The Life of Mrs. Humphry Ward Part 16

(_a_) To resist the proposal to admit women to the Parliamentary Franchise and to Parliament; and

(_b_) To maintain the principle of the representation of women on munic.i.p.al and other bodies concerned with the domestic and social affairs of the community.

This second "Object" was indeed the keystone of Mrs. Ward's fabric for the useful employment of the energies and gifts of women, in a manner suited to their special experience as well as conducive to the real interests of the State. She called it somewhere the "enlarged housekeeping" of the nation, and maintained that the need for women's work and influence here was unlimited, whereas in the special Parliamentary fields of foreign affairs, war and finance, women might indeed have opinions, but opinions unsubstantiated by experience and unbacked by the sanction of physical force. It is interesting to observe how she conducts her case for a "forward policy" as regards Local Government before her own supporters in the _Anti-Suffrage Review_ (July, 1910):

"There is no doubt that the appointment of a Local Government Sub-Committee marks a certain new and definite stage in the programme of our League. By some, perhaps, that stage will be watched with a certain anxiety; while others will see in it the fulfilment--so far as it goes--of delayed hopes, and the promise of new strength. The anxiety is natural. For the task before the League is long and strenuous, and that task in its first and most essential aspect is a task of fight, a task of opposition. We are here primarily to resist the imposition on women of the burden of the parliamentary vote. And it is easily intelligible that those who realize keenly the struggle before us may feel some alarm lest anything should divert the energies of the League from its first object, or lest those who are primarily interested in the fight against the franchise should find themselves expected w.i.l.l.y-nilly to throw themselves into work for which they are less fitted, and for which they care less.

"But if the anxiety is natural, the hope is natural too Many members of the League believe that there are two ways of fighting the franchise--a negative and a positive way. They believe that while the more extreme and bigoted Suffragists can only be met by an att.i.tude of resolute and direct opposition to an unpatriotic demand, there are in this country thousands of women, Anti-Suffragist at heart, or still undecided, who may be attracted to a positive and alternative programme, while they shrink from meeting the Suffragist claim with a simple 'No.' Their mind and judgment tell them that there are many things still to be done, both for women, and the country, that women ought to be doing, and if they are asked merely to acquiesce in the present state of things, they rebel, and will in the end rather listen to Suffragist persuasion and adopt Suffragist methods. But the recent action of the executive opens to such women a new field of positive action--without any interference with the old. How immeasurably would the strength of the League be increased, say the advocates of what has been called 'the forward policy,' if in every town or district, where we have a branch, we had also a Local Government Committee, affiliated not to the present W.L.G.S., which is a simple branch of the Suffrage propaganda, but to the Women's National Anti-Suffrage League! The women's local government movement, which has been almost killed in the last two years by Suffragist excesses and the wrath provoked by them in the nation, would then pa.s.s over into the hands of those better able to use without abusing it. Anti-Suffrage would profit, and the nation also."

Mrs. Ward looked forward, indeed, to the regular organization of women's work and influence on these lines, culminating in the election, by the women members of local bodies, of a central committee in London which would inevitably acquire immense influence on legislation as well as administration in all matters affecting women and children. "Such a Committee," she said to an American audience in 1908, "might easily be strengthened by the addition to it of representatives from those government offices most closely concerned with the administration of laws concerning women and children; and no Government, in the case of any new Bill before the House of Commons, could possibly afford to ignore the strongly expressed opinion of such a committee, backed up as it could easily be by agitation in the country. In this way, it seems to me, all those questions of factory and sanitary legislation, which are now being put forward as stalking-horses by the advocates of the franchise, could be amply dealt with, without rus.h.i.+ng us into the dangers and the risks, in which the extension of the suffrage to women, on the same terms as men, must ultimately land us."

This pa.s.sage shows very clearly Mrs. Ward's belief in the duty of educated women to work for their fellows. She did not by any means wish them to sit at home all day with their embroidery frames, but looked forward instead to the steady development of what she called women's "legitimate influence" in politics--the influence of a sane and informed opinion, working in collaboration with Parliament, which should not only remove the remaining grievances and disabilities of women, but hold a watching brief on all future legislation affecting their interests.

Decidedly Mrs. Ward was no democrat. She was willing to wear herself out for Mrs. Smith, of Peabody Buildings, and her children, but she could not believe that it would do Mrs. Smith any good to become the prey of the political agitator.

Her activity in carrying on the Anti-Suffrage campaign from 1908 to 1914 was astonis.h.i.+ng, considering how heavily burdened she was at the same time with her literary work and with the constant pressure of her Play Centres and Vacation Schools. She was practically the only woman speaker of the first rank on her own side, except for the rare appearances in public of Miss Violet Markham, so that the Branches of the Anti-Suffrage League formed in the great towns were all anxious to have her to speak, and she felt bound to accept a certain number of such invitations. She went to Birmingham, Manchester and Sheffield in 1909; she led a deputation to Mr. Asquith in 1910 and another at a more critical moment in December, 1911; she wrote a series of articles in the _Standard_ on "The Case against Women's Suffrage" in October, 1911, besides carrying on an active correspondence in _The Times_, as occasion arose, against Lady Maclaren, Mrs. Fawcett, or Mr. Zangwill; she spoke at Newcastle, Bristol and Oxford early in 1912, and at a great meeting in the Queen's Hall, just before the fiasco of the Liberal Reform Bill, in January, 1913. At all these meetings the prospect of Suffragette interruptions weighed upon her like a nightmare. The militant agitation was, however, a very potent source of reinforcement to the Anti-Suffrage ranks throughout this period, so that although Mrs. Ward groaned as a citizen at every new device the Militants put forth for plaguing the community, she rejoiced as an Anti-Suffragist. The most definite annoyance to which she herself was subjected by the Suffragettes occurred at Bristol, where she addressed a huge meeting in February, 1912, in company with Lord Cromer and Mr. Charles Hobhouse, M.P. A devoted lady had found a place of concealment among the organ-pipes behind the platform, from which post of vantage, as the _Bristol Times_ put it, "she heard an excellent recital of music at close quarters, and for a few minutes addressed a vast meeting in a m.u.f.fled voice which uttered indistinguishable words."

She and a number of her fellows were ejected after the usual unhappy scrimmage, and Mrs. Ward and Mr. Hobhouse were allowed to proceed. But whether in consequence of this or as a mere coincidence, the Bristol Branch became one of the strongest of the League's off-shoots, devoting itself, to Mrs. Ward's intense satisfaction, to much useful work on local and munic.i.p.al bodies.

Her opposition to Mrs. Fawcett's organization was, of course, conducted on very different lines from this. Quite early in the campaign, in February, 1909, a debate was arranged to take place at the Pa.s.smore Edwards Settlement (under the auspices of the St. Pancras Branch of the Women's Suffrage Society) between the two protagonists, Mrs. Ward and Mrs. Fawcett. The organizers of the meeting were besieged with applications for seats. Mrs. Ward reserved 150 for herself and the Anti-Suffrage League, while about 300 went to the Suffrage Society, so that the voting was a foregone conclusion; but the debate itself reached a high level of excellence, though it suffered from the usual fault which besets such tournaments--that the champions did not really _meet_ each other's arguments, but cantered on into the void, discharging their ammunition and returning gracefully to their starting-points when time was called.

"Surely," wrote Mrs. Ward afterwards to her old friend, Miss McKee, the Chairman of the St. Pancras Suffrage Society, "surely you don't think that Mrs. Fawcett answered my main contentions! Does anyone deny the inequality of wage?--but what Mrs. Fawcett never attempted to prove was how the vote could affect it. And why compare doctor and nurse? Does not the doctor pay for a long and costly training, while the nurse is paid her living at least from the beginning? Would it not have been fairer to compare woman doctor with man doctor, and then to show that under the L.C.C. at the present moment medical appointments are open to both women and men, and the salaries are equal?"

It could not be expected that such combatants would influence each other, but Mrs. Ward's campaign went far to influence the doubting mult.i.tude, torn by conflicting counsels, hara.s.sed by the Militants, worried by accounts of prison tortures suffered by the "martyrettes,"

and generally bothered by the obscuring of the good old fight between Liberals and Tories which the importation of the Suffrage into every by-election caused. The Suffrage battle was indeed waged upon and around the vile body of the Liberal Party in a very special degree from 1908 to 1914, for Mr. Asquith was Prime Minister, and Mr. Asquith--encouraged thereto by every device of provocation and exasperation which the Militants could spring upon him--was an Anti-Suffragist. Yet the influence of his Suffragist colleagues and of the const.i.tutional agitation throughout the country was sufficient to induce him, in November, 1911, to give a very favourable answer to a deputation introduced by Mrs. Fawcett, who put to him a series of questions with regard to the Reform Bill announced by the Government for the Session of 1912 and the possibility of adding Suffrage amendments to it. The Suffragists withdrew with high hopes of a real measure of enfranchis.e.m.e.nt in the ensuing year. But less than a month later Mr.

Asquith was receiving a similar deputation from the Anti-Suffrage League, introduced by Lord Curzon and including Mrs. Ward, Miss Violet Markham and Mr. McCallum Scott. His reply showed unmistakably that he was exceedingly glad to have his hands strengthened by the "Antis" in his own domestic camp, and he only begged them to carry on their crusade with the utmost vigour, since "as an individual I am in entire agreement with you that the grant of the parliamentary suffrage to women in this country would be a political mistake of a very disastrous kind."

When the Session of 1912 opened it was evident that very strong influences were at work within the walls of Parliament for the defeat of the "Conciliation Bill," which was due to come up for Second Reading at the end of March, and it is significant that Mrs. Ward was able to say, at a meeting of the Oxford Branch of the Anti-Suffrage League held on March 15, that "Woman Suffrage is in all probability killed for this Session and this Parliament." The prophecy was partly fulfilled; like the prayers of Homer's heroes, Zeus "heard part, and part he scattered to the winds." At any rate, in the Session of 1912, not only was the Conciliation Bill defeated on March 28, by fourteen votes (after its very striking victory the year before), but the Suffrage amendments to the Reform Bill never even came up for consideration. At the very end of a long Session, that is in January, 1913, the Speaker ruled that the Bill had been so seriously altered by the amendments regarding male franchise already pa.s.sed that it was not, in fact, the same Bill as had received Second Reading, while there were also "other amendments regarding female suffrage" to come which would make it still more vitally different. For these reasons he directed the withdrawal of the Bill. The fury of the Suffragists at the "trick" which had been played them may be imagined, but apart from the sanct.i.ty of Mr. Speaker's rulings I think it is evident that the la.s.situde and discouragement about the Suffrage which pervaded the House of Commons at that time, and which contributed to the withdrawal of the Bill, was largely due to the recognition that there _was_ a considerable body of Anti-Suffrage opinion in the country, both amongst men and women, the strength of which had not been realized before Mrs. Ward began her campaign. Well might she draw attention to this at a great meeting held at the Queen's Hall on January 20, when it was still expected that the Suffrage amendments would be moved:

"Naturally, I am reminded as I stand here, of all that has happened in the four and a half years since our League was founded. All I can tell you is, that we have put up a good fight; and I am amazed at what we have been able to do. Just throw your minds back to 1908. The militant organization was fast over-running the country; the cause of Women Suffrage had undoubtedly been pushed to the front, and for the moment benefited by the immense advertis.e.m.e.nt it had received; our ears were deafened by the noise and the shouting; and it looked as though the Suffrage might suddenly be carried before the country, the real country, had taken it seriously at all. The Second Readings of various Franchise Bills had been pa.s.sed, and were still to be pa.s.sed, by large majorities. There was no organized opposition. Suffragist opinions were entrenched in the universities and the schools, and between the ardour of the Suffragists and the apathy of the nation generally the situation was full of danger.

"What has happened since? An opposition, steadily growing in importance and strength, has spread itself over the United Kingdom.

Men and women who had formerly supported the Suffrage, looked it in the face, thought again and withdrew. Every item in the Suffragist claim has been contested; every point in the Suffragist argument has been investigated, and, as I think, overthrown. It is a great deal more difficult to-day than it was then to go about vaguely and pa.s.sionately preaching that votes will raise wages in the ordinary market--that nothing can be done for the parasitic trades and sweated women without the women's vote--for what about the Trade Boards Bill? or that nothing can be done to put down organized vice without the women's vote--for what about the Criminal Law Amendment Bill? or that nothing can be done to help and protect children, without women's votes--for what about the Children's Act, the First Offenders' Act, the new Children's Courts and the Children's Probationary Officers, the vast growth of the Care Committees, and all their beneficent work, due initially to the work of a woman, Miss Margaret Frere?

"Witness, too, the increasing number of women on important Commissions: University--Divorce--Insurance; the increasing respect paid to women's opinions; the strengthening of trade unionism among women; the steady rise in the average wage.

"No, the Suffragist argument that women are trampled on and oppressed, and can do nothing without the vote, has crumbled in their hands. It had but to be examined to be defeated.

"Meanwhile, the outrages and the excitement of the extreme Suffragist campaign gave many people pause. Was it to this we were committing English politics? Did not the whole development throw a new and startling light on the effect of party politics--politics so exciting as politics are bound to be in such a country as England--on the nerves of women? Women as advisers, as auxiliaries, as the disinterested volunteers of politics, we all know, and as far as I am concerned, cordially welcome. But women fighting for their own hands--fighting ultimately for the political control of men in men's affairs--women in fierce and direct opposition to men--that was new--that gave us, as the French say, furiously to think!

"And now, the coming week will be critical enough, anxious enough; but we all know that if any Suffrage amendment is carried in the House, it can only be by a handful of votes--none of your majorities of 160 or 170 as in the past.

"And our high _hope_ is that none will pa.s.s, that every Suffrage amendment will be defeated.

"That state of things is the exact measure of what has been done by us, the Anti-Suffrage party, to meet the Suffragist arguments and to make the nation understand what such a revolution really means--though I admit that Mrs. Pankhurst has done a good deal! It is the exact measure of the national recoil since 1908, and if fortune is on our side next week, we have only to carry on the fight resolutely and steadily to the end in order finally to convince the nation."

After the collapse of the Government Reform Bill just described, the deadlock in the Parliamentary situation as regards Women's Suffrage continued right down to the outbreak of the War. Mrs. Fawcett transferred the allegiance of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies to the Labour Party, the only party which was prepared to back the principle of women's votes through thick and thin; the Militants continually increased in numbers, agitation and violence, and Mrs. Ward and her friends concentrated their energies more and more on the positive side of their programme, that is on the active development of women's work in Local Government. But it was a heavy burden. Mrs. Ward felt, as she said in a speech at Oxford in 1912, that "it is a profound saying that nothing is conquered until it is replaced. Before the Suffrage movement can be finally defeated, or rather transformed, we who are its opponents must not only have beaten and refuted the Suffrage argument, but we must have succeeded in showing that there is a more excellent way towards everything that the moderate Suffragist desires, and we must have kindled in the minds, especially of the young, hopes and ideals for women which may efface and supersede those which have been held out to them by the leaders of the Suffrage army."

Her artistic imagination was already at work on the problem, for in 1913 she wrote her Suffrage novel, _Delia Blanchflower_, in which the reader of to-day may still enjoy her closely observed study of the militant temperament, in Gertrude Marvell and her village followers, while on Delia herself, an ardent militant when the story opens, the gradual effect is traced of the English traditions of quiet public service, as exemplified--naturally!--in the person of the hero. Incidentally it may here be remarked that Mrs. Ward always believed that her Anti-Suffrage activities, culminating in the writing of this novel, had a markedly bad effect on the circulation of her books. Certainly she was prepared to suffer for her opinions, for the task of diverting and of carrying forward the Women's Movement into other lines than those which led to Westminster was one that was to wear her out prematurely, though her gallant spirit never recognized its hopelessness.

Her organized attempt to give effect to these aspirations, in the foundation (early in 1914) of the "Joint Advisory Council" between Members of Parliament and Women Social Workers, arose out of the stand which she made within the National Union of Women Workers[32] for the neutrality of that body on the Suffrage question. The National Union was bound by its const.i.tution to favour "no one policy" in national affairs, and many moderate Suffragists agreed with Mrs. Ward that sufficient _ad hoc_ Societies existed already for carrying on the Suffrage campaign, and that it would have been wiser for the National Union to remain aloof from it altogether. But the feeling among the rank and file of the Union was too strong for the Executive, so that in the autumn of 1912 a Suffrage resolution was pa.s.sed and sent up to the Prime Minister and all Members of the House of Commons. Mrs. Ward protested, but suspended her resignation until the next Annual Conference, which met at Hull in October, 1913. There Mrs. Ward's resolutions were all voted down by the Suffragist majority, so that she and some of her friends felt that they had no choice but to secede from the Union, on the ground that its original const.i.tution had been violated. They drew up and sent to the Press a Manifesto in which the following pa.s.sage occurred:

"Under these circ.u.mstances it is proposed to enlarge and strengthen the protest movement, and to provide it, if possible, with a new centre and rallying-point for social work involving, probably, active co-operation with a certain number of Members of Parliament, who, on wholly neutral ground from which the question of Suffrage, for or against, has been altogether excluded, desire the help and advice of women in such legislation."

Mrs. Ward had, throughout the controversy, carried on an active and most amicable correspondence with her old friend, Mrs. Creighton, the President of the National Union of Women Workers, who had for some years been a convert to Women's Suffrage, on the ground that, since women had already, for good or ill, entered the political arena with their various Party a.s.sociations, it would be more straight-forward to have them inside than outside the political machine. Mrs. Ward now wrote to tell her of the progress of her idea for a "Joint Advisory Committee":

"STOCKS, "_December 18, 1913_.

..."The scheme has been shaping beyond my hopes, and will I hope, be ready for publication before Parliament meets. What we have been aiming at is a kind of Standing Committee composed equally of Members from all parts of the House of Commons, and both sides of the Suffrage question--and women of experience in social work. I do not, I hope, at all disguise from myself the difficulties of the project, and yet I feel that it _ought_ to be very useful, and to develop into a permanent adjunct of the House of Commons. From this Joint Committee the Suffrage question will be excluded, but it will contain a dozen of the leading Suffragists in the House, which ought, I think, to make it clear that it is no _Anti_ conspiracy!--but a bona-fide attempt to get Antis and Pros to work together on really equal terms."

She was much gratified by the cordial response to her invitation on the part of M.P.'s of all shades of opinion, while some seventy women--both Suffragists and "Antis"--representing every field of social work, presently joined the Committee. Naturally the reproach levelled against it by those who did not believe in it was that the Committee was wholly self-appointed, but Mrs. Ward replied that, self-appointed or not, it was an instrument for _getting things done_, and that it would soon prove its usefulness. Under the Chairmans.h.i.+p of Sir Charles Nicholson, M.P., the Committee had held four meetings at the House of Commons between April and July, 1914, and had got through a great deal of practical work in the drafting of various amendments to Bills then before the House, when the curtain was rung down on all such fruitful and peaceable activities. Henceforth the guns were to speak, and such things as the education of crippled children, or the pressing of a wider qualification for women members of local bodies, were to disappear within the shadow that fell over the whole country. So at least it appeared at the time, but the Joint Advisory Council, like all really practical bodies, survived the shock, and lived to devote to the special questions arising from the War the experience gained in these first meetings.

The last act in the drama of Women's Suffrage found Mrs. Ward, as usual, active and on the alert, and still unconvinced of the necessity for the measure, or, still more, of the competence of the Parliament of 1917 to deal with it. It will be remembered that the question arose again on the "Representation of the People Bill" which the Government felt bound to bring in before the death of the existing Parliament in order to remedy the crying injustices of registration which deprived most of the fighting men and many of the munition workers of their votes. The opportunity was seized by the Suffragists to press the claims of women once more upon Parliament and public, and this time the response was overwhelmingly favourable. The pluck and endurance shown by women in all the multifarious activities of the War had brought the public round to their side; the men at the front were believed to be in favour of it, the militant outrages had ceased, and, last but not least, there was now a lifelong Suffragist at the head of affairs. The Speaker's Conference, which reported on January 27, 1917, decided "by a majority" that "some measure of women's suffrage should be conferred." It was evident that the current of opinion was setting strongly in favour of the women's claim, but Mrs. Ward still felt it to be her duty to protest, and to organize the latent opposition which certainly existed in the country.

She wrote an eloquent letter to _The Times_ in May, pointing out the obvious truth that the country had not been consulted, that the existing Parliament had twice rejected the measure and was now a mere rump, with some 200 Members absent on war service; she denied in a pa.s.sage of great force the plea based on "equality of service" between men and women, appealing to the grave-yards in France and Flanders which she had seen with her own eyes, as evidence of the eternal _in_equality, and finally she pleaded for a large extension of the women's _munic.i.p.al_ vote, in order to provide an electorate which might be consulted by Referendum.

The Referendum was in fact adopted by the now dwindling Anti-Suffrage party in Parliament as their policy; but the House of Commons would have none of it, and the Second Reading of the Bill, which included the Suffrage clause, was carried by 329 to 40. It is obvious, of course, that in an elective a.s.sembly, when the members are once convinced that a large increase in the electorate is about to be made, anxiety for their seats will make them very chary of voting against the new electors.

Hence Mrs. Ward had to bewail many desertions. The Bill was finally pa.s.sed by the House of Commons on December 7; but there still remained the Lords. Here the opposition was likely to be far more formidable, for the Lords had no hungry electors waiting for them, nor were they so susceptible as the Lower House to waves of sentiment such as that which had overspread press and public in favour of Women's Suffrage. It was here, therefore, that Mrs. Ward organized her last resistance. The January _Nineteenth Century_ appeared with an article by her ent.i.tled "Let Women Say," appealing to the Lords to insist on a Referendum, while in the first week of January she (acting as Chairman of the National League for Opposing Women's Suffrage) issued a Memorial to which she had obtained the signatures of about 2,000 women war-workers, and sent it to the press and to the Members of the House of Lords.

Lord Bryce wrote to her in response (January 8, 1918):

"MY DEAR MRS. WARD,--

Thank you for your admirable article and for the copy of the Memorial, an effective reply to that of the Suffragist ladies. It is an achievement to have secured so many signatures so quickly--and this may be used effectively by Lord Balfour of Burleigh, when he moves his Referendum Amendment. No one can yet predict the result. Lord Loreburn will move the omission of the earlier part of Clause IV to-morrow; and I suppose that if it is defeated the Referendum issue will come next."

There were a large number of distinguished Peers, including Lords Loreburn, Weardale, Halsbury, Plymouth, and Finlay, who were pledged to oppose "Clause IV," but the rock on whom the Anti-Suffragists chiefly relied was Lord Curzon. He was President of the National League for Opposing Women's Suffrage. He was an important member of the Government.

His advice would sway the votes of large numbers of docile Peers. He had, however, sent Mrs. Ward a verbal message through her son, whom he met in the House on December 18, that his position in the Government would make it impossible for him to _vote_ against the Clause: he would be obliged to abstain. Still he continued in active communication with Mrs. Ward, giving advice on the tactics to be pursued, and on December 30, 1917, wrote her a letter in which, after expressing admiration for her _Nineteenth Century_ article, he added the words: "A letter (if possible with the article) to the Peers a few days before the Clause comes under consideration may bring up a good many to vote, and after all that is what you want for the moment."

Lord Curzon gave no further warning to the Committee of the League that he intended to pursue any different line of action from that recommended here. It was still a question of "bringing the Peers up to vote," though the Committee knew by this time that his own vote--on the formal ground of his being Leader of the House of Lords--could not be given against the Clause. What, then, was their astonishment, when on the decisive day, January 10, 1918, after a speech in which Lord Curzon condemned the principle of Women's Suffrage in unmeasured terms and announced that his opposition to it was as strong as ever, he then turned to their Lords.h.i.+ps and advised them not to reject the Clause because it would lead to a conflict with the other House "from which your Lords.h.i.+ps would not emerge with credit." The effect of the appeal was decisive; the Clause pa.s.sed the House of Lords by a majority of sixty-three.

Thus fell the Anti-Suffrage edifice, and Mrs. Ward and her friends were left to nurse their wrath against their leader. A somewhat lengthy correspondence in the _Morning Post_ followed, the echoes of which have long since died away, and Mrs. Ward retired soon afterwards to Stocks.

Thence she wrote to Mrs. Creighton, on March 14, her little valediction on the Suffrage question:

"Yes, I have had rather a bad time of headache and weariness lately. The last lap of the Suffrage struggle was rather too much for me. But I felt bound, under all the circ.u.mstances (I should not have felt bound if the decision had been postponed till after the War) as a patriot--or what I conceive to be a patriot--to fight to the end, and I actually drafted the last amendment on which the House of Lords voted. Well now, thank goodness, it is over, for a while, though I see Mrs. Fawcett is still proposing to go on. Now the question is what the women will do with their vote. I can only hope that you and Mrs. Fawcett are right and that I am wrong."

Nine months later, the General Election of December, 1918, gave women the opportunity of echoing their Prime Minister's sentiments that the Kaiser should be brought to trial and that Germany should pay for the cost of the War. Mrs. Ward did not record her vote, for purely local reasons, but she had by this time adopted an att.i.tude of quite benevolent neutrality on the merits of the question. She had fought her fight squarely and openly, and had finally been defeated by a combination of circ.u.mstances to which no combatant need have been ashamed of succ.u.mbing. To some of those who worked with her and who watched her endless consideration for friend and foe alike, in office and committee-room, who admired the breadth and versatility of her mind and who shared her belief in the "alternative policy" for which she so eloquently pleaded, it seemed that the failure of the Anti-Suffrage campaign lay at the door of those who obstructed her within her own walls, who could not understand her call to women to be up and doing, and who opposed a mere blind _No_ to the youth and hope of the Suffrage crusade.

Be that as it may, Mrs. Ward had no reason, in looking back, to be otherwise than proud of her contribution to the great cause of women's work and freedom in this country. From her earliest days she had forwarded the cause of women's education. As her experience of life grew ever richer and more pitiful she had pleaded with her s.e.x, using all her varied gifts of pen and speech, to give themselves, each in her degree, to the service of her fellows, and of the children. Her own example was never lacking to enforce the plea. Service, not "rights," was in effect her watch-word. If she disbelieved in the efficacy of the vote to achieve miracles, it was because she believed far more in the gradual growth and efficacy of spiritual forces. The rule of the mob did not attract her, especially if it were a female mob; she would have offered it, instead, its fill of work and service. Perhaps it was too austere a gospel for our day, and in the end she watched her country choose the opposite path without bitterness, and even with some degree of hope. At any rate she had done her part in laying before her countrywomen a different ideal.

CHAPTER XIII

LIFE AT STOCKS, 1908-1914--_THE CASE OF RICHARD MEYNELL_--THE OUTBREAK OF WAR

Stocks, during the first sixteen years that Mrs. Ward inhabited it, was a dear but provoking house. Built in 1772 by the Duncombe family, at the expense of the earlier manor-house at the foot of the hill, it had been added to in the mid-nineteenth century in a spirit of small economy, so that the visitor as he drove up beheld an unlovely eastern side, with a squalid porch jutting out into the drive and a mean little block of "bachelors' rooms" joined on to the main Georgian building. Though Mrs.