The Old Testament In the Light of The Historical Records and Legends Part 33

"Sin-a?e-iriba, king of the world, king of the land Aur, sat upon his throne of state, and the spoil of Lakisu pa.s.sed before him."

It would be strange indeed if this event, of which he was evidently very proud, were omitted from the history of what he must have regarded as his glorious deeds. As it does not occur in the account of his expedition to the land of ?atti, there is hardly any doubt that it belongs to the later campaign there, when he took the city, though he failed, as has been seen, to take Jerusalem. In all probability there were two sieges of Lachish, and it was very possible that the city was taken only on the second occasion. In any case, it was from Lachish that Sennacherib sent the Tartan, the Rabsaris, and the Rabshakeh to Hezekiah, with a great army to besiege Jerusalem, and it is noteworthy that the Rabshakeh reproaches him with trusting to Egypt, the power with which a.s.syria was at that moment in conflict; and in Sennacherib's second message to Hezekiah (2 Kings xix. 9) the words accompanying it clearly show that the general opinion was, that it was the march of Tirhakah against him which called it forth. It is noteworthy in this connection, that Tirhakah cannot have been on the throne of Egypt so early as 700 B.C., the date of Sennacherib's first campaign against the West.

There are therefore many arguments in favour of two expeditions of Sennacherib to Palestine, with two sieges of Jerusalem, and also, to all appearance, two sieges of Lachish.

The following is the account of his death given in the Babylonian Chronicle-

"On the 20th day of Tebet, Sin-a?e-eriba, king of a.s.syria, his son killed him in a revolt. For (? 25) years Sin-a?e-eriba had ruled the kingdom of a.s.syria. From the 20th day of the month Tebet until the 2nd day of the month Adar, the revolt in a.s.syria continued. Month Adar, day 18th, Aur-a?a-iddina (Esarhaddon), his son, sat upon the throne in a.s.syria."

According to Berosus, who agrees with the Biblical account in this, it was two of his sons who killed him, but it may be taken that, though they were both morally responsible, one only actually performed the deed. Shareser is not mentioned, either by Abydenus or Polyhistor, as taking part in the murder; it would seem to be very probable, that Adrammelech was the culprit. From Berosus it is also clear that Esarhaddon had nothing to do with it, and this is to a certain extent confirmed by his inscriptions, which, as will be seen farther on, represent him as warring in Armenia, whither his brothers had fled.

According to the received chronology, the a.s.sa.s.sination of Sennacherib and the accession of Esarhaddon took place in the year 680 B.C.

Esarhaddon.

It is a matter greatly to be regretted that the royal inscriptions of Esarhaddon have not come down to us in a complete state, and also that we do not possess the later portions of the a.s.syrian Eponym Canon with historical references, which would enable us to fix the date of the campaigns. Of course, there is every probability that they are mentioned in chronological order, but as their dates are not stated, at least some uncertainty must prevail.

[Plate XII.]

Esarhaddon, King of a.s.syria. The kneeling figure, which has the negro type of features and wears the uraeus ornament, is apparently Tirhakah, his opponent in Egypt. The prisoners here represented are regarded as being treated as the same king treated Mana.s.seh (2 Chr. x.x.xiii. 11, R.V. marg.).

Found at Zenjirli. From _Mittheilungen aus den Orientalischen Sammlungen_, Part XI., by permission of the publis.h.i.+ng-house of Georg Reimer, Berlin.

It is therefore impossible to say with certainty whether the recital, in forcible though apparently well-chosen language, of what took place in ?anigalbat, or Mesopotamia, belongs to the account of the conflict with his brothers (who would have liked to overthrow Esarhaddon that one of them might reign in his stead) or not. The wording, however, makes it very probable that the narrative does refer to them, for he overtook them on the Nineveh road, and the disappearance of their resistance was more than gratifying to the new king-

"The Nineveh-road, with difficulty (but) speedily, I traversed- before me, in the land of ?ani-galbat, the whole of their mighty warriors halted before my expedition, and prepared their weapons.

The fear of the great G.o.ds, my lords, overwhelmed them, and the attack of my mighty battle they saw, and became as demented.

Itar, lady of war and battle, lover of my priesthood, stood by my side, and broke their bows.

She scattered their serried battle(-array), and in their a.s.sembled ma.s.s they called out thus: "This is our king."

By her supreme command they came over to my side."

Oracles encouraging Esarhaddon exist, and possibly refer to this expedition.

Unfortunately the mutilation of the record, by which the beginning is wanting, has deprived us of the names of both conspirators, which are, therefore, only preserved by the Bible, Berosus, Abydenus, and Polyhistor.

Various have been the conjectures as to what the true a.s.syrian forms of the names would be, and only one, that of Adrammelech, has been found with any probability of its being the right one. The name in question is that of Aur-munik, or, perhaps better, Aur-mulik, for whom Sennacherib built a palace. From its form in Hebrew, Sharezer should be ar-u?ur in a.s.syrian, _i.e._ "protect the king," the name of the deity called upon being omitted.

Though Esarhaddon's inscriptions do not give any chronological data, the Babylonian chronicle indicates the dates of his campaigns with sufficient precision. From it we learn that in his first year he had to put down a rebellion in Ur, led by Zeru-kenu-liir, whom Esarhaddon calls Nabu-zer-napiti-liir, son of Merodach-baladan. In the year 676 B.C., his expedition to Sidon took place, and Abdi-milkutti, the king, was beheaded in 675. After taking the spoil of the city, he says that he "a.s.sembled the kings of ?atti and the sea-coast, all of them," and there is every probability that it was at this time that he "took Mena.s.seh with hooks,"

or, as the Revised Version has it, with chains, and bound him with fetters, and brought him to Babylon, where, as sovereign of that land also, he sometimes held court. Though severe, and probably also cruel sometimes, Esarhaddon was more mercifully inclined than his father, and allowed Mena.s.seh to resume the reins of government at Jerusalem. There is no reference to this in the inscriptions of Esarhaddon, though he mentions, in his list of tributaries, Mena.s.seh king of the city of Judah.

This list, which is from a cylinder-inscription, is as follows-

"I gathered also the kings of ?atti and across the river ...

Ba'alu king of ?urru (Tyre): Menase (Mena.s.seh) king of the city of Yaudu: Qau-gabri, king of the city of Udumu (Edom); Mu?ur'i, king of the city Ma'ab (Moab); ?illi-belu, king of the city of ?azitu (Gaza); Mitinti, king of the city of Isqaluna (Askelon); Ikausu, king of the city of Amqarruna (Ekron); Milki-aapa, king of the city of Gublu (Gebal); Matan-ba'al, king of the city of Aruadu (Arvad); Abi-baal, king of the city of Samsimuruna; Budu-ilu, king of the city Bet-Ammana (Beth-Ammon); A?i-milki, king of the city of Asdudu (Ashdod); 12 kings of the sea-coast. Ekitura, king of the city Edi'al (Idalium); Pilagura, king of the city of Kidrusu; Kisu, king of the city Sillua; Ituandar, king of the city Pappa (Paphos); Eresu, king of the city of Sillu; Damasu, king of the city Kuri (Kurium); Admezu, king of the city Tamesu (Tamessus); Damusi, king of the city Karti-?adasti (the new town, a Phnician settlement); Unasagusu, king of the city Lidir; Bu?usu, king of the city Nuria: 10 kings of the land of Yatnana (Cyprus), within the sea- altogether 22 kings of the land of ?atti, the sea-coast and the middle of the sea, all of them, I directed, and great beams, enormous poles, trunks of cedar and cypress from the midst of Sirara and Libnana (Lebanon) (etc., etc., etc.), from the midst of the wooded mountains, the place of their growing, for the requirements of my palace, with toil and with difficulty I caused them to be brought to Nineveh."

The tribute which he exacted was not, therefore, a tribute of gold, silver, and other precious things, but simply the building materials which Esarhaddon required for his palace, and the kings of Heth, including Mena.s.seh, contributed to this together with the kings of Cyprus-and to all appearance they had to transport these things to Nineveh! It was the labour and expense of transport rather than the material itself, which rendered this tribute so precious.

Judging from his records, Esarhaddon was fully as active as the other kings of a.s.syria in making conquests. He attacked the people of Armenia (the Mannaa), the rebellious land of Barnaku-"those who dwell in the land of Til-Aurri,"(116)-the Medes, the Chaldeans, the Arabians (see p. 382), and Egypt, in the direction of which he had already made a little expedition (to the cities of Arza and Aaki (?) of the brook of Egypt-probably the river of Egypt of Gen. xv. 18, and other pa.s.sages). His first real expedition to Egypt, however, was in the tenth year of his reign (670 B.C.). Three battles were fought there, and Memphis was captured by the a.s.syrians on the 22nd of Tammuz. Whether he really and effectually subjugated the country or not, is not known, but he again marched to the same place in the last year of his reign, and falling ill on the road, died on the 10th day of Marcheswan. He was succeeded by Aur-bani-apli (a.s.shur-bani-pal) in a.s.syria, and ama-um-ukin (Saosduchinos) in Babylonia, and the two kingdoms, united by so much bloodshed, became once more separated (668 B.C.).

Aur-Bani-apli.

Thus it happened, that Aur-bani-apli, on coming to the throne, found himself involved in a war with Egypt. To such a ruler, it must have seemed a hard thing to relinquish what his father had fought, and perhaps died, to acquire and retain. This being the case, he sent forth his army to reduce the country again to subjection, Tirhakah having taken advantage of the death of Esarhaddon to revolt. In the course of this campaign his representative (there is every probability that Aur-bani-apli never went westwards, or, indeed, made any warlike expedition in person whatever) received the tribute of the kings of the sea-coast and "the middle of the sea," _i.e._ Phnicia and Cyprus. This list is, with few exceptions, the same as that given by Esarhaddon, and includes Minse (= Minase, _i.e._ Mena.s.seh) of the land of Yaudi or Judah. In some cases, however, changes had taken place and these are duly registered-Yakinlu instead of Matan-ba'al, king of the land of Aruada (Arvad); Ammi-nadbi (Amminadab), king of the land of Bit-Ammana (Beth-Ammon), instead of Budu-ilu. For the kings of Cyprus, however, no change is indicated, a circ.u.mstance which leads one to look upon the list with some suspicion, it being not impossible that the names of certain rulers are inserted to make a seeming addition to the a.s.syrian king's glory. They are all represented, however, as supporting, with their troops and their s.h.i.+ps, on land and on sea, the army of Aur-bani-apli. The result was the defeat of Tirhakah, and the restoration of the kings, prefects, and governors whom Esarhaddon had appointed as rulers of the country.(117)

No sooner had the a.s.syrians departed, than Tirhakah won over all the princes they had installed to his side, and the work had to be done over again. The a.s.syrian generals, however, returned promptly, and the rebellion was at once put down. Of the princes who were captured, Necho alone was spared, and, with his son, set as ruler in ?at?ariba (Athribis).

About this time Tirhakah died, and Urdamane, son of Sabaco, mounted the throne, and made Thebes and On (Heliopolis) his princ.i.p.al strongholds, besieging the a.s.syrian army of occupation in Memphis. Another expedition on the part of the a.s.syrians therefore became necessary, and was at once undertaken, and with complete success, except that Urdamane remained, to all appearance, still at large. Practically, however, the greater part of Egypt became at this time an a.s.syrian province.

But many were the conquests of this really remarkable king, which his generals accomplished for him. Soon came the turn of Ba'al, king of Tyre, whose subjection brought about that of Yakinlu, king of Arvad, Mugallu, king of Tubal, and Sandasarme of the land of the ?ilakkaa (Cilicians).

Aur-bani-apli also speaks of the mission of Yakinlu, king of Arvad, who sent his sons to him with presents, and made obeisance. These princes bore the interesting names Azi-ba'al, Abi-ba'al, Aduni-ba'al, Sapati-baal, Pudi-baal, Ba'al-yaupu, Ba'al-?anunu, Ba'al-maluku, Abi-milki, and A?i-milki, showing the popularity of the element _baal_ in the names of the people of Arvad. Azi-ba'al was designated as the next king, and all the brothers were sent back with rich gifts. He also tells the story of the dream of _Guggu ar Luddi_ (Gyges, king of Lydia), to whom the G.o.d Aur is said to have appeared, exhorting him to submit to Aur-bani-apli, and overcome his enemies by invoking his name. Following this advice, he succeeded in conquering the Gimmirraa (people of Gomer), capturing their chiefs, of whom he sent two in fetters to the a.s.syrian king, with valuable gifts.

Gyges did not send any more emba.s.sies, however, and allied himself with Tuamilki, king of the land of Mu?ur (generally regarded as Psammeticus of Egypt, but to all appearance another Mu?ur-probably that to the north-is meant), and for this he received the curse of the a.s.syrian king. The result was, that the Gimmirraa came and ravaged his country. This being the case, his son, who succeeded him, thought best to renew the a.s.syrian alliance, and therefore sent an emba.s.sy with a message to the following effect-"The king whom G.o.d hath chosen art thou; thou cursedst my father, and evil was wrought before him. As for me, the servant fearing thee, be gracious to me and let me bear thy yoke."

[Plate XIII.]

a.s.sur-bani-apli (a.s.surbanipal), "The Great and n.o.ble Asnapper," Hunting Lions. British Museum. a.s.syrian Saloon.

Gyges, in a.s.syrian Gug(g)u, is regarded as the original of the mystic Gog of Ezekiel x.x.xviii. 39, and his country, Lydia (Luddu), is generally explained as the Biblical Lud, though a certain amount of doubt regarding it exists.

Aur-bani-apli's other campaigns were against the Vannites, the Elamites, the Babylonians (on account of his brother Saosduchinos, king of that country, refusing to acknowledge his suzerainty), after that twice more against Elam, then against the Arabians, and finally against Umma.n.a.lda, king of Elam, whom he seized as a hawk does his prey. In all, however, he captured four Elamite princes, whom he caused to be attached to his carriage (_ina marri adadi, rukub arruti-ia_(118)), and as for the Arabian princes whom he had taken as prisoners, he caused them to wear chains and badges of service, and to work at the building of his palace, as was the custom in those days.

We can easily imagine him-the great and n.o.ble Aur-bani-apli, called by Ezra (iv. 10) Asnapper (better Asenappar), who transferred the Dinaites, Apharsathchites, Tarpelites, Apharsites, Archevites, Babylonians, Susanchites (Susanians), Dehavites, and Elamites, to swell the mixed mult.i.tudes in the cities of Samaria. Many a time is he represented in the beautiful bas-reliefs which he caused to be carved as the adornments of his palace at Nineveh, and we there see him, the patron of art, as the bold sportsman and hunter, just as his tablets show him as the greatest patron of literature of his time, one who knew the literature of his race, who took a pride in learning, and himself copied out tablets "in the a.s.sembly of the experts."

The "great and n.o.ble Asnapper" is worthy of a statue in every land where the languages of a.s.syria and Babylonia are studied.

How the sudden downfall of the a.s.syrian empire really came about we do not know. In all probability it remained intact until the death of Aur-bani-apli, which took place in 626 B.C. His son, Aur-etil-ilani-ukinni, has left no historical records, though it is not by any means impossible that some light may ultimately be thrown on his reign. One of the enigmas of his time is: What was the circ.u.mstance which called forth the following communication?-

"The message of the daughter of the king to Auraaitu the queen. As yet thou writest not thy tablet, and dictatest not thy letter? Shall they say thus: 'Is this the sister of eru-e?erat, the eldest daughter of the Harem-house of Aur-etil-ilani-ukinni, the great king, the mighty king, the king of the world, the king of a.s.syria?' And thou art the daughter of the bride, the lady of the house of Aur-bani-apli, the son of the great king of the Harem-house, who was Aur-a?a-iddina (Esarhaddon), king of a.s.syria."

Some of the expressions in this letter seem obscure, but the probable explanation is, that the daughter of one of the last a.s.syrian kings-perhaps Sin-arra-ikun (Saracos)-writes to the chief wife of Aur-bani-apli urging her to take action by exhorting the chiefs of the nation at a crisis in the history of the country, which crisis was probably that which led to the downfall of the mighty kingdom which had reached its zenith of power during the reign of Aur-bani-apli. At this time, according to Nabonidus, a king of the Umman-manda or Medes, whose name is doubtful, but which may be Iriba-tukte, entered into alliance with a ruler who must be Nabopola.s.sar of Babylon, the father of Nebuchadnezzar, and accomplished the vengeance of Merodach, the G.o.d of the Babylonians, who willed that the destruction wrought upon his city by Sennacherib should be amply avenged. This vengeance was apparently the downfall of the a.s.syrian empire and the destruction of Nineveh, in accordance with statements of Alexander Polyhistor, Abydenus, and Syncellus. It is Diodorus Siculus, however, who gives the fullest account. He relates that there was a legend (according to an oracle) that the city could not be taken until the river became its enemy. Arbaces, the Scythian, was besieging it, but was unable to make any great impression on it for two years. In the third year, however, the river(119) was swollen by rains, and being very rapid in its current, a portion of the wall was carried away, by which the besiegers gained an entrance. The king, recognizing in this the fulfilment of the oracle, raised a funeral pyre, and gathering together his concubines and eunuchs, mounted it, and perished in the flames. Thus came the great a.s.syrian empire to an end.

"The oracle concerning Nineveh: The Lord is a jealous G.o.d and avengeth.

Who can stand before His indignation?

With an _overrunning flood_ He will make a full end of the place thereof, and will pursue His enemies into darkness.

The _gates of the rivers_ are opened, and the palace is dissolved.

Thy shepherds slumber, O king of a.s.syria, thy worthies are at rest; thy people are scattered upon the mountains, and there is none to gather them."