the river in brigantines, sloops, and canoes, purchasing--

Elephants' teeth, beeswax, slaves, pagnos (country-made clothes), hides, gold and silver, and goods also found in the Sengal trade.

In exchange they give the _Blacks_--

Bars of iron, drapery of several sorts, woollen stuffs and cloth, linen of several sorts, coral and pearl, brandy or rum in anchors, firelocks, powder, ball and shot, Sleysiger linen, painted callicoes of gay colours, s.h.i.+rts, gilded swords, ordinary looking-gla.s.ses, salt, hats, _Roan_ caps, all sorts and sizes of bugles, yellow amber, rock crystal, bra.s.s pans and kettles, paper, bra.s.s and pewter rings, some of them gilt, box and other combs, _Dutch_ earthen cans, false ear-rings, satalaes, and sabres or cutlaces, small iron and copper kettles, _Dutch_ knives called _Bosmans_, hooks, bra.s.s trumpets, bills, needles, thread and worsted of several colours." This selection practically covered the trade up to Sierra Leone.

SIERRA LEONE, 1678.

"Exports.--Elephants' teeth, slaves, santalum wood, a little gold, much beeswax with some pearls, crystal, long peppers, ambergris, &c. The ivory here was considered the best on the West Coast, being, says Barbot, very white and large, have had some weighing 80 to 100 lbs., at a very modest rate 80 lbs. of ivory for the value of five livres _French_ money, in coa.r.s.e knives and other such toys. The gold purchased in Sierra Leone, the same authority states, comes from Mandinga and other remote countries towards the Niger or from South Guinea by the River Mitomba. The trade selection was: French brandy or rum, iron bars, white callicoes, Sleysiger linen, bra.s.s kettles, earthen cans, all sorts of gla.s.s b.u.t.tons, bra.s.s rings or bracelets, bugles and gla.s.s beads of sundry colours, bra.s.s medals, earrings, _Dutch_ knives, _Bosmans_, first and second size, hedging bills and axes, coa.r.s.e laces, crystal beads, painted callicoes (red) called chintz, oil of olive, small duffels, ordinary guns, muskets and fuzils, gunpowder, musket b.a.l.l.s and shot, old sheets, paper, red caps, men's s.h.i.+rts, all sorts of counterfeit pearls, red cotton, narrow bands of silk stuffs or worsted, about half a yard broad for women, used about their waists.

The proper goods to purchase, the cam wood and elephants' teeth in Sherboro' River, are chiefly these:--

Bra.s.s basons and kettles, pewter basons, and tankards, iron bars, bugles, painted callicoes, _Guinea_ stuffs or cloths, _Holland_ linen or cloth, muskets, powder, and ball. A s.h.i.+p may in two months time out and home purchase here fifty-six tons of cam wood and four tons of elephants' teeth or more."

The trade selection for the Pepper Coast was practically the same as for Sierra Leone, only less extensive and cheaper in make, and had a special line in white and blue large beads. The main export was Manequette pepper and rice, the latter of which was to be had in great quant.i.ty but poor quality at about a halfpenny a pound; and there was also ivory to be had, but not to so profitable an extent as on the next coast, the Ivory. The same selection of goods was used for the Ivory Coast trade as those above-named, with the addition of Contaccarbe or Contabrode, namely, iron rings, about the thickness of a finger which the blacks wear about their legs with bra.s.s bells, as they do the bra.s.s rings or bracelets about their arms in the same manner. The natives here also sold country-made cloths, which were bought by the factors to use in trade in other districts, mainly the Gold Coast; the Ivory Coast cloths come from inland districts, those sold at Cape La Hou are of six stripes, three French ells and a half long, and very fine; those from Corby La Hou of five stripes, about three ells long, and coa.r.s.er. They also made "clouts" of a sort of hemp, or plant like it, which they dye handsomely, and weave very artificially.

THE GOLD COAST.

This coast has, from its discovery in the 15th century to our own day, been the chief trade region in the Bight of Benin; and Barbot states that the amount of gold sent from it to Europe in his day was 240,000 value per annum.

The trade selection for the Gold Coast trade in the 17th and 18th centuries is therefore very interesting, as it gives us an insight into the manufactures exported by European traders at that time, and of a good many different kinds; for English, French, Portuguese, Dutch, Danes and Brandenburghers were all engaged in the Gold Coast trade, and each took out for barter those things he could get cheapest in his own country.

"The _French_ commonly," says Barbot, "carry more brandy, wine, iron, paper, firelocks, &c., than the _English_ or _Dutch_ can do, those commodities being cheaper in _France_, as, on the other hand, they (the _English_ and _Dutch_) supply the Guinea trade with greater quant.i.ties of linen, cloth, bugles, copper basons and kettles, wrought pewter, gunpowder, sayes, perpetuanas, chintzs, cawris, old sheets, &c., because they can get these wares from _England_ or _Holland_.

"The _French_ commonly compose their cargo for the Gold Coast trade to purchase slaves and gold dust; of brandy, white and red wine, ros solis, firelocks, muskets, flints, iron in bars, white and red contecarbe, red frize, looking gla.s.ses, fine coral, sarsaparilla, bugles of sundry sorts and colours and gla.s.s beads, powder, sheets, tobacco, taffeties, and many other sorts of silks wrought as brocardels, velvets, s.h.i.+rts, black hats, linen, paper, laces of many sorts, shot, lead, musket b.a.l.l.s, callicoes, serges, stuffs, &c., besides the other goods for a true a.s.sortment, which they have commonly from _Holland_.

"The _Dutch_ have _Coesveld_ linen, Slezsiger lywat, old sheets, _Leyden_ serges, dyed indigo-blue, perpetuanas, green, blue and purple, _Konings-Kleederen_, annabas, large and narrow, made at _Haerlem_; _Cyprus_ and _Turkey_ stuffs, _Turkey_ carpets, red, blue and yellow cloths, green, red and white _Leyden_ rugs, silk stuffs blue and white, bra.s.s kettles of all sizes, copper basons, _Scotch_ pans, barbers'

basons, some wrought, others hammered, copper pots, bra.s.s locks, bra.s.s trumpets, pewter, bra.s.s and iron rings, hair trunks, pewter dishes and plates (of a narrow brim), deep porringers, all sorts and sizes of fis.h.i.+ng hooks and lines, lead in sheets and in pipes, 3 sorts of _Dutch_ knives, _Venice_ bugles and gla.s.s beads of sundry colours and sizes, sheep skins, iron bars, bra.s.s pins long and short, bra.s.s bells, iron hammers, powder, muskets, cutlaces, cawris, chintz, lead b.a.l.l.s and shot, bra.s.s cups with handles, cloths of _Cabo Verdo_, _Qua Qua_, _Ardra_ and _Rio Forcada_, blue coral, _alias_ akory from Benin, strong waters and abundance of other wares, being near 160 sorts, as a _Dutchman_ told me."

I am sorry Barbot broke down just when he seemed going strong with this list, and I was out of breath checking the indent, and said "other wares," but I cannot help it, and beg to say that this is the true a.s.sortment for the Gold Coast trade in 1678. The English selection "besides many of the same goods above mentioned have tapseils, broad and narrow, nicanees fine and coa.r.s.e, many sorts of chintz or _Indian_ callicoes printed, tallow, red painting colours, _Canary_ wine, sayes, perpetuanas inferior to the _Dutch_ and sacked up in painted tillets with the _English_ arms, many sorts of white callicoes, blue and white linen, _China_ satins, _Barbadoes_ rum, other strong waters and spirits, beads of all sorts, buckshaws, _Welsh_ plain, boy-sades, romberges, clouts, gingarus, taffeties, amber, brandy, flower, _Hamburgh_ brawls, and white, blue and red chequered linen, narrow _Guinea_ stuffs chequered, ditto broad, old hats, purple beads. The _Danes_, _Brandenburghers_ and _Portuguese_ provide their cargoes in _Holland_ commonly consisting of very near the same sort of wares as I have observed the _Dutch_ make up theirs, the two former having hardly anything of their own proper to the trade of the Gold Coast besides copper and silver, either wrought or in bullion or in pieces of eight, which are a commodity also there.

"The _Portuguese_ have most of their cargoes from _Holland_ under the name of _Jews_ residing there, and they add some things of the product of _Brazil_, as tobacco, rum, tame cattle, _St. Tome_ cloth, others from _Rio Forcado_ and other circ.u.mjacent places in the Gulf of Guinea."