The First Governess of the Netherlands, Margaret of Austria Part 6

At the time of Margaret's appointment as Governess of the Netherlands she was twenty-seven years old. She is described as a 'fair young woman with golden hair, rounded cheeks, a grave mouth, and beautiful clear eyes.' And when she reappeared in Flanders, with the added charm born of her many sorrows, she was received with unanimous joy by all the people, with whom she was extremely popular. Amongst other poems written at this time in her honour the following was composed by Jean Molinet, her librarian and almoner:--

LE RETOUR DE MADAME MARGUERITE.

Fleur de n.o.blesse, odorant Marguerite, Germe sacre de royal origine, Manne du ciel, rameau plein de merite, Palme de paix juree et bien escripte, Du bien public exquise medecine, Fruict, feuille, fleur, couleur, plante, racine, Chefz d'oevre sont; mieulx faire on ne pourroit: D'ung autre aymer mon cueur s'abaisseroit.

Toutes feuilles tendrettes Cheent d'autres fleurettes Quand vent de bise poinct: Marguerites proprettes Sans perir toujours prestes Demeurent en ung point.

Splendeur vous vient d'Autriche archeducalle, Bonte, beaulte d'une fleur de Bourbon.

Honneur vous suyt de l'arche triumphalle Des Bourguignons et de l'aigle royale, s.e.m.e.nce et vie et de terroz fort bon: Vostre renom, haultain comme ung canon, Est de tel nom que cestuy si adresse, Chantant de tout bien pleine est ma maistresse:

Vertu vous environne; Elle croist et fleuronne En vous et point n'empire; Digne estes d'avoir throsne, Royal sceptre et couronne.

D'ung glorieux empire.

Pour paix avoir on vous avait plantee Au fleurissant, souef verger de France, Comme des fleurs royne plus exaltee.

Se pour aultre en estes dejectee, Portez le doux sans amere souffrance.

Qui souffre il vainct; vivez en esperance.

A vous ne loist, pour estre supplantee, Plourer comme femme desconfortee.

Entre fleurons de lys, Doulx que pommes de lys, Avez ete nourrie Sans vicieux delicts De vertus enn.o.blis, Ayant grant seigneurie.

Chacun vous ayme, oncques telle on n'ouyt; Le bruit en court en France et en Savoye; L'oeil qui vous veoit de plaisance jouyt, Le cueur qui pense a vous se resjouyt, La bouche rit qui d'en parler savoie; Peuple meme, qui va courant sa voye, Apres vous tend oeil, cueur, bouche et oreille, Disant, je ne veis oncques la pareille.

Chef d'oeuvre tres parfaict, Mygnonement bien faict, Fleur de riche vallue, Ou rien n'est imparfaict, Prenez en gre mon faict; Molinet vous salue.

Jean Molinet, Bibliothecaire et Aumonier de Marguerite d'Autriche.

Margaret was lucky in her councillors. She was seconded by such clever and devoted ministers as Burgo, Melun, Viry, Le Vaux, Caulies, Mercurin de Gattinare, Ferry de Carondelet, and Albert Pio. One of the ablest amongst them was Mercurin de Gattinare, who came of a n.o.ble family of Verceil, and was one of the greatest jurisconsuls of his time. He had been a councillor of the late Duke of Savoy's, and afterwards president of the Parliament of Franche Comte. In 1508 Maximilian sent him to Louis XII.'s Court to negotiate on the subject of the Treaty of Cambray.

On February 3rd, 1507, Margaret wrote from Malines to James d'Albion, King Ferdinand's amba.s.sador in France, that 'she was very sorry that the peace between the King of France and the King of the Romans was not concluded. If the King of France should attack the estates of Prince Charles,' she says, 'she would do her best to defend them, and she hopes that the King of England and King Ferdinand would a.s.sist her. She begs that this may be communicated to King Ferdinand.'

Margaret was no sooner invested with the government of the Netherlands than, accompanied by her young nephew, she visited all the towns of Flanders, and promised in the prince's name to preserve the rights and privileges of the seventeen provinces, whose homage and oath of fidelity she received. Mercurin de Gattinare paid homage to Louis XII.

in her name for the county of Charollais and the Burgundian territories. The letter in which he tells Margaret of the accomplishment of his mission contains this curious pa.s.sage: 'J'ai fait vostre hommage entre les mains du roi, et l'ai baise en vostre lieu, et me repliqua encore de nouveau qu'il eut mieux aime vous baiser que moi.'

On July 20th, 1507, Margaret convoked the States-General at Malines, and asked them to levy a 'philippus' on each household. This tax was to be employed in paying the army in Gueldres, and in redeeming the prince's mortgaged lands. The States did not welcome this proposal, but voted a subsidy of 200,000 philippus. Charles, who was now seven years old, made his first public speech before the States at Louvain, where Margaret had cleverly brought him to support her claim for the subsidy. Its purport was understood rather from his gestures than the sounding quality of the boyish voice; but at all events, the chronicler adds, the people could not fail to be well pleased.

Rea.s.sembled at Ghent, the States refused to support the cost of an army of 10,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, which Margaret judged necessary to guard the country during the prince's minority. They objected that in the present circ.u.mstances this levy seemed to them useless; but if the country was really threatened it should be attended to; yet at that very moment Holland and Brabant were attacked by the Duke of Gueldres, aided and abetted by the King of France.

The States' refusal to grant proper subsidies greatly irritated Maximilian. In a remarkable letter he tried to show them that the war with Gueldres was not only of interest to Brabant, as they pretended, but to all the Netherlands, and that all ought to take part in it. He recalls how the princes of the House of Burgundy had laboured from the days of Charles the Bold to reduce the duchy of Gueldres, and the efforts of the French kings to defraud them of their legitimate rights. He complains above all of Louis XII., who had employed every imaginable means to leave the contested country to Charles of Egmont.

'And what is his real aim?' he asks. 'He pretends through the medium of the said country of Gueldres to separate our country from the Holy Empire, and from the House of Burgundy, so as to better hold this country in subjection.'

On September 16th Maximilian wrote to Margaret to acknowledge her letters in which she requested him to come to Flanders in order to conclude a new alliance with England. He has, he says, been prevented from doing so, but begs that King Henry may be amused with false hopes, and kept from concluding an alliance with France and Spain. 'If she would consent to marry the King of England, it might be arranged that she should remain Governess of the Netherlands, and pa.s.s three or four months every year in her own country.'

A few days later De Puebla, writing from England to King Ferdinand, informs him that amba.s.sadors have arrived at the English Court from Maximilian and from Flanders, the former to beg King Henry to make war against France, alleging that the French king was usurping his grandson's (Prince Charles's) dominions. The amba.s.sador also broached the subject of the prince's marriage with Princess Mary, King Henry's daughter. The Flemish amba.s.sador, Don Diego de Gueyara, told the king that King Louis had declared war against all the seigniories of Burgundy, and invaded them with an army, excepting Flanders and Artois, which two provinces recognised the sovereignty of France, and the appeals from their tribunals went direct to the Parliament of Paris. The amba.s.sador begged for King Henry's help against France and the Duke of Gueldres. The English king promised to ask the French monarch not to meddle in German affairs, but at the same time he wished to keep friends with France, and so put off the amba.s.sadors with polite and general phrases which meant nothing. De Puebla adds in a postscript: 'The King of England sends six horses and some greyhounds to the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret, and a letter.'

A few weeks later De Puebla tells King Ferdinand that Margaret had sent a very loving letter to King Henry the previous week, holding out hopes that her father would send a 'great personage' as amba.s.sador to England with full powers to conclude all the treaties which her brother Philip had arranged, and if necessary to grant more favourable conditions. De Puebla states that when he asked King Henry what the treaties were about, the king replied 'they were very good treaties, and very advantageous to himself personally, and also to his kingdom, for, besides his own marriage with the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret, an alliance had been concluded between the Archduke Charles and his daughter, Princess Mary, and all matters respecting commerce settled according to his wishes.' De Puebla wound up his letter by informing Ferdinand that King Henry was anxious to keep friends with the Emperor Maximilian, and not to break off negotiations with him, at any rate not without first consulting the King of Aragon.

On December 4th Maximilian wrote to Margaret acknowledging her letters and the articles concluded between the Flemish and English amba.s.sadors. He told her that the French king had complained to the Pope, King Ferdinand, and even to the Diet of Constance, that he (Maximilian) had broken his word in marrying Prince Charles to Princess Mary. In order to satisfy his honour the emperor requests that a clause should be inserted in the marriage treaty to the effect that the whole treaty should be null and void, and not even the penalty paid if the King of France declare himself ready, within one year, to marry his daughter Claude to Prince Charles. On the 21st of December 1507 two treaties were drawn up and dated Calais. One, a treaty of alliance between Henry VII., Maximilian and Prince Charles, was practically the same as the former treaty concluded between Henry and the Archduke Philip; and the other, concerning the marriage of the Archduke Charles with the Princess Mary, was between Henry VII., Maximilian, the Archduke Charles and the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret, but was unsigned. In this treaty the Archduke Charles is to conclude the marriage with the Princess Mary, either in person or by proxy, before the following Easter. He is to contract the marriage by amba.s.sadors sent to England for the purpose within forty days after he has completed his fourteenth year. The King of England is to send Princess Mary to the Archduke Charles within three months after the marriage shall have been contracted _per verba de praesenti_. The dowry to consist of 250,000 crowns. The Emperor Maximilian, the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret, Charles de Croy, Henry, Count of Na.s.sau, bind themselves to pay 250,000 crowns to King Henry if the Archduke refuses to contract the marriage. The King of England and his n.o.bles bind themselves to pay an equal sum to Maximilian if Princess Mary refuses to fulfil the agreement. The treaty to be ratified by the contracting parties before the following Feast of Easter.

An interesting account exists of an interview between King Henry's amba.s.sador and the Emperor Maximilian. In it we learn that the emperor had long conferences with his daughter respecting her marriage with King Henry, which had been settled by her brother Philip. In order to persuade Margaret, Maximilian told her that the marriage was necessary for the good of the House of Austria, besides being honourable to her, the King of England being 'such a pattern of all the virtues.' He added that it was also necessary on account of commerce, and in order to secure the Spanish succession, and keep the Duke of Gueldres at bay; without it the King of England might marry into another family and endanger the marriage between Prince Charles and Princess Mary.

The emperor told the English amba.s.sador that the Archd.u.c.h.ess was fully aware of King Henry's many virtues, and that should she marry again, she would marry no one else but him. But as she has already been three times unfortunate in her marriages, she is much disinclined to make another trial. Besides, she said she believed she should have no children, and that she might thereby displease the King of England.

Seeing that he could not prevail on Margaret to change her mind, her father called the Privy Council together, his grandson Charles being present. The question of the marriage was once more discussed, but the Archd.u.c.h.ess remained firm in her decision. The amba.s.sador remarks: 'From all this it is clear that the emperor has done all in his power to persuade his daughter to consent to the marriage, and that he can do nothing more.' But in spite of Margaret's absolute refusal to marry Henry, his agents for more than a year pressed her to reconsider her decision. The utmost that could be obtained was to prevail on her to write, from time to time, flattering letters to him in order to secure some advantages for her father.

On January 28th, 1508, Maximilian wrote to Margaret from Bolzano to tell her that 'he is sending Andreas de Burgo to England, and that he has ordered him to see her before he starts. Andreas has some money, but it may not be enough to defray his expenses; he has therefore given him directions to take some money for his own use from the 100,000 gold crowns which the King of England is expected to give.' He also begs her to write a pleasant letter to King Henry.

A few weeks later Maximilian again wrote to Margaret excusing himself for not having sent the ratifications of the treaties with England. He has been so much occupied, he says, with his great undertakings in Italy and Spain, that he has really had no time to attend to that business; but he has now done so.

In May of the same year Henry VII. wrote a letter to Sir John Wilts.h.i.+re, Comptroller of Calais, about a correspondence with Margaret, in which King Henry tried to persuade her to arrange a meeting with him at Calais to treat with him in person about her nephew's marriage with Princess Mary. He suggests that some 'discreet and able personages' should be sent on before to 'reduce the said matters to a final and perfect conclusion' before he and Margaret met, so that when they did meet they could talk of 'other pleasant and comfortable matters,' and all business could be concluded before their meeting. But Margaret does not seem to have accepted this invitation, and the meeting so much desired by King Henry did not take place.

On July 23rd Maximilian wrote to tell her that he has received her letters, in which she begs him to alter the instructions given to his amba.s.sadors who are starting for England. He says he cannot do so, as she knows that the princ.i.p.al reason which has induced him to betroth Prince Charles to Princess Mary is to get a good sum of money from the King of England. King Henry has promised 100,000 crowns, but has requested that in the security to be given by the towns of Flanders, each town should be responsible for the whole sum. But the utmost that the towns can be induced to do is that each town would be responsible for a certain portion. If the King of England is not content with this proposal, it will show that he loves money more than his friend, and the marriage of his daughter with Prince Charles shall not take place.

But Maximilian adds, 'should the Flemish towns after all be willing to sign the bonds in the manner the King of England wishes, he will not object.'

Henry VII., who had been ailing for some time, now fell seriously ill, and his illness appears to have been the cause of the postponement of Prince Charles's marriage with Princess Mary, which was to have been solemnised before the Feast of Easter. Johannes de Berghes was deputed to go to England and perform the ceremony according to the rites of the Church, in the name of the Archduke.

'On the 7th of October 1508 Charles was indeed wedded by proxy to the English princess, and at the age of eight wrote or rather signed his first love-letter, addressed to little Princess Mary Tudor, to whom he presented a jewel bearing the monogram K., and the posy, _Maria optimam partem elegit, quae non auferetur ab ea_.

'This was the last of Henry VII.'s many diplomatic triumphs; and it was no nominal momentary union, but was confirmed in 1513, and the boy-bridegroom then visited his brother-in-law Henry VIII. in his newly-won city of Tournay, his first royal visit. The following year the future King of Spain and Queen of France were parted in the shuffling of the cards, and although Mary Tudor married the old French king, statesmen on both sides regretted the more natural alliance.

Before six years more had pa.s.sed Charles was pledged to his betrothed's younger namesake, and thirty-four years later he showed all a young lover's eagerness in courting this second Mary Tudor for his son Philip.'[32]

[32] Edward Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

CHAPTER VI

THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAY

Though Margaret's time was now fully occupied by her new duties, she did not forget the work she had begun at Brou. Early in 1508, immediately after her arrival in Brussels, she made a will, designating the church of the monastery of Saint Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou, near Bourg-en-Bresse, as her place of sepulture, where she wished to be buried near 'her very dear lord and husband.' 'The Duke Philibert of Savoy to lie between her and his mother, Madame de Bourbon.'

By an endowment she ensured the building of the monastery and the church of Brou, and the erection of the three tombs. Solemn religious services were to be performed there during each season, and only on certain days the people and magistrates were to be allowed to enter the sanctuary to offer up their prayers with those of the priests and monks. She also made gifts to the church of Notre-Dame de Bourg, and to several religious houses in the town, on condition that they should hold certain services; and she left legacies to the hospital, infirmary, and plague-house, and dowered fifty marriageable maidens of Bresse and fifty of Burgundy. Lastly, she ordained the ceremony of bringing her body to Bresse and the details of her funeral. All these provisions she made, lest death should take her unawares and stop the work she had so much at heart. This interesting will, expressing as it does Margaret's most intimate thoughts, also throws great light on the customs and practices of the time. The doc.u.ment is dated March 4th, 1508, and confirmed by a codicil twenty-two years later, in 1530.

From the year 1508 Margaret's life is no longer a private one. The part she took in politics from the date of her invest.i.ture as Governess of the Netherlands until her death belongs to European history. By her talents, ability, and rare apt.i.tude for business she eclipsed more powerful rulers, and soon became the pivot of political life in Europe.

Strong as she was in the qualities her father lacked, she yet knew how to defer to his wishes, whilst holding strongly to her own opinions, and was always an affectionate and dutiful daughter. Maximilian's radical inconstancy and indecision of temper led him into many troubles, and his extravagance involved him in perpetual pecuniary difficulties, which destroyed all dignity of character; but he seems to have had the greatest admiration and respect for his clever daughter, to whose wise judgment he constantly deferred, as his many letters to her testify.

The warlike Pontiff, Julius II., had announced his intention of 'driving the barbarians out of Italy by force of arms.' He it was who first instigated the League which was to prove so disastrous to France, and was to be the cause of so many years of bloodshed in Italy.

Julius II. had been favourably impressed by Margaret's exemplary piety, and the respect and deference she had shown towards the Holy See. On several occasions he willingly granted her requests, and also sent her many relics and objects of devotion, amongst others two thorns from the true Cross, which, until the eighteenth century, were still preserved at Brou.

The League so desired by the Pope, known to history as the League of Cambray, was soon brought into discussion between the great powers of Europe. Two subjects were to be negotiated at the conference: the one consisted in the reconciliation of the Duke of Gueldres with the government of the Archduke Charles, and the other, which was to be kept secret, was the formation of a league against the Venetians. The princes who were to take part in it were the Pope, the King of France, the Emperor Maximilian, and Ferdinand, King of Aragon. Henry VII. of England, whose daughter Mary was betrothed to the Archduke Charles, had a direct interest in the Congress, as the Archduke's affairs were, ostensibly at least, the princ.i.p.al subject of the deliberations, but he does not seem to have been invited to join it. He begged the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret, through Edmund Wingfield, to combine with the Cardinal of Amboise, in order that Ferdinand might be excluded from the negotiations and from the intended treaty; but the result was such as might have been antic.i.p.ated--Henry did not exclude Ferdinand from the League, but Ferdinand excluded Henry from all advantage in it.

This exclusion was so complete that, whilst the King of Hungary, the Duke of Milan, the Dukes of Savoy and Ferrara, and even the Marquis of Mantua were invited to join it, Henry's name was not even mentioned, though, as an afterthought, his amba.s.sador was allowed to be present at the meetings. Moreover, the emperor and Ferdinand, who until now had been at variance, were reconciled, and postponed their differences concerning the regency of Spain until the war against Venice should be concluded.

On October the 8th Maximilian wrote to Margaret from Schoenhoven in answer to a letter of hers asking for his permission for the Papal Legate to confer the rite of confirmation on the Archduke Charles and his sisters.

'Very dear and much-loved daughter,--We have received your letters in which you tell us that you think it well that the Legate should, before his departure, confer the holy Sacrament of Confirmation upon our dear and much-loved grandchildren, and that he has agreed with you to do so; but because our dearly loved grandson Charles is at Lyere, you do not know which we prefer, whether our said grandson should be brought to our granddaughters at Malines, or our granddaughters to him. In consulting our wishes in everything you give us much pleasure.

Wherefore, very dear and much-loved daughter, we inform you that we are content that our said grandson travel to Malines to receive the said holy Sacrament and the benediction of the said Legate, in our name and his. And for this reason we are now writing to our very dear and loyal cousin the Prince of Chimay to take him there. Until then, much-beloved daughter, may our Lord have you in His holy keeping.'[33]