Bricks Without Straw Part 60

"Well, why was it?"

"The difference between the North and the South before the war,"

said Le Moyne, "was twofold; both the political and the social organizations of the South were utterly different from those of the North, and could not be harmonized with them. The characteristics of the _social_ organization you, in common with the intelligent ma.s.ses of the North, no doubt comprehend as fully and clearly as is possible for one who has not personally investigated its phenomena.

Your Northern social system was builded upon the idea of inherent equality--that is, of equality and opportunity; so that the only inequality which could exist was that which resulted from the accident of wealth or difference of capacity in the individual.

"The social system of the South was opposed to this in its very elements. At the very outset it was based upon a wide distinction, never overlooked or forgotten for a single moment. Under no circ.u.mstances could a colored man, of whatever rank or grade of intellectual power, in any respect, for a single instant overstep the gulf which separated him from the Caucasian, however humble, impoverished, or degraded the latter might be. This rendered easy and natural the establishment of other social grades and ideas, which tended to separate still farther the Northern from the Southern social system. The very fact of the African being thus degraded led, by natural a.s.sociation, to the degradation of those forms of labor most frequently delegated to the slave. By this means free labor became gradually to be considered more and more disreputable, and self-support to be considered less and less honorable. The necessities of slavery, as well as the constantly growing pride of cla.s.s, tended very rapidly toward the subversion of free thought and free speech; so that, even with the white man of any and every cla.s.s, the right to hold and express opinions different from those entertained by the bulk of the master-cla.s.s with reference to all those subjects related to the social system of the South soon came to be questioned, and eventually utterly denied. All these facts the North--that is, the Northern people, Northern statesmen, Northern thinkers--have comprehended _as_ facts. Their influence and bearings, I may be allowed to say, they have little understood, because they have not sufficiently realized their influence upon the minds of those subjected, generation after generation, to their sway.

"On the other hand, the wide difference between the _political_ systems of the North and the South seems never to have affected the Northern mind at all. The Northern statesmen and political writers seem always to have proceeded upon the a.s.sumption that the removal of slavery, the changing of the legal status of the African, resulting in the withdrawal of one of the props which supported the _social_ system of the South, would of itself overthrow not only that system, but the political system which had grown up along with it, and which was skillfully designed for its maintenance and support. Of the absolute difference between the political systems of the South and the North, and of the fact that the social and political systems stood to each other in the mutual relation of cause and effect, the North seems ever to have been profoundly ignorant."

"Well," said Mr. Goodspeed, "I must confess that I cannot understand what difference there is, except what arose out of slavery."

"The questien is not," said Le Moyne, "whether it _arose_ out of slavery, but whether it would of necessity fall with the extinction of slavery _as a legal status_. It is, perhaps, impossible for any one to say exactly how much of the political system of the South grew out of slavery, and how much of slavery and its consequences were due to the Southern political system."

"I do not catch your meaning," said Goodspeed. "Except for the system of slavery and the exclusion of the blacks from the exercise and enjoyment of poitical rights and privileges, I cannot see that the political system of the South differed materially from that of the North."

"Precisely so," said Le Moyne. "Your inability to perceive my meaning very clearly ill.u.s.trates to my mind the fact which I am endeavoring to impress upon you. If you will consider for a moment the history of the country, you will observe that a system prevailed in the nou-slaveholding States which was unknown, either in name or essential attributes, throughout the slaveholding part of the country."

"Yes?" said the other inquiringly. "What may that have been?"

"In one word," said Le Moyne--"the 'towns.h.i.+p' system."

"Oh, yes," laughed the Congressman lightly; "the Yankee town-meeting."

"Exactly," responded Le Moyne; "yet I venture to say that the presence and absence of the town-meeting--the towns.h.i.+p system or its equivalent--in the North and in the South, const.i.tuted a difference not less vital and important than that of slavery itself. In fact, sir, I sincerely believe that it is to the towns.h.i.+p system that the North owes the fact that it is not to-day as much slave territory as the South was before the war."

"What!" said the Northerner, with surprise, "you do not mean to say that the North owes its freedom, its prosperity, and its intelligence--the three things in which it differs from the South most materially--entirely to the Yankee town-meeting?"

"Perhaps not entirely," said Le Moyne; "but in the main I think it does. And there are certain facts connected with our history which I think, when you consider them carefully, will incline you to the same belief."

"Indeed; I should be glad to know them."

"The first of these," continued Le Moyne, "is the fact that in every state in which the towns.h.i.+p system really prevailed, slavery was abolished without recourse to arms, without civil discord or perceptible evil results. The next is that in the states in which the towns.h.i.+p system did not prevail in fact as well as name, the public school system did not exist, or had only a nominal existence; and the proportion of illiteracy in those states as a consequence was, _among the whites alone_, something like four times as great as in those states in which the towns.h.i.+p system flourished.

And this, too, notwithstanding almost the entire bulk of the ignorant immigration from the old world entered into the composition of the Northern populations. And, thirdly, there resulted a difference which I admit to be composite in its causes--that is, the difference in average wealth. Leaving out of consideration the capital invested in slaves, the _per capita_ valuation of the states having the towns.h.i.+p system was something more than three times the average in those where it was unknown."

"But what reason can you give for this belief?" said Goodspeed.

"How do you connect with the consequences, which cannot be doubted, the cause you a.s.sign? The differences between the South and the North have hitherto been attributed entirely to slavery; why do you say that they are in so great a measure due to differences of political organization?"

"I can very well see," was the reply, "that one reared as you were should fail to understand at once the potency of the system which has always been to you as much a matter of course as the atmosphere by which you are surrounded. It was not until Harvey's time--indeed, it was not until a much later period--that we knew in what way and manner animal life was maintained by the inhalation of atmospheric air. The fact of its necessity was apparent to every child, but how it operated was unknown. I do not now profess to be able to give all of those particulars which have made the towns.h.i.+p system, or its equivalent, an essential concomitant of political equality, and, as I think, the vital element of American liberty. But I can ill.u.s.trate it so that you will get the drift of my thought."

"I should be glad if you would," said Goodspeed.

"The towns.h.i.+p system," continued Le Moyne, "may, for the present purpose, be denned to be the division of the entire territory of the state into small munic.i.p.alises, the inhabitants of which control and manage for themselves, directly and immediately, their own local affairs. Each towns.h.i.+p is in itself a miniature republic, every citizen of which exercises in its affairs equal power with every other citizen. Each of these miniature republics becomes a const.i.tuent element of the higher representative republic--namely, a county, which is itself a component of the still larger representative republic, the State. It is patterned upon and no doubt grew out of the less perfect borough systems of Europe, and those inchoate communes of our Saxon forefathers which were denominated '_Hundreds_.'

It is the slow growth of centuries of political experience; the ripe fruit of ages of liberty-seeking thought.

"The towns.h.i.+p is the s.h.i.+eld and nursery of individual freedom of thought and action. The young citizen who has never dreamed of a political career becomes interested in some local question affecting his individual interests. A bridge is out of repair; a roadmaster has failed to perform his duty; a constable has been remiss in his office; a justice of the peace has failed to hold the scales with even balance between rich and poor; a school has not been properly cared for; the funds of the towns.h.i.+p have been squandered; or the a.s.sumption of a liability is proposed by the towns.h.i.+p trustees, the policy of which he doubts. He has the remedy in his own hands. He goes to the towns.h.i.+p meeting, or he appears at the town-house upon election day, and appeals to his own neighbors--those having like interests with himself. He engages in the struggle, hand to hand and foot to foot with his equals; he learns confidence in himself; he begins to measure his own power, and fits himself for the higher duties and responsibilities of statesmans.h.i.+p."

"Well, well," laughed Goodspeed, "there is something in that. I remember that iny first political experience was in trying to defeat a supervisor who did not properly work the roads of his district; but I had never thought that in so doing I was ill.u.s.trating such a doctrine as you have put forth."

"No; the doctrine is not mine," said Le Moyne. "Others, and especially that noted French political philosopher who so calmly and faithfully investigated our political system--the author of 'Democracy in America'--clearly pointed out, many years ago, the exceptional value of this inst.i.tution, and attributed to it the superior intelligence and prosperity of the North."

"Then," was the good-natured reply, "your prescription for the political regeneration of the South is the same as that which we all laughed at as coming from Horace Greeley immediately upon the downfall of the Confederacy--that the Government should send an army of surveyors to the South to lay off the land in sections and quarter-sections, establish parallel roads, and enforce topographic uniformity upon the nation?

"Not at all," said Le Moyne. "I think that the use of the term 'towns.h.i.+p' in a _double_ sense has misled our political thinkers in estimating its value. It is by no means necessary that the towns.h.i.+p of the United States survey should be arbitrarily established in every state. In fact, the towns.h.i.+p system really finds its fullest development where such a land division does not prevail, as in New England, Pennsylvania, and other states. It is the _people_ that require to be laid off in towns.h.i.+ps, not the land. Arkansas, Missouri, Alabama, all have their lands laid off in the parallelograms prescribed by the laws regulating United States surveys; but their _people_ are not organized into self-governing communes."

"But was there no equivalent system of local self-government in those states?"

"No; and there is not to-day. In some cases there are lame approaches to it; but in none of the former slave States were the counties made up of self-governing subdivisions. The South is to-day and always has been a stranger to local self-government. In many of those states every justice of the peace, every school committeeman, every inspector of elections is appointed by some central power in the county, which is in turn itself appointed either by the Chief Executive of the State or by the dominant party in the Legislature.

There may be the form of towns.h.i.+ps, but the differential characteristic is lacking--the self-governing element of the towns.h.i.+p."

"I don't know that I fully comprehend you," said Goodspeed. "Please ill.u.s.trate."

"Well, take one state for an example, where the const.i.tution adopted during the reconstruction period introduced the towns.h.i.+p system, and authorized the electors of each towns.h.i.+p to choose their justices of the peace, constables, school-cominitteemen, and other local officials. It permitted the people of the county to choose a board of commissioners, who should administer the financial matters of the county, and, in some instances, exeicise a limited judicial authority. But now they have, in effect, returned to the old system. The dominant party in the Legislature appoints every justice of the peace in the state. The justices of the peace of each county elect from their number the county commissioners; the county commissioners appoint the school-committeemen, the roadmasters, the registrars of election and the judges of election; so that every local interest throughout the entire state is placed under the immediate power and control of the dominant party, although not a tenth part of the voters of any particular towns.h.i.+p or county may belong to that party. In another state all this power, and even more, is exercised by the Chief Executive; and in all of them you will find that the county--or its equivalent, the parish--is the smallest political unit having a munic.i.p.al character."

CHAPTER LXII.

HOW?

There was a moment of silence, after which the Northern man said thoughtfully.

"I think I understand your views, Mr. Le Moyne, and must admit that both the facts and the deductions which you make from them are very interesting, full of food for earnest reflection, and, for aught I know, may fully bear out your view of their effects. Still, I cannot see that your remedy for this state of affairs differs materially in its practicability from that of the departed philosopher of Chappaqua. He prescribed a division of the lands, while, if I understand you, you would have the Government in some way prescribe and control the munic.i.p.al organisations of the people of the various states. I cannot see what power the National Government has, or any branch of it, which could effectuate that result."

"It can only be done as it was done at the North," said Le Moyne quietly.

"Well, I declare!" said Goodspeed, with an outburst of laughter, "your riddle grows worse and worse--more and more insoluble to my mind. How, pray, was it done at the North? I always thought we got it from colonial times. I am sure the New England town-meeting came over in the Mayflower."

"So it did!" responded Hesden, springing to his feet; "so it did; it came over in the hearts of men who demanded, and were willing to give up everything else to secure the right of local self-government.

The little colony upon the Mayflower was a towns.h.i.+p, and every man of its pa.s.sengers carried the seed of the ideal towns.h.i.+p system in his heart."

"Admitted, admitted, Mr. Le Moyne," said the other, smiling at his earnestness. "But how shall we repeat the experiment? Would you import men into every towns.h.i.+p of the South, in order that they might carry the seeds of civil liberty with them, and build up the towns.h.i.+p system there?"

"By no means. I would make the men on the spot. I would so mold the minds of every cla.s.s of the Southern people that all should be indoctrinated with the spirit of local self-government."

"But how would you do it?"

"With spelling-books!" answered Hesden sententiously.

"There we are," laughed the other, "at the very point we started from. Like the poet of the Western bar-room, you may well say, my friend, 'And so I end as I did begin.'"

"Yes," said Le Moyne, "we have considered the _desirability_ of education, and you have continually cried, with good-natured incredulity, 'How shall it be done?' Are you not making that inquiry too soon?"

"Not at all," said the Congressman earnestly; "I see how desirable is the result, and I am willing to do anything in my power to attain it, if there is any means by which it can be accomplished."

"That is it," said Le Moyne; "you are _willing_; you recognize that it would be a good thing; you wish it might be done; you have no desire to stand in the way of its accomplishment. That is not the spirit which achieves results. Nothing is accomplished by mere a.s.sent. The American people must first be thoroughly satisfied that it is a necessity. The French may shout over a red cap, and overturn existing systems for a vague idea; but American conservatism consists in doing nothing until it is absolutely necessary. We never move until the fifty-ninth minute of the eleventh hour.

"Only think of it! You fought a rebellion, based professedly upon slavery as a corner-stone, for almost two years before you could bring yourselves to disturb that corner-stone. You knew the structure would fall if that were done; but the American people waited and waited until every man was fully satisfied that there was no other possible road to success. It is just so in this matter. I feel its necessity. You do not.'