The First Governess of the Netherlands, Margaret of Austria Part 13

Charles was now in his twenty-first year. Of middle height, with well-proportioned limbs, a pale sallow complexion, light blue eyes, aquiline nose, and a protruding lower jaw, his expression, though heavy, was at once dignified and reserved; no trace of pa.s.sing emotion disturbed the serenity of his features. His broad forehead and penetrating glance gave strength to his expression, and his gentle courtesy and charm of manner won him the affection of all those who had to serve him. An interesting insight into his character is given in a letter from Gerard de Pleine to Margaret:--'There is no one great enough or wise enough in his kingdom to make him change his opinion, if he does not see a reason for changing it. I have known many princes at different times, but none who have taken greater pains to understand their affairs, or who disposed of them more absolutely than he does. He is his own treasurer of finance and his own treasurer of war; he bestows offices, bishoprics, appointments as G.o.d inspires him, without listening to the prayers of any.'

A little later, Aleander, whom Leo X. sent to persuade Charles to condemn Luther, gives an interesting estimate of the emperor's character. Aleander was a man of the world and a scholar, and though well aware of the faults of the Church and the folly of the Papacy, was eager to extirpate what he believed to be the seeds of social and ecclesiastical anarchy. On being granted an audience he addressed the emperor in French; Charles replied by declaring his willingness to risk his life in defence of the Church and the Holy See. He spoke at some length, but so extremely well that Aleander was much impressed by his ability, and wrote admiringly, 'Say what they will, this prince seemed to me well endowed with sense and with prudence, far beyond his years; to have much more, however, at the back of his head than he carries on his face.'[69]

[69] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

Charles had asked his aunt to convoke the States-General, and he found them a.s.sembled when he arrived at Brussels. In a long speech he praised Margaret's wise administration, loyalty and devotion, and thanked her Council for the help they had given. He repeated that, in spite of his absence, 'his heart had always been with them.' He then gave a summary of his sojourn in Spain, and informed the States that he had returned to take possession of the imperial crown, as well as the domains he had inherited in Germany, but that he was badly in need of funds, and asked them to do their best to help him.

The meeting of the Field of the Cloth of Gold, where Francis I. tried by every means in his power to ingratiate himself with the English king, was hardly over when Charles started for Gravelines to try and efface the impression produced by his rival. Gravelines was a small place, ill-fitted for the reception of kings, but Charles had different methods than those employed by Francis, and he succeeded in confirming himself in his uncle's good graces by showing him the most courteous deference, and flattering his vanity in offering that he should act as arbitrator in any differences which might arise between Spain and France. Henry and Francis had already signed a treaty on the 6th of June whereby it was settled that the Dauphin should marry the Princess Mary; but on the 14th of July another treaty was secretly arranged in which the French alliance was indefinitely postponed, and Charles's marriage with Mary agreed upon, although at the time he was pledged to marry the French Princess Charlotte. Wolsey was largely responsible for this change in affairs, for he was now bidding high for the emperor's favour, though outwardly he still kept on good terms with Francis.

The Chronicle of Calais gives an interesting account of Henry's meeting with Charles at Gravelines on the 10th of July 1520. Margaret accompanied her nephew, and together, with a brilliant following of lords and ladies, the two monarchs and the regent journeyed to Calais.

Within the town a large tent had been erected intended for a banqueting-hall, the seats arranged in tiers and draped with rich tapestries. The roof painted to represent the sky with sun, moon, stars, and clouds; but a great storm of wind and rain arose, and during the night the great tent, with all its fine decorations and tapestries, was blown down and ruined.

The two kings spent four days together, first at Gravelines and then at Calais, when, after taking an affectionate farewell of each other, they parted; Charles and Margaret journeying by slow stages towards Aix-la-Chapelle, which, by a decree of the Golden Bull, had been chosen as the scene of the emperor's coronation.

At Maestricht he reappointed Margaret as regent, and gave her a Council presided over by Philippe de Bourgogne, Bishop of Utrecht, and erard de la Marck, Bishop of Liege. The Council of Malines, the Court of Holland, and the tribunals of the other provinces were henceforth made subordinate to the Council of the Regency established by the emperor. This arrangement infringed the privileges of these bodies, but Charles, deaf to their protests, abolished all privileges which were contrary to this new regime. In order to put an end to petty squabbles and ensure an equal protection to all, he gave, before starting for Germany, the command of the army to Count Henry III. of Na.s.sau. Accompanied by Margaret he then left Maestricht and pa.s.sed a night at the castle of Wettheim.

Charles's election had called forth much enthusiasm in Germany. The towns he pa.s.sed through gave him a hearty welcome, for they looked to him to restore order and redress their grievances.

On the 22nd of October he made his state entry into Aix-la-Chapelle, where the electors of Mayence, Cologne, and Treves, and the amba.s.sadors of the Duke of Saxony and the Margrave of Brandenburg had arrived the day before. Charles had been elected emperor on June the 28th, 1519; but it was not until October 23rd, 1520, that he was crowned at Aix. There in the church of Notre-Dame, in presence of a vast a.s.sembly, with every detail of gorgeous ceremonial, the crown of Charlemagne was placed upon his head; he swore to uphold the Catholic faith, defend the Church, administer justice, maintain the rights of the empire, recover its lost possessions, and render due obedience to the Pope and the Roman Church. The Archbishop of Cologne, turning to the a.s.sembled crowd, asked the German people if they would swear fealty to their prince and uphold his government. A loud a.s.sent was given. 'Charles was then anointed on his head, breast, arms and hands, clothed in the deacon's robe of Charlemagne, and girt with the great emperor's sword, crowned with his golden crown, and then with ring on finger and ball and sceptre in hand, he was led to the stone seat of empire.'[70]

[70] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

The next day the Archbishop of Mayence proclaimed that Charles had a.s.sumed the t.i.tle of Roman Emperor Elect. His coronation as Emperor and King of Lombardy did not take place until 1530, when he was crowned at Bologna by Pope Clement VII.

On November 1st he summoned the States to meet at Worms, and in January 1521 travelled thither to be present at the Diet, where he and Martin Luther met face to face for the first and last time.

CHAPTER XI

REVOLT OF THE DUKE OF BOURBON

Almost at the same time that Charles was crowned at Aix, the most enterprising and accomplished of the Turkish sultans, Solyman the Magnificent, ascended the Ottoman throne. The world has seldom seen such a brilliant constellation of rulers as now filled the princ.i.p.al thrones of Europe. Leo X., Charles V., Francis I., Henry VIII., and Solyman the Magnificent each possessed talents which would have made them conspicuous in any age, but which together made the history of Europe during the first half of the sixteenth century peculiarly interesting.

After his coronation, Charles returned to Brussels with Margaret. For some time past alarming news had reached him from his regent in Spain, where open rebellion had now broken out. Adrian of Utrecht was quite unequal to the task of coping with the insurgents, and first Medina del Campo, then Valladolid, and lastly Tordesillas (where Queen Joanna was confined) fell into the hands of the rebels. The great seal and state papers were seized, Adrian narrowly escaped being taken prisoner with his Council, and only saved himself by flight.

When Joanna heard that the rebel leader Padilla and his host had arrived before Tordesillas she ordered the townspeople to welcome them, and ostensibly made herself head of the revolution, authorising the leaders to summon the Cortes to meet in her palace. But although the members of the Junta declared her sane, Joanna's refusal to sign any doc.u.ments or come to any decision hopelessly checkmated their efforts, and early in December the Government troops were able to take Tordesillas by a.s.sault after four hours' desperate fighting.[71]

[71] Martin Hume, _Queens of Old Spain_.

Meanwhile imploring letters reached Charles from his Councillors begging him to return to Spain and quell the rebellion; this he refused to do, until it suited his convenience, but appointed two Spanish n.o.bles, the Constable and Admiral of Castile, to a.s.sist Adrian in restoring order, with strict injunctions to make no concessions.

Before many months were out peace was once more restored, and the Communeros finally crushed in the following April at the battle of Villalar.

In January 1521 Charles sailed up the Rhine to attend the Diet which he had summoned to meet at Worms. It opened on January the 28th, and dragged on its wearisome deliberations for several months. Of all the questions the emperor had to solve, that of Luther was the hardest.

The Pope did his best to complicate matters by urging that Luther should be condemned unheard; but the state of public feeling was such that Charles deemed it wiser to consult the Diet, who decided that the monk should be heard. A herald was therefore despatched to Wittemberg bearing a letter from the emperor with a promise of safe conduct.

Luther appeared at Worms on April the 16th. Brought before Charles, he admitted the authors.h.i.+p of his books, but refused to withdraw any of his doctrines. He spoke boldly and impressively, but when he enlarged upon the Pope's iniquities, the emperor reprimanded him, nor would he listen to the monk's denial of the authority of Councils. Charles was not impressed by Luther's manner or bearing, and during the interview was heard to remark, 'This man will never make me a Lutheran.' This was their first and last encounter, for the emperor and monk were destined never to meet again.

The next day Charles handed his remarkable declaration to the German princes in which he said: 'My predecessors... left behind them the holy Catholic rites that I should live and die therein, and so until now with G.o.d's aid I have lived as becomes a Christian emperor.... A single monk, led astray by private judgment, has set himself against the faith held by all Christians for a thousand years and more, and impudently concludes that all Christians up to now have erred. I have therefore resolved to stake upon this cause all my dominions, my friends, my body and my blood, my life and soul.... After Luther's stiff-necked reply in my presence yesterday, I now repent that I have so long delayed proceedings against him and his false doctrines. I have now resolved never again, under any circ.u.mstances, to hear him.

Under protection of his safe conduct he shall be escorted home, but forbidden to preach and seduce men with his evil doctrines and incite them to rebellion....'

But Luther's brave bearing at Worms was his most heroic moment, nor was his power in Germany ever again so great as in 1521, nor was he ever again so truly the voice of the people.[72]

[72] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

On April the 25th Charles ordered him to leave Worms, and next day the monk departed, escorted by twenty hors.e.m.e.n. A few days later an edict was published in the emperor's name, and by authority of the Diet, depriving him of all the privileges he enjoyed as a subject of the empire, forbidding any prince to harbour or protect him, and requiring all to help in seizing his person as soon as the time specified in the safe conduct had expired. In less than a fortnight he had disappeared, rescued from his adversaries by the Elector of Saxony, who kept the place of his retreat carefully concealed.

Meanwhile Francis I. had been actively engaged in sending forces against the frontiers of Belgium and Italy. Charles, through Margaret, made an appeal to the States-General convoked at Mons on February 9th, 1521. In a spirited speech she pointed out the perfidious conduct of Francis, who she declared was daily trying to induce the European powers to make war against the emperor's dominions. Amongst others she quoted his efforts to obtain support from the Kings of Denmark and Scotland, the Dukes of Savoy, Lorraine, and Ferrara, the republic, the Swiss League, and Charles of Gueldres. She then implored the a.s.sembly to grant help to protect the empire from its enemies. The people were flattered by this appeal to their patriotism, and hastened to prove that their emperor had not appealed to them in vain.

On the 5th of May 1521 the Archduke Ferdinand concluded his marriage with Princess Anne of Hungary, and Charles conferred the five duchies of Austria, Carinthia, Carniola, Styria, and Tyrol upon his brother, to which he added later the German possessions inherited from Maximilian.

On May the 29th he confirmed a secret treaty with Leo X. through Don John Manuel, his amba.s.sador in Rome, by which the Pope and emperor agreed to join forces to expel the French out of the Milanaise, to restore Parma and Piacenza to the Church, the emperor helping the Pope to conquer Ferrara, in return for the invest.i.ture of the kingdom of Naples. This treaty was carefully concealed from De Chievres, whose aversion to a war with France was well known. When at length he heard of it, his grief was so great at this proof of his loss of influence over his former pupil, that it is said to have shortened his days. His death at this juncture certainly hastened the war with France, though it freed Charles from an irksome subjection and greatly helped in the development of his character. From henceforth the emperor was his own master, nor was he ever again under another governor. Instead of his boyish motto--'Nondum' (not yet), his device in future was 'Plus ultra' (yet further).

The French were the first to cross the Pyrenees and begin hostilities.

When Charles, who was then at Brussels, heard the news, he exclaimed: 'G.o.d be praised that it is not I who begin the war: the King of France wishes to make me greater than I am; for, in a short time, either I shall be a very poor emperor, or he will be a poor King of France.'[73]

[73] Letter from Aleandro de' Galeazzi, dated Brussels, 3rd July 1521.

On the 17th of July Margaret again addressed the a.s.sembled States at Ghent, for the exchequer was very low, and men and money were needed for the war. She implored them to use every effort to protect their country, and restore peace by voting the much-needed subsidies. She begged them to avert the threatening storm, and with a voice moved by emotion said: 'Because of the love and peculiar affection his Majesty bears you, being a native of these lands, born, brought up, and nourished amongst you, he is anxious to protect you from danger, and preserve you from all harm and oppression, by driving war from out of his dominions, keeping you in peace. Which things his Majesty has willingly put before you as his good and loyal subjects, because of the entire confidence he has in you, so that you may know all his affairs and understand the danger you are in, for on this depends either your safety or ruin.'

She then promised 'a perpetual safety and abundance of all good things' after peace was restored, and freedom from subjection to France. She praised the fine example of Spain and Austria, who, although they hardly knew his Majesty, had nevertheless of their own accord raised superb armaments; 'and you who have his person with you ready to use his life, his goods, and all that G.o.d has given him to preserve, help, and defend you, ought not to be less generous or less courageous than others, seeing that the case touches you so closely, and with the noise of war so near, knowing the harm which may come upon you if war breaks out, and seeing that the quarrel is just, which is as true as G.o.d is, and that He will help his Majesty. And on this account you ought to take courage and show yourselves bold and fearless, and be more willing and anxious than any others, as his Majesty does not doubt you will be, and without waiting to be asked, offer liberally your persons, goods, and chattels (as you have always done in times past) to help his Majesty in this same enterprise, which is for your own and the public good.'[74]

[74] _MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne._

Margaret had not miscalculated the effect of this speech on her audience. Enthusiasm and loyalty towards the emperor and herself pa.s.sed all bounds and spread like wildfire throughout the Netherlands.

An army of 22,000 men was quickly raised, and a.s.sembled in the outskirts of Malines. Part of these troops the emperor despatched under the Count of Na.s.sau to subdue the inroads of Robert de la Marck, lord of Bouillon, known as the wild Boar of the Ardennes, who had been giving considerable trouble. The emperor having offended him, he left Charles's service and threw himself upon France for protection. In the heat of his resentment he had the audacity to send a herald to Worms to declare war against the emperor before the a.s.sembled Diet. To punish this insolent va.s.sal the Count of Na.s.sau was sent at the head of 20,000 men to invade his territories, and in a few days took every place but Sedan, and reduced De la Marck to beg for clemency. Na.s.sau then advanced towards the borders of France, where Charles of Gueldres was ravaging the Northern provinces, and Henry d'Albret had crossed the Pyrenees and occupied Navarre.

Meanwhile a congress had been held at Calais, under Henry VIII.'s mediation, with a view to settling all differences and establis.h.i.+ng peace. Henry gave Wolsey full powers to arrange the negotiations, but the Cardinal, anxious to please both Francis and Charles, ended by satisfying neither, and the congress broke up without any definite result. During its progress Wolsey journeyed to Bruges and had a meeting there with Charles and Margaret, the latter having come in hot haste to visit her nephew, anxious to use her influence to procure an armistice. The Cardinal was received by the emperor and his aunt with as much respect and magnificence as though he had been King of England, but instead of furthering the treaty of peace, Wolsey, in his master's name, concluded a secret alliance with the emperor against France. This treaty, which was drawn up at Bruges on August 25th, 1521, and signed by Margaret and Jean de Berghes for the emperor, and by Wolsey for the King of England, arranged a marriage between Charles and his cousin Mary Tudor (King Henry's only child and apparent heir) as soon as the princess should have completed her twelfth year; both Charles and Henry agreeing to invade France in the spring of 1523 from opposite sides, each with an army of 40,000 men--the emperor promising to visit England on his way to Spain early in the following year. It was especially stipulated that 'one month before Charles undertook the voyage he would notify the time of it to the King of England, who would then send his fleet to sea, with about 3000 armed men on board, to drive away all enemies and pirates from the Channel and English seas, so that the emperor might safely come over to Dover or Sandwich. The King of England would receive the emperor with the greatest honour and accompany him to Falmouth, whilst the English navy would escort the emperor's fleet from Zealand to Falmouth, and together remain in that port until he embarked and then accompany him to Spain.'[75]

[75] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

During the years that had pa.s.sed since Margaret left Savoy she never lost interest in the memorial church she was building at Brou. In September 1521 she sent her treasurer Marnix and some members of her Council to report on the progress of the work. The church was rapidly gaining shape, and the outer walls were nearing completion under the skilful direction of Louis Van Boghen. The following letter from Loys de Gleyrens, prior of the monastery of Brou (written to Margaret on the 2nd of September 1521), gives a detailed account of de Marnix's visit:--

'To our much-honoured Lady and very gracious Mother,--G.o.d grant you a good and long life. You will be pleased to know that the day of the feast of Saint Augustine Monseigneur Marnix came to visit your church of Brou, with the gentlemen of your Council of Bourg, and saw the progress of the same, and found that your two chapels in the aisle of the choir are roofed over, as well as the higher and lower aisles and oratories above and below, on the side of the belfry, and that the pipes and gurgoyles for carrying off water falling from the roofs are fixed on the said aisles.

And the belfry has grown this year to the height of twenty-three to twenty-five feet....' He goes on to say that the workmen have plenty of materials, wood, etc., to finish the work--but that money is running short, and that only about fifteen or sixteen florins are left, which will hardly last till All Saints Day, and unless more is supplied, the work must be interrupted... 'but at present it is in the best state and appearance possible, and ought shortly to be finished, as those will tell you who have seen it....'[76]

[76] J. Baux, _L'eglise de Brou_.

Meanwhile the league between Charles and the Pope had produced great results in Italy; Lombardy being the chief centre of war. On November the 19th the Papal-Imperialist army entered Milan, and within a fortnight the French held only the town of Cremona, the fortress of Milan, and a few scattered strongholds. Parma and Piacenza surrendered to Leo X., but amidst the rejoicings which followed this brilliant victory and the fulfilment of his dearest wishes, the Pope was suddenly struck down with malaria at Magliana, and died after a few days' illness on the 1st of December 1521, in the forty-sixth year of his age.

This wholly unexpected event caused a cessation of hostilities for a while--both monarchs turning their attention to the proceedings of the Conclave. News of the Pope's death was brought to Charles on the 12th of December, and he hastened to write a diplomatic letter to his uncle, King Henry, and fully explained his intentions to the Bishop of Badajoz, his amba.s.sador in England, promising to do his utmost to secure Wolsey's election to the Papacy. But after the Conclave had sat for fourteen days, it was announced on the 9th of January 1522 that not Wolsey, but Adrian of Utrecht had been elected Pope. The election of the emperor's old tutor came as a surprise to Europe. Charles received the news at Brussels, and on January the 21st wrote to Mezza, his amba.s.sador in London: 'However anxious was our wish that Pace (Henry VIII.'s secretary) should have arrived in Rome at the right time, and that the letters we had written in favour of the Sieur Legate (Wolsey) had been conducive to the fulfilment of his wishes, and those of our uncle the king; yet must we be thankful, the object we had at heart having thus failed, that the choice fell upon Cardinal Tortosa,[77] whose elevation, next after the Cardinal of York, will certainly be most for the good, not of ourselves only, but of the whole of Christendom. I hope to have the greater interest with him, who under my own roof was my instructor in morals and literature.'[78]

[77] Adrian was Bishop of Tortosa. On July 12th, 1516, he wrote a letter of thanks to Margaret from Madrid, attributing his promotion to the bishopric of Tortosa to her influence.

[78] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._

The new Pope was in Spain when the unexpected news of his election was brought to him. Adrian VI.'s letter to his former pupil, dated Saragossa, May 3rd, 1522, is interesting as confirming the emperor's statement that he did not interfere in favour of his election, but honestly did his best for Wolsey, to whom he had promised his influence with the Conclave.