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The Queen must write to-day to Lord John Russell on a subject which causes her much anxiety. Her feelings have again been deeply wounded by the official conduct of her Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs since the arrival of M. Kossuth in this country. The Queen feels the best interests of her people, the honour and dignity of her Crown, her public and personal obligations towards those Sovereigns with whom she _professes_ to be on terms of peace and amity, most unjustifiably exposed. The Queen has unfortunately very often had to call upon Lord John to check his colleague in the dangerous and unbecoming course which at various times he has so wilfully persevered in pursuing. But Lord John Russell, although agreeing on most of these occasions with the view taken by the Queen, has invariably met her remonstrances with the plea that to push his interference with Lord Palmerston beyond what he had done would lead to a rupture with him, and thus necessarily to a breaking up of the Cabinet. The Queen, considering a change of her Government under present political circ.u.mstances dangerous to the true interests of the nation, had only to choose between two evils, without possessing sufficient confidence in her own judgment to decide which in its political consequences would turn out the least. But if in such a contingency the Queen chooses rather not to insist upon what is due to her, she thinks it indispensable at the same time to express to her Cabinet that she does so on their account, leaving it to them to reconcile the injuries done to her with that sound policy and conduct which the maintenance of peace and the welfare of the country require. These remarks seem to be especially called for after the report of the official interview between Lord Palmerston and the deputation from Finsbury,[24] and the Queen requests Lord John Russell to bring them under the notice of the Cabinet.
[Footnote 24: After Kossuth's departure, addresses of thanks to Lord Palmerston, for his courteous attentions to Kossuth, were voted by ultra-Radical meetings in Finsbury and Islington, and he allowed a deputation to present the addresses to him at the Foreign Office, the Emperors of Austria and Russia being stigmatised therein as "odious and detestable a.s.sa.s.sins" and "merciless tyrants and despots."
Palmerston, who expressed himself as "extremely flattered and highly gratified" by the references to himself, did not in terms reprehend the language used of the two Sovereigns, and added, in a phrase immortalised by Leech's cartoon, that "a good deal of judicious bottle-holding was obliged to be brought into play."]
[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _21st November 1851._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the honour of receiving last night your Majesty's communication respecting Lord Palmerston.
Lord John Russell presumes that it is the substance of this communication which your Majesty wishes to be laid before the Cabinet.
But before doing so he cannot refrain from mentioning some circ.u.mstances which appear to him to weigh materially in the consideration of Lord Palmerston's conduct.
In many instances Lord Palmerston has yielded to the remonstrances of Lord John Russell, supported as they have been by your Majesty.
He did so on the question of furnis.h.i.+ng guns to the Sicilians.
He did so in respect to the letter to Baron Koller on the affair of Count Haynau.
He gave way likewise in this last instance, when, after a.s.suring Lord Dudley Stuart that he would see Kossuth whenever he chose to call upon him, he consented to intimate privately to Lord Dudley that he requested him not to call.
This last concession must have been mortifying to Lord Palmerston, and he has consoled himself in a manner not very dignified by giving importance to the inflated addresses from some meetings in the suburbs of London.
But it appears to Lord John Russell that every Minister must have a certain lat.i.tude allowed him which he may use, perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice.
Lord John Russell must, however, call your Majesty's attention to an article in the _Morning Post_, which denies the accuracy of the report of Lord Palmerston's answer to what is there called "the froth and folly of an address to Downing Street."
Lord John Russell, in admitting that he has more than once represented to your Majesty that the expulsion of Lord Palmerston would break up the Government, begs to explain that he has always done so upon one of two grounds:
First, if Lord Palmerston should be called upon by your Majesty to resign on account of a line of Foreign Policy of which his colleagues had approved, and for which they were, with him, responsible.
Second, in case no difference of opinion had arisen, and the transaction should bear the character of an intrigue, to get rid of an inconvenient colleague.
It must be remembered that Lord Palmerston was recommended to the late King by Lord Grey as Foreign Secretary, and remained in that Office from 1830 to 1834; that he was afterwards replaced in the same Office by Lord Melbourne, and remained from 1835 to 1841.
He has thus represented the Foreign Policy of the Whig Party fifteen years, and has been approved not only by them but by a large portion of the country. In the advice which Lord John Russell has humbly tendered to your Majesty, he has always had in view the importance of maintaining the popular confidence which your Majesty's name everywhere inspires. Somewhat of the good opinion of the Emperor of Russia and other foreign Sovereigns may be lost, but the good will and affection of the people of England are retained, a great security in these times.
Lord John Russell has made out a note of his address to the Cabinet for your Majesty's information. He prays to have it returned.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter and returns the note on his former communication to the Cabinet. If Lord John felt on the 3rd of November that "above all, it behoves us to be particularly cautious and not to afford just ground of complaint to any Party, and that we cannot be too vigilant or weigh our proceedings too scrupulously"--the Queen cannot suppose that Lord John considers the official reception by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of addresses, in which allied Sovereigns are called Despots and a.s.sa.s.sins, as within that "lat.i.tude" which he claims for every minister, "which he may use perhaps with indiscretion, perhaps with bad taste, but with no consequence of sufficient importance to deserve notice."
The Queen leaves it to Lord John Russell whether he will lay her letter, or only the substance of it, before the Cabinet;[25] but she hopes that they will make that careful enquiry into the justice of her complaint which she was sorry to miss altogether in Lord John Russell's answer. It is no question with the Queen whether she pleases the Emperor of Austria or not, but whether she gives him a just ground of complaint or not. And if she does so, she can never believe that this will add to her popularity with her own people. Lord John's letter must accordingly have disappointed her as containing a mere attempt at a defence of Lord Palmerston. Lord John sees one cause of excuse in Lord Palmerston's natural desire to console himself for the mortification of having had to decline seeing M. Kossuth; the Queen has _every reason to believe_ that he has seen him after all.
[Footnote 25: On the 4th of December the matter came before the Cabinet. No formal resolution was adopted, but regret was expressed at Palmerston's want of caution in not ascertaining in advance the tenor of the addresses, and in admitting unreliable reporters.]
[Pageheading: DEATH OF KING OF HANOVER]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter with the Memorandum relative to the mourning of her Uncle, the late King of Hanover,[26] and she has to say in reply that she thinks the mourning ought not to be for a Foreign Sovereign but for a Prince of the Blood Royal, which was the nearest relation in which he stood to the Throne.
[Footnote 26: King Ernest died on the 18th of November, aged eighty, and was succeeded by his son, King George V., who reigned till 1866, and died in 1878.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of Hanover._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st November 1851._
MY DEAR GEORGE,--Your kind letter of the 18th, announcing to me the melancholy news of the death of your Father, was given to me yesterday by Mr Somerset, and I hasten to express to you in both our names our sincere and heartfelt condolence, and beg you to do so in our names to our dear Cousin Mary.[27]
It must be a consolation to you that the end of the King was peaceful and so free from pain and suffering. Most truly do I enter into your feelings as to the responsible position into which you are now placed, and my best wishes for your welfare and happiness as well as that of Hanover will ever accompany you. I am happy to hear from Mr Somerset that you were well, as well as your dear Mary and dear children.
Albert desires me to say everything kind from him to you as well as to our cousins, and with every possible good wish for your health and prosperity, believe me always, my dear George, your very affectionate Cousin,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 27: Princess Mary of Saxe-Altenburg (1818-1907), wife of King George V. of Hanover.]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
CARLTON GARDENS, _22nd November 1851._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty and has taken the proper steps according to your Majesty's commands, about the mourning for the late King of Hanover; and he would wish to know whether it is your Majesty's desire that he should have letters prepared for your Majesty's signature, announcing to Foreign Sovereigns the decease of the late King.