Socialism and Democracy in Europe Part 19

In a city council of 60 members, the Social Democrats elected only 9.

And of 20 elected members of the chamber of magistrates they elected only 3.

This minority is an active committee of scrutiny. It carefully and minutely scrutinizes all the acts of the munic.i.p.al authorities, especially pertaining to labor, to contracts for public work, and to the conditions of city employees. They vote consistently in favor of the enlargement of munic.i.p.al powers; e.g., the extension of parks, of street-car lines, the building of larger markets. For a number of years the Social Democrats of Munich have urged the utilizing of the water power of the Isar, which rushes through the city. And the munic.i.p.ality is now utilizing some of this power.

The Social Democrats also favor every facility for the extension of the art and culture for which Munich is justly celebrated. They take no narrow, provincial views of such questions, and set an example that might with profit be followed by parties who claim for themselves the prerogative of culture. They are constantly working for better public educational facilities, and are especially hostile to the encroachments of the Church upon the domain of public education.

They are in favor of increased public expenditures; opposed to all indirect taxes, especially those that tend to raise the price of food.

Their special grievance is the property qualification required for voting. They say that a law which allows only one-fifteenth of the citizens (30,000 out of over 500,000) a right to vote is "shameful,"

and they are bending every effort to change the law.

What is true in Munich is true in other cities: democratic election laws are denied them. But they are active everywhere, and do not despise the doing of small details, doing them well and with zest. It is obvious that Socialism in Germany cannot be put to a constructive test until the election laws are democratized and the higher administrative offices are opened to them. That will bring the real test of this colossal movement.

We may sum it all up by saying that Social Democracy in Germany is first of all a struggle for democracy. The accent is on the second part of the compound. It is, secondly, a struggle for the self-betterment of the working cla.s.ses; and it is, thirdly, a protest against certain conditions that the present organization of society imposes upon mankind.

An American sojourning among the German people must be impressed with the painstaking organization of the empire. Every detail of life is carefully ordered to avoid waste and to secure efficiency, even at the cost of individual initiative. This military empire, of infinite discipline, is now undergoing a political metamorphosis. The force that is bringing about the change is being generated at the bottom of the social strata, not at the top. This signifies that a change is sure to come.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See MEYER, _Emanc.i.p.ations-Kampf des Vierten Standes_, Chap. V; also J. SCHMOELE, _Die Sozial-Demokratische Gewerkschaften in Deutschland, seit dem Erla.s.se des Sozialistischen Gesetzes_, Jena, 1896, et seq.

[2] The following table compiled from _Statistisches Jahrbuch_ shows their growth in recent years:

Year Members 1902 733,206 1903 887,698 1904 1,052,108 1905 1,344,803 1906 1,689,709 1907 1,865,506 1908 1,831,731 1909 1,892,568

In 1909 their income was 50,529,114 marks, their expenditure 46,264,031 marks. See Appendix, p. 295, for members.h.i.+p of all the unions.

[3] When I visited the Berlin _Gewerkschaftshaus_, a model three-room dwelling--living room, kitchen, and bedroom--had been furnished and decorated in simple, durable, and artistic fas.h.i.+on. This exhibit was thronged with workingmen, their wives and daughters.

Some years ago it was discovered that the youth of the working people were reading cheap and unworthy literature. The Central Committee of the Unions now issues cheap editions of the choicest literature for children and young people.

These two incidents show the vigilance of the unions, in looking after all the wants of their people.

[4] The number of strikes in recent years are given as follows: 1902, 1,106; 1903, 1,444; 1904, 1,990; 1905, 2,657; 1906, 3,626; 1907, 2,512; 1908, 1,524.--From _Statistisches Jahrbuch fur das Deutsche Reich_.

[5] _Protokoll: Sozial-Demokratische Partei-Tag_, 1908, p. 14.

[6] See Bebel, _Gewerksbewegung und Politische Parteien_: Preface.

[7] See _Protokoll des Partei-Tages_, 1890, pp. 156-7.

[8] "_Genossen_": the word really means "brethren."

[9] Party members.h.i.+p has grown as follows: 1906, 384,527; 1907, 530,466; 1908, 587,336; 1909, 633,309; 1910, 720,038; 1911, 836,562.

[10] _Bericht des Partei-Vorstandes_, 1909-10.

[11] See Appendix, p. 296, for complete election returns.

[12] _Bericht des Partei-Vorstandes_, 1909-10.

[13] In 1891-2 the "Berliner Opposition" threatened a revolt. They were given every opportunity of explaining their grievances, were told what to do, and, disobeying, were promptly shown the door.

[14] "It has been truthfully said that in Germany a Social Democrat cannot even become a night-watchman."--PROF. BERNHARD HARMS (University of Kiel), _Ferdinand La.s.salle und Seine Bedeutung fur die Sozial-Demokratie_, 1909, p. 103.

[15] "Do you enjoy freedom from political interference?" I asked a high official in the civil service. "Absolutely. We think as we please, talk as we please, and do as we please. But we must let the Social Democrats alone."

[16] See Appendix, p. 293, for synopsis of this law.

[17] The vote for the Saxon legislature at this time was as follows:

Party Voters Votes Social Democrats 341,396 492,522 Conservatives 103,517 281,804 National Liberal 125,157 236,541 Independents (Freisinnige) 41,857 100,804 Anti-Semites 20,248 55,502

The Social Democrats included over one-half of the voters, cast about one-third of the votes, and elected only one-fourth of the members.

[18] Some curious instances of inequality appear in the cities. In Berlin in one precinct one man paid one-third of the taxes and consequently possessed one-third of the legislative influence in that precinct. In another precinct the president of a large bank paid one-third of the taxes, and two of his a.s.sociates paid another third.

These three men named the member of the Diet from that precinct.

[19] For the struggle for ballot reform in Bavaria, see _Der Kampf um die Wahlreform in Bayern_, issued in 1905 by the Bavarian Social Democratic Party Executive Committee.

[20] February 13, 1910, was set aside as a day for suffrage demonstration throughout the empire. In Berlin alone forty-two meetings were announced. These provoked the following edict: "Notice!

The 'right to the streets' is hereby proclaimed. The streets serve primarily for traffic. Resistance to state authority will be met by the force of arms. I warn the curious. Berlin, February 13, 1910.

Police-president, VON IAGOW." The Social Democratic papers called attention to the fact that these notices were printed on the same forms that the Police-president often used to announce that the streets would be closed to all traffic on account of military parades.

[21] _Protokoll_, 1890, pp. 119-120.

[22] _Protokoll_, 1890, pp. 96-7.

[23] There are eight secretaries elected. They are distributed, by custom, among the parties, according to their voting strength. The Social Democrats had always refrained from taking part in any of the elections; now they enter the lists, abstaining from voting for any candidate except their own--who, in turn, received no other votes.

[24] Bebel was not present in the Reichstag at the time this vote was taken, but he told the convention that, had he been present, he should have supported the Tax Bill. _Protokoll_, 1908, p. 364.

[25] _Protokoll_, 1892, p. 173.

[26] _Protokoll_, 1910, p. 469.

[27] _Protokoll_, 1910, p. 95.

[28] Reichstag Debates, December 2, 1908.

[29] In the election of January, 1912, the Social Democrats carried every district in Berlin excepting the one in which the Kaiser's palace is situated. Here a spirited contest took place. A second ballot was made necessary between the Radicals and Social Democrats, and the Conservatives, throwing all their forces on to the Radical side, succeeded in keeping this last stronghold from their enemies.

But Herr Kaempf's majority was only 6 votes.

[30] _Protokoll_, 1898, p. 89.

[31] _Supra cit._, p. 90.