The Letters of Queen Victoria Volume Ii Part 47

[Footnote 42: The incorporation of Schleswig had been forcibly resisted, and Sweden determined on armed intervention; but a temporary armistice was arranged in August. This the National a.s.sembly attempted to disavow, but a few days after this letter was written it was ratified.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN AND PALMERSTON]

_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

BALMORAL, _19th September 1848._

I said to Lord John Russell, that I must mention to him a subject, which was a serious one, one which I had delayed mentioning for some time, but which I felt I must speak quite openly to him upon now, namely about Lord Palmerston; that I felt really I could hardly go on with him, that I had no confidence in him, and that it made me seriously anxious and uneasy for the welfare of the country and for the peace of Europe in general, and that I felt very uneasy from one day to another as to what might happen. Lord John replied that he was aware of it; that he had considered the matter already, having heard from his brother (the Duke of Bedford) how strongly I felt about it; that he felt the truth of all that I had said, but that, on the other hand, Lord Palmerston was a very able man, entirely master of his office and affairs, and a very good colleague, never making any difficulties about other questions, but (certainly _unreasonably_) complaining of other people mixing with and interfering in the affairs of his office. I said that ... I fully believed that that Spanish marriage question, which had been the original cause of so many present misfortunes, would never have become so _embrouille_ had it not been for Lord Palmerston. This led Lord John to say, that though he disapproved the length of Lord Palmerston's correspondence, still that we could not have done otherwise than object to the marriage.

This is true enough. I repeated that all that had been done in Italy last winter had also done harm, as it was done by _Lord Palmerston_, who was distrusted everywhere abroad, which Lord John regretted. I said that I thought that he often endangered the honour of England by taking a very prejudiced and one-sided view of a question;... that his writings were always as bitter as gall and did great harm, which Lord John entirely a.s.sented to, and that I often felt quite ill from anxiety; that I wished Lord Clarendon (who, I had heard, was tired of Ireland) could come over and be Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and Lord Palmerston go to Ireland as Lord-Lieutenant. Lord John said nothing would be better, for that he was sure that Lord Palmerston would make an admirable Lord-Lieutenant, but that another thing to be considered was the danger of making Lord Palmerston an enemy by displacing him, that Lord Minto (who was formerly a great friend and admirer of Lord Palmerston's) had told Lady John when she spoke to him on the subject of placing Lord Palmerston in another office, that _he_ (Lord Palmerston) would certainly turn against the Government if displaced. I said that might be, but that sometimes there were great interests at stake which exceeded the danger of offending one man, and that this was here the case; Lord John said it was very true, but that at moments like these one of course was anxious not to do anything which could cause internal trouble.

I admitted this, but repeated my anxiety, which Lord John quite understood, though he thought I a little overrated it, and said I was afraid that some day I should have to tell Lord John that I could not put up with Lord Palmerston any longer, which might be very disagreeable and awkward.

It ended by Lord John's promising to bear the subject in mind, and I must say that he took it all just as I could wish.

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: AFFAIRS IN THE PUNJAB]

[Pageheading: HOSTILITY OF THE SIKHS]

_Minute by the Governor-General of India._

_30th September 1848._

... The course of events, as they have developed themselves, and long and anxious considerations of this important subject, have finally and immovably confirmed in my mind the conviction which the earlier events of the insurrection at Mooltan long since had founded, that there will be no peace for India, nor any stability of Government in the Punjab, nor any release from anxiety and costly defensive preparations on our frontier, unless the British Government, justly indignant at the unprovoked and treacherous aggression once again committed against them by the Sikhs, shall now effectually provide against future dangers by subverting for ever the Dynasty of the Sings, by converting the Punjab into a British province, and by adopting the only measure which will secure the observance of peace by the Sikhs, namely, depriving them utterly of all the means of making war. I continue as fully convinced as ever that the establishment of a strong, friendly, Hindoo Government in the Punjab would be the best settlement that could be made for the interests of British India, if it could be formed. But I am convinced that such a Government cannot be formed.[43]

[Footnote 43: _See_ Introductory Note for 1849, _post_, p.

208.]

The Chiefs of the Punjab are utterly powerless and worthless. The great body of the nation is adverse to all control, and in no degree submissive to the authority of those who are professedly their rulers.

Even admitting, which I am by no means prepared to do, that the Sirdars are not treacherously or hostilely disposed to the British Government, of what advantage, what defence to us is the fidelity of the Chiefs, if they are confessedly unable to control the army which is as avowedly hostile to us? That which we desire to secure is a peaceful and well-governed neighbour, and a frontier free from alarms, nor demanding a permanent garrison of 50,000 men. If their army are able to disturb and eager to disturb on every occasion the peace we seek to render permanent, of what profit to us is the a.s.sumed fidelity of the Chiefs, who cannot repress their soldiers' turbulence, or command their obedience?

I discredit altogether the a.s.surances of the fidelity of the Chiefs on the evidence of the facts before us....

To all these recommendations my colleagues in the Council have yielded their ready a.s.sent.

I have to the last sought to avert, or to avoid, the necessity, if it could prudently or fitly be avoided.

The Sikh nation have forced the necessity upon us. Having resolved at once, and fully, to meet it, I shall proceed with all speed to the frontier, and shall endeavour by every exertion, and by all the means in my power, to carry into effect vigorously the measures on which the Government of India has resolved, and which, in my conscience I believe, are imperatively called for by regard to the peace of India, to the security of our Empire there, and to the happiness of the people over whom we rule.

DALHOUSIE.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S ITALIAN POLICY]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _7th October 1848._

The Queen sends Lord Palmerston's answer to her last letter, of which the Queen has sent a copy to Lord John Russell, and encloses likewise a copy of her present answer. The partiality of Lord Palmerston in this Italian question really _surpa.s.ses all conception_, and makes the Queen _very uneasy_ on account of the character and honour of England, and on account of the danger to which the peace of Europe will be exposed. It is now clearly proved by Baron Wessenberg that upon the conclusion of the Armistice with Sardinia, negotiations for peace would have speedily been entered into, had our _mediation_ not been offered to the King, to whom the offer of Lombardy was too tempting not to accept, and now that promise is by fair or unfair means to be made good. The Queen cannot see any principle in this, as the principle upon which Lord Palmerston goes is _Italian Nationality and Independence from a foreign Yoke and Tyranny_. How can the Venetian territory then be secured to Austria? and if this is done, on what ground can Lombardy be wrung from her? It is really not safe to settle such important matters without principle and by personal _pa.s.sion_ alone. When the _French_ Government say they cannot control public feeling, Lord Palmerston takes this as an unalterable fact, and as a sufficient reason to make the Austrians give up Lombardy; when, however, the _Austrian_ Government say they cannot give up Lombardy on account of the feeling of the Army which had just reconquered it with their blood and under severe privations and sufferings, Lord Palmerston flippantly tells the Austrian Government, "if that were so, the Emperor had better abdicate and make General Radetzky Emperor."

When Charles Albert burned the whole of the suburbs of Milan to keep up the delusion that he meant to defend the town, Lord Palmerston said nothing; and now that the Austrian Governor has prohibited revolutionary placards on the walls, and prolonged the period at which arms are to be surrendered, at the end of which persons concealing arms are to be tried by court-martial, he writes to Vienna: "that this savage proclamation, which savours more of the barbarous usages of centuries long gone by than of the spirit of the present times, must strike everybody as a proof of the fear by which the Austrian Commander is inspired," etc., etc., etc.

Venice was to have been made over to Austria by the Armistice, and now that this has not been done, Austria is not even to retake it, in order (as Lord Normanby says) to keep something in hand against which Austria is to make further concessions. Is all this fair? In the meantime, from the account of our Consul at Venice, the French agents are actively employed in intrigues against Austria in that town, and have asked him to a.s.sist, which he refused. Lord Palmerston merely approved his conduct, and did not write a line to Paris about it. Now the question at issue is not even to be submitted to a Conference of European powers, but to be settled by the French Republic and Lord Palmerston alone, Lord Normanby being the instrument who has pledged himself over and over again for Italian _independence_ (so called).

If Austria makes peace with Sardinia, and gives her Italian provinces separate National Inst.i.tutions with a liberal const.i.tutional Government, _who can force_ upon her another arrangement?

[Pageheading: GREECE]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _8th October 1848._

The Queen cannot refrain from telling Lord Palmerston what a painful impression the perusal of a draft of his to Lord Normanby referring to the affairs of Greece has made upon her, being so little in accordance with the calm dignity which she likes to see in all the proceedings of the British Government; she was particularly struck by the language in which Lord Palmerston speaks of King Otho, a Sovereign with whom she stands in friendly relations, and the asperity against the Government of the King of the French, who is really sufficiently lowered and suffering for the mistakes he may have committed, and that of all this a copy is to be placed in the hands of the Foreign Minister of the French _Republic_, the Queen can only see with much regret.[44]

[Footnote 44: Lord Palmerston replied that his observations on the two Kings lay at the very root of his argument, and were necessary to conciliate the present Government of France.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th October 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Our voyage yesterday was much saddened by a terrible accident at Spithead, which delayed us half an hour, and which still fills us with horror. The sea was running very high, and we were just outside what is called The Spit, when we saw a man in the water, sitting on the keel of a boat, and we stopped, and at that moment Albert discerned _many heads_ above the sea, including a poor woman. The tide was running so strong that we could only stop an instant and let a boat down, but you may imagine our horror. We waited at Gosport to hear if the people had been saved, and we learnt that three had, two of whom by our _Fairy's_ boat, and that four were drowned. Very horrid indeed.

The state of Germany is dreadful, and one does feel quite ashamed about that once really so peaceful and happy people. That there are still good people there I am sure, but they allow themselves to be worked upon in a frightful and shameful way.... In France a crisis seems at hand. _What_ a very bad figure we cut in this mediation!

Really it is quite immoral, with Ireland quivering in our grasp, and ready to throw off her allegiance at any moment, for us to force Austria to give up her lawful possessions. What shall we say if Canada, Malta, etc., begin to trouble us? It hurts me terribly. This ought to be the principle in _all actions_, private as well as public: "Was du nicht willst, da.s.s dir geschieht, das thu' auch einem andern nicht." ...

I must now conclude. With every good wish, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE BOERS]