Socialism and Democracy in Europe Part 16

Bismarck believed that Socialism existed because the laboring man was not sufficiently interested in the state. He had no property, and was not enlightened enough to appreciate the intangible benefits of sovereignty. In 1880 German trade had reached a low ebb. Agriculture had fallen into decay. German peasants and workingmen were emigrating to America by the tens of thousands. Bismarck promulgated his industrial insurance, first, to placate the workingman; second, to restore prosperity to German industry.

As a result of his policy Germany is to-day the most "socialized"

state in Europe. Here a workingman may begin life attended by a physician paid by the state; he is christened by a state clergyman; he is taught the rudiments of learning and his handicraft by the state.

He begins work under the watchful eye of a state inspector, who sees that the safeguards to health and limb are strictly observed. He is drafted by the state into the army, and returns from the rigor of this discipline to his work. The state gives him license to marry, registers his place of residence, follows him from place to place, and registers the birth of his children. If he falls ill, his suffering is a.s.suaged by the knowledge that his wife and children are cared for and that his expenses will be paid during illness; and he may spend his convalescent days in a luxurious state hospital. If he falls victim to an accident the dread of worklessness is removed by the ample insurance commanded by the state even if his injury permanently incapacitates him. If he should unfortunately become that most pitiful of all men, the man out of work, the state and the city will do all in their power to find employment for him. If he wanders from town to town in search of work the city has its shelter (Herberge) to welcome him; if he wishes to move to another part of his town the munic.i.p.al bureau will be glad to help him find a suitable house, or may even loan him money for building a house of his own. If he is in difficulty the city places a lawyer at his disposal. If he is in a dispute with his employer the government provides a court of arbitration. If he is sued or wishes to sue his employer, he does so in the workingmen's court (Gewerbe Gericht). If he wishes recreation, there is the city garden; if he wishes entertainment let him go to the public concert; if he wishes to improve his mind there are libraries and free lectures. And if by rare chance, through the grace of the state's strict sanitary regulations and by thrift and care, he reaches the age of seventy, he will find the closing days of his long life eased by a pension, small, very small, to be sure, but yet enough to make him more welcome to the relatives or friends who are charged with administering to his wants.[21]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] For a comprehensive description of the German government, see DAWSON, _Germany and the Germans_, Vol. I.

[2] Liebknecht said, in the Breslau congress of the Social-Democratic party: "La.s.salle is the man in whom the modern organized German labor movement had its origin."--"Sozial-Demokratische Partei-Tag,"

_Protokoll_, 1895, p. 66.

[3] For sketch of La.s.salle and his work see KIRKUP, _History of Socialism_, pp. 72 et seq.; ELY, _French and German Socialism of Modern Times_, p. 189; RAE, _Contemporary Socialism_, pp. 93 ff. For an extended account, see DAWSON, _German Socialism and Ferdinand La.s.salle_, London, 1888. GEORG BRANDES, _Ferdinand La.s.salle_, originally in Danish, has been translated into German, 1877, and into English, 1911. Also see FRANZ MEHRING. _Die Deutsche Sozial-Demokratie: Ihre Geschichte und ihre Lehre_; BERNHARD BECKER, _Geschichte der Arbeiter Agitation Ferdinand La.s.salles_, Brunswick, 1874: this volume contains a good detailed account of La.s.salle's work.

[4] Published in Zurich, 1863: _Macht und Recht_.

[5] _Macht und Recht_, p. 13.

[6] Letter dated April 22, 1863.

[7] "offentliches Antwort-schreiben an das Zentral Committee zur Berufung eines Allgemeinen Deutschen Arbeiter Congress zu Leipzig,"

first published in Zurich, 1863.

[8] In the Reichstag, September 16, 1878.

[9] When Bernstein collected La.s.salle's works he wrote a sketch of the agitator's life as a preface. A number of years later, 1904, he published his second sketch, _Ferdinand La.s.salle and His Significance to the Working Cla.s.ses_, in which he s.h.i.+fted his position and a.s.sumed a La.s.sallian tone. This change of mind is typical of the Social Democratic movement toward the La.s.sallian idea.

[10] The law is reprinted in MEHRING, _Die Deutsche Sozial-Demokratie_.

[11] See DAWSON, _German Socialism and Ferdinand La.s.salle_, pp. 251 ff., for a discussion of this law.

[12] A good description of the working of this law is found in DAWSON, _Germany and the Germans_, Vol. II, Chap. x.x.xVII.

[13] December 14, 1882.

[14] "At a large Berlin meeting a speaker innocently used the word commune (parish), whereupon the police officer in control, thinking only of the Paris Commune, at once dismissed the a.s.sembly, and a thousand persons had to disperse into the streets disappointed and embittered.... 'Militarism is a terrible mistake,' said a speaker at an election meeting, which legally should have been beyond police power, and at these words, further proceedings were forbidden and several persons were arrested. The Socialist deputy Bebel, in addressing some workingmen on economical questions, said that 'In the textile industry it happens that while the wife is working at the loom, the husband sits at home and cooks dinner,' and the meeting was dismissed immediately."--DAWSON, _Germany and the Germans_, Vol. II, pp. 190-1.

[15] DAWSON, _supra cit._, p. 192.

[16] _Protokoll des Partei-Tages_, 1890, p. 30.

[17] Reichstag debates, April 2, 1886.

[18] _Protokoll des Partei-Tages_, 1890, pp. 11-12.

[19] For discussion of German industrial insurance, see W.H. DAWSON, _Bismarck and State Socialism_, also J. ELLIS BARKER, _Modern Germany_.

[20] R. MEYER, _Der Emanc.i.p.ations-Kampf des Vierten Standes_, p. 475.

[21] See Appendix for table showing cost of industrial insurance.

In Germany the state owns railways, ca.n.a.ls, river transportation, harbors, telephones, telegraph, and parcels post. Banks, insurance, savings banks, and p.a.w.nshops are conducted by the state.

Munic.i.p.alities are landlords of vast estates, they are capitalists owning street cars, gas plants, electric light plants, theaters, markets, warehouses. They have hospitals for the sick, shelters for the homeless, soup-houses for the hungry, asylums for the weak and unfortunate, nurseries for the babies, homes for the aged, and cemeteries for the dead.

CHAPTER VIII

GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND LABOR UNIONS

I

Before we proceed to describe the present organization of the Social Democratic Party it will be necessary to say a few words about the organization of labor in Germany.[1] There are four kinds of labor unions: the Social Democrat or free unions, the Hirsch-Duncker or radical unions, the Christian or Roman Catholic unions, and the Independent unions. All except the last group have special political significance; and only the Independents confine themselves purely to economic activity. The Socialist unions are called "Reds," the Independents "Yellow," the Christians "Black."

The Hirsch-Duncker unions were the first in the field. They were organized in 1868 by Dr. Hirsch and Herr Franz Duncker, for the purpose of winning the labor vote for the Progressists. Dr. Hirsch went to England for his model, but the political bias he imparted to the unions was very un-English. They have grown less political and more neutral in every aspect, probably because political radicalism has dwindled, and because they contain a great many of the most skilled of German workmen, the machinists. They are a sort of aristocracy of labor, prefer peace to war, and hesitate long before striking.

The Christian unions are strongest in the Rhine valley and the Westphalian mining districts. They are the offspring of Bishop Kettler's workingmen's a.s.sociations, organized to keep the laborer in harmony with the Roman Catholic Church. They have undergone a great deal of change since the days of the distinguished bishop, and are now modeled after strict trade-union principles. They retain their connection with the Church and the Center Party (the Roman Catholic group in the Reichstag). For some years there has been a restlessness among these unions. The more militant members are protesting against the influence of the clergy in union affairs, and demand that laborers lead labor.

The "Yellow" unions stand in bad repute among the others. They are for peace at any price. Their members.h.i.+p is largely composed of the engineering trades; and they are usually under contract not to strike, but settle their differences by arbitration. The employing firms contribute liberally to their union funds.

By far the largest unions are the Social Democratic or "Free" unions.

They embrace over eighty per cent. of all organized labor. Their growth has been very rapid during the last twenty years. In 1890, when the Socialist law was lifted, they numbered a little over 250,000; in 1910 they numbered nearly 2,000,000.

As organizations, the Social Democratic unions possess all the perfection of detail and painstaking craftsmans.h.i.+p for which the Germans are justly celebrated.[2] Not the minutest detail is omitted; everything is done to contribute to the solidarity of the working cla.s.ses. The theory of the German labor movement is, that physical environment is the first desideratum. A well-housed, well-groomed, well-fed workman is a better fighter than a hungry, ragged man; and it is for fighting that the unions exist. The bed-rock of the German workingman's theory is the maxim: "First, be a good craftsman, and all other things will be added unto you."

These unions strive to do everything within their power to make, first, a good workman; second, a comfortable workman. This naturally, without artificial stimulants, brings the solidarity, the cla.s.s patriotism, which is the source of the zeal and energy of these great fighting machines. In all of the larger towns they own clubhouses (Gewerkschaftshauser), which are the centers of incessant activity.

They contain a.s.sembly halls, restaurants, committee rooms, and lodgings for journeymen and apprentices (Wander-bursche) seeking work.

There are night cla.s.ses, public lectures, educational excursions, and circulating libraries. In Berlin the workingmen have organized a theater.[3]

The workingman has a genuine sympathy for his union. It enlists his loyalty as much as his country enlists his patriotism. He finds social and intellectual intercourse, sympathy and responsiveness in his union. He saves from his frugal wages to support the union and to swell the funds in its war-chest. He is never allowed to forget that he is first a workingman, and owes his primary duties to his family and his union.[4]

This vast and perfect organization of labor has a complete understanding with the Social Democratic party, but it is not an integral part of the party. When the unions began to revive, after the repeal of the anti-Socialist law, there was a short and severe struggle between the party and the unions for control. The victory of the unions for complete autonomy was decisive. Since then good feeling and harmony have prevailed. The governing committees of the two bodies meet for consultation, the powerful press of the party fights the union's battles, and often party headquarters are in the union's clubhouse. They are virtually two independent branches of the same movement.

In the national triennial convention of the Social Democratic unions at Hamburg, 1908, a speaker said: "We can say with truth that to-day there are no differences of a fundamental nature between the two great branches [the Social Democratic unions and the Social Democratic Party] of the labor movement."[5]

Bebel has said of the relation between the unions and the party: "Every workingman should belong to the union, and should be a party man; not merely as a laboring man, but as a cla.s.s-conscious (Cla.s.senbewustsein) laboring man; as a member of a governmental and a social organization which treats and maltreats him as a laboring man."[6] This is the cla.s.s spirit of Socialism, carried into practical effect.

In Germany, then, the vast bulk of organized labor is co-operating voluntarily with the Social Democratic Party.

II

And what is the present organization of the Social Democratic Party?

It is the most perfect party machine in the world. It is organized with the most scrupulous regard for details and oiled with the exuberance of a cla.s.s spirit that is emerging from its narrowness and is finding room for its expanding powers in the practical affairs of national and munic.i.p.al life. The only approach to it is the faultless, silently moving, highly polished mechanism devised by the English gentry to control the political destinies of the British Empire. Our American parties are crude compared with the noiseless efficacy of the English machine, or the remorseless yet enthusiastic and entirely effective operation of the German Social Democracy.

Every detail of the workingman's life is embraced in this remarkable political organization. Every village and commune has its party vigilance committee. A juvenile department brings up the youth in the principles of the Social Democracy. The party press includes seventy-six daily papers, some of them brilliantly edited, a humorous weekly, and several monthly magazines. This press co-operates with the trade journals. Some of these--notably the masons' journal and the ironworkers' journal--have a vast circulation, numbering many hundred thousand subscribers.