The Letters of Queen Victoria Volume Iii Part 5

Lord Aberdeen has just left the Queen, after an interview which he had had with Sir James Graham and Lord John Russell at Lord John's request. He reported that at that interview Lord John renewed his complaint of the Cabinet, declared that he could not state to the House what was untrue, and must therefore resign. Lord Aberdeen called this "really too monstrous" after the pledge given by the Sovereign, himself as Prime Minister, and the whole Cabinet, with the exception of one man, and he would repeat his promise that whenever Lord John said, "The Reform Bill is to come on," and Lord Palmerston opposed it, he should go.

Lord John could not be appeased, but spoke with the greatest bitterness. He had written to Lord Palmerston in the same sense; and Lord Palmerston's answer arrived during the interview. It was to the effect that if one of them was to resign, it was not Lord John, who agreed with the rest of the Cabinet upon the Bill, but himself, who was the dissentient. Lord Aberdeen asked Lord John whether Lord Palmerston's resignation would satisfy him; to which he answered, he believed it would not mend matters. Lord Aberdeen's opinion, however, is that it is what Lord John, and still more what Lady John, wants.

He thinks the Country will never understand how the Government could break up, and that Lord John is cutting his own throat, and told him so. If Lord John went, he could not go on with Lord Palmerston as Leader of the House of Commons, which he called "perfectly ludicrous."

Lord Palmerston would probably insist upon this, however; Lord Palmerston's retirement would be a great blow to the Government, as the Country persisted in thinking him the only able War Minister, and would cry out at "the imbecile old Head of the Government having it now all his own way." He thought, should he not be able to go on, new combinations could be formed, perhaps under the Duke of Newcastle and Mr Gladstone, as the Country liked younger men. Lord John must give his answer in the House of Commons to-morrow at half-past four. Lord Aberdeen would wish to see the Duke of Newcastle, Sir James Graham, and Mr Gladstone, as his more particular friends, this evening, to discuss the whole question with them, and would see Lord Palmerston and Lord John to-morrow, before he could make any report to the Queen.

This is all really very bad!

ALBERT.

_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._

CHESHAM PLACE, _11th April 1854._

Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has the honour to acknowledge, with grat.i.tude, your Majesty's communication of yesterday. Lord John Russell waited to see Lord Aberdeen before he answered, and having now had a long conversation with him, Lord John Russell being a.s.sured of your Majesty's support, of Lord Aberdeen's concurrence, and of the a.s.sent of the majority of his colleagues, is willing to continue his humble services in the Cabinet, and in the House of Commons.

Lord John Russell must ask your Majesty to excuse what may have seemed intemperate in his letter of Sunday last. He is still of opinion that without public confidence in his integrity and uprightness he can be of no use to your Majesty, or to the Country.

And on that confidence must depend the continuance of his services.[26]

[Footnote 26: On the same day Lord John announced in the Commons the withdrawal of the Reform Bill. He admitted that this course would expose him to the taunts and sarcasms of his opponents, and to the suspicions of his supporters. Here "his feelings overcame him, and, as he used the word 'suspicion'

in reference to his motive, his utterance was choked, and the sentence he struggled to p.r.o.nounce was evidently given through tears." (_Ann. Reg._, 1854, p. 120.) Loud and sympathetic cheers followed from all parts of the House.]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th April 1854._

We saw Lord Aberdeen at three o'clock to-day, who reported to the Queen that the change of mind of Lord John had been the result of an hour and a half's discussion with him this morning. He must admit, however, that he found Lord John in a mood willing to let himself be convinced. The Queen's letter might have contributed to this as well as the entreaties of the Duke of Bedford and Lord Lansdowne. Lord Aberdeen could tell Lord John in truth that there was not a shadow of difference of opinion amongst any of his friends, that he would lose himself for ever, and meet with universal reprobation, if he persisted in resigning after every cause for it had been removed, and he had agreed to the course Lord Palmerston had insisted upon. Lord Palmerston had written a very clever letter to Lord John, begging him not to desert the Queen and the Country, which, if he read it to the House of Commons, would floor Lord John completely.

We asked what had been agreed upon at yesterday evening's meeting.

Lord Aberdeen told us the decision, under the impression that Lord John would resign, had been for Lord Aberdeen to call upon Lord Palmerston, and to explain to him that although he had acted cordially with him as a Colleague in this Government, yet they had been political antagonists during their whole lives--the Government also was still a Reform Government; from personal, therefore, as well as public, reasons it was impossible that he should be entrusted with the lead of the House of Commons, being the only anti-Reformer. And it was hoped that he would have no difficulty in letting Mr Gladstone lead the House, as Sir James Graham was the same age and political standing with Lord Palmerston, but at once cheerfully contented to waive all his claims in favour of Mr Gladstone.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE]

[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA]

_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._[27]

VIENNA, _28th April 1854._

MY DEAR COUSIN,--Before leaving this place I think it right that I should once more trouble you with a letter, to inform you that the messenger has arrived who brought your autograph letter for the Emperor, which I presented to him to-day at an audience I had for this purpose.... I had a very long and most interesting conversation with the Emperor, who opened frankly and fairly upon the great questions of the day. The impression he made upon me was an excellent one, his confidence and frankness are complete, and I have the firm conviction that he is a man of his word, and that he never would say a thing that he did not in his heart mean. The result of what he said was the following: that he naturally was most distressed at all that had occurred; that he was placed by the Emperor of Russia in a most difficult position; that he quite disapproved his acts; but that he could not but have a great disinclination to break with a very old ally; and that even still he hoped this painful step might be spared to him by the Emperor of Russia making some proposal so honourable to all parties, that it would not be rejected by the Western Powers, who would naturally not be disinclined to a peace, honourable to themselves and tranquillising for the future; that the basis of such treaty would be the position of the Christian population of the East; that this might be discussed in Conference, the Russians having _first_ evacuated the Princ.i.p.alities, upon which the Turks would hold the right bank of the Danube, our Fleets to await events in the Bosphorus, and our armies at Constantinople, such position being highly honourable and advantageous to us in the eyes of Europe, and certainly not nearly so favourable to Russia; that he was certainly sensible that the English Government had not pressed him, feeling as they had done the extreme delicacy of his position, and the great extent of his frontier so easily attacked; that he did not wish to say now, till the moment of decision came, thinking it more honourable and straightforward not to raise false expectations, but that his interests being so completely with us, should the Emperor of Russia do nothing in the honourable direction he hoped to see him adopt, he should then consider himself called upon to express frankly to us what he proposed to do, in order that our action might become united and of advantage to one another. He further thought that the treaty with Prussia would greatly facilitate all this, as Prussia had acceded to the wishes of Austria in the event of certain eventualities, which, however, for the moment are not named, but which, as far as I understand, go to the length of leaving Austria unfettered to act as she likes at the moment when she considers her so doing essential to her position as a young Empire. It is quite evident to me that this is the general feeling here, amongst all those who have any weight in the councils of the Empire. These are _Austrian_ views, and I must say I can understand them and appreciate them as such. I am confident, I am certain, they are _honest_ on the part of the Emperor, and I doubt not he will carry them through to the letter, for I am confident the Emperor never would say what he did not mean. Rely upon it, this Country will never go with Russia; she knows her interests too well for that; she would like to avoid a War altogether if she could, and with that view she would be delighted to see some honourable and acceptable proposal made, but should this fail she will then take a very decided line, and that line will be in accordance with Austrian interests--which means with us. I find that most of the more prudent people, and many of those in high office, are fully alive to the advantages of the English alliance, and would wish to see this alliance confirmed _de novo_; and I think it would be very well for us to meet them half-way with this. But then it would be better to avoid all after-dinner speeches such as those at the Reform Club,[28] all Polish legions such as are talked of, and in short any of these little matters, which are painfully felt here, and which always produce an uncomfortable and distrustful effect. The Emperor expressed himself in the most grateful manner towards yourself, and I think is pleased at your having permitted me to be present on this occasion.... Hoping that you will approve of my humble endeavours here, and with sincere regards to Albert, I beg to remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,

GEORGE.

[Footnote 27: The English forces destined for the East were under the command of Lord Raglan (formerly Lord Fitzroy Somerset). The Duke of Cambridge commanded one infantry division, the other three being respectively under Sir George Brown, Sir De Lacy Evans, and Sir Richard England; the cavalry division was commanded by the Earl of Lucan, General Scarlett commanding the heavy cavalry, and Lord Cardigan the Light Brigade.]

[Footnote 28: At a dinner given on the 7th of March by the Reform Club to Sir Charles Napier, Lord Palmerston, who was in the chair, and Sir James Graham, had made provocative and unbecoming speeches; on attention being called in Parliament to the proceedings, Mr Bright complained of the reckless levity displayed; Lord Palmerston made a flippant and undignified defence, the tone of which was much resented.]

[Pageheading: BOMBARDMENT OF ODESSA]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th May 1854._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the 5th. I return you the Emperor's kind letter. Nothing could be more satisfactory than the reception George met with by everybody at Vienna--beginning with the Emperor. They showed him much confidence, and he obtained from them intelligence which I think no one else would. The Fleets have done their duty admirably at Odessa;[29] the town has not been touched, and all the fortifications and many s.h.i.+ps have been destroyed....

We had a concert last night, and I saw good Sir H. Seymour, who is full of your kindness and goodness; and a most worthy, honourable and courageous little man he is.[30] If the poor Emperor Nicholas had had a few such--_nous ne serions pas ou nous en sommes_. But unfortunately the Emperor does _not like_ being _told_ what is unpleasant and _contrary_ to _his wishes_, and gets very violent when he hears the _real_ truth--which _consequently_ is not told him! There is the misery of being violent and pa.s.sionate; if Princes and still more Kings and Emperors are so, _no_ one will _ever_ tell them the truth, and _how_ dreadful that is! I think one never can be too careful in bringing up Princes to inculcate the principle of _self-control_.

We have a good deal of rain and thunder since yesterday, which I hope will revive poor parched Nature. I must now wish you good-bye, as I expect dear Victoire shortly. Nemours intends going to fetch the Queen. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 29: In consequence of the Russians firing upon a flag of truce, Odessa was bombarded on the 22nd of April, and most of its batteries silenced or destroyed.]

[Footnote 30: The conversations of Sir Hamilton Seymour and the Emperor Nicholas in the year 1853 had now been given to the world. The Czar, believing the time ripe for the dismemberment of Turkey, had expressed himself openly to the British Amba.s.sador, and the conversations were all reported to the British Ministry. On the 2nd of March 1854, an obviously inspired article in the _Journal de St. Petersbourg_ professed to contradict the statements of Lord John Russell in the House of Commons reflecting on the bad faith of the Russian Government, and accordingly, in their own vindication, the English Cabinet now published the conversations above referred to.]

[Pageheading: THE SULTAN]

[Pageheading: THE BRITISH FORCES]

_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._

CONSTANTINOPLE, _13th May 1854._

MY DEAR COUSIN,--I have not as yet announced to you my safe arrival here, as I was anxious first to see the Sultan and the general state of things before giving you a report of what was really going on....

I found a great proportion of the Infantry arrived, a portion of the Artillery, but as yet no Cavalry. Lord Raglan is well and in good spirits, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe ill in bed with a bad fit of the gout--most miserable to see in every respect. The Sultan[31] received me at once on the day of arrival, and made his return visit to me yesterday. I confess I was not much impressed with either his appearance or general ability. He is, to say the truth, a wretched creature, prematurely aged, and having nothing whatever to say for himself. A few commonplace civilities was all the conversation which pa.s.sed between us. I said everything I could think of to make a conversation, among other things messages of civility from yourself; but though he appeared pleased and expressed his satisfaction at our being here, I could not get him to enter into anything, and I was not sorry on both occasions when our interview was at an end. As to his Ministers, and in fact the whole population and country, with the exception of Redschid Pasha,[32] they are all a most wretched and miserable set of people, and far, far worse than anything I could possibly have imagined or supposed. In fact, the "sick man" is _excessively sick indeed_, dying as fast as possible; and the sooner diplomacy disposes of him the better, for no earthly power can save him, that is very evident. This is the opinion of every person out here of both armies, French and English, and you may rest a.s.sured it is the truth. The great thing is that we are here and no other Power can now step in, but diplomacy must settle what is to happen, for as to the Turks remaining in Europe that is out of the question, and the very fact of our being here now has given them their death-blow. I hope, my dear cousin, you will forgive me for being very candid on this point, but I really do not think that anybody in England had any idea of the real state of affairs here. The sooner therefore that they are put in possession of the truth unvarnished the better. The great and imperative necessity is that the four Powers of Europe should strike together, otherwise things will become much worse than they are even at present. Everybody is very civil and obliging to me, the Sultan has put me into one of his best Palaces, very nicely fitted up, and is anxious to do everything I wish. I find it inconvenient, as the troops are on the other side of the Bosphorus, and I therefore intend going over there to reside if possible. Marshal St Arnaud is here and Prince Napoleon, but no French troops. I have seen the latter once; he was very civil indeed to me, but I do not think he has made at all a good impression here, his manner being offensive and harsh. I do not think the Army like him at all. I am afraid the French Amba.s.sador is giving much trouble. Neither St Arnaud nor the Prince like him at all, and I believe they have written to demand his recall, which would be a very good thing, as he cannot hit it off with anybody. As to our movements, I know nothing of them as yet, nor do I think that much has as yet been settled, but I fear we shall not be fit to move for some time; the difficulty of transport is very great, our Artillery only partly arrived, and no Cavalry. We require more troops, more particularly of the latter arm, in which the Russians are very strong.

We ought to have at least 10,000 men more, and the sooner they are sent out the better. Even that number is not enough, for the French talk of 100,000 men, and we should be in a most dreadful minority unless we had 40,000 to 50,000. I am afraid all this will alarm people in England, but it is the truth.... I remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,

GEORGE.