The Letters of Queen Victoria Volume I Part 60

Mamma comes back sooner than the 31st. She is in great distress at poor Polly's death. You will regret him. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

Pray _do_ try and get the King's Speech to be _pacific_, else Parliament must meet here in November, which would be dreadful for me.

[Footnote 53: Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, who, by reason of his social influence, great wealth, and high intellectual endowments, was one of the most efficient supporters of the Whig party.]

_The Queen of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _26th October 1840._

... The Duke of Cambridge arrived, as you know, before yesterday evening, at Brussels. Your Uncle visited him yesterday, and at six he came to Laeken to dine with us. I found him looking well, and he was as usual very good-natured and kind. I need not tell you that conversation did not flag between us, and that I thought of you almost the whole time. In the course of the evening he took leave. He left Brussels this morning early, on his way to Calais, and I suppose you will hear of him before this letter reaches you. He took charge of all my love and _hommages_ for you, dear Albert, and all the Royal Family.

Before dinner the children were presented to him (that is Leopold and Philippe), but I am sorry to say that poor Lippchen was so much frightened with his appearance, loud voice, and black gloves, that he burst out crying, and that we were obliged to send him away. The Duke took his shyness very kindly; but I am still ashamed with his behaviour.

[Pageheading: NEWS FROM SYRIA]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

CARLTON TERRACE, _8th November 1840._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and in addition to the good news from Syria, which confirms the defeat and dispersion of the forces, both of Ibrahim and of Solyman Pasha, with the loss of 8,000 prisoners, 24 pieces of cannon, the whole of their camp, baggage, and stores, followed by the flight of those two Generals with a small escort, he has the satisfaction of informing your Majesty that the new French Ministers had a majority of 68, upon the vote for the election of the President of the Chamber.[54]

This majority, so far exceeding any previous calculation, seems to place the stability of the Government beyond a doubt, though it must, of course, be expected that upon other questions their majority will not be so overwhelming.

[Footnote 54: M. Sauzet was elected in preference to M.

Odillon Barrot. Thiers resigned the Premiers.h.i.+p on 14th October; in the new Ministry Soult was President of the Council, Guizot Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Duchatel Minister of the Interior.]

[Pageheading: DISAFFECTION IN FRANCE]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th November 1840._

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and with reference to your Majesty's memorandum of the 9th inst., he entreats your Majesty not to believe that there exists at present in France that danger of internal revolution and of external war which the French Government, to serve its own diplomatic purposes, endeavours to represent.

There is no doubt a large Party among the leading politicians in France, who have long contemplated the establishment of a virtually, if not actually, independent State in Egypt and Syria, under the direct protection and influence of France, and that Party feel great disappointment and resentment at finding their schemes in this respect baffled. But that Party will not revenge themselves on the Four Powers by making a revolution in France, and they are enlightened enough to see that France cannot revenge herself by making war against the Four Powers, who are much stronger than she is.

... But your Majesty may be a.s.sured that there is in France an immense ma.s.s of persons, possessed of property, and engaged in pursuits of industry, who are decidedly adverse to unnecessary war, and determined to oppose revolution. And although those persons have not hitherto come prominently forward, yet their voice would have made itself heard, when the question of peace or unprovoked war came practically to be discussed.

With regard to internal revolution, there is undoubtedly in France a large floating ma.s.s of Republicans and Anarchists, ready at any moment to make a disturbance if there was no strong power to resist them; but the persons who would lose by convulsion are infinitely more numerous, and the National Guard of Paris, consisting of nearly 60,000 men, are chiefly persons of this description, and are understood to be decidedly for internal order, and for external peace.

It is very natural that the French Government, after having failed to extort concessions upon the Turkish Question, by menaces of foreign war, should now endeavour to obtain those concessions, by appealing to fears of another kind, and should say that such concessions are necessary in order to prevent revolution in France; but Viscount Palmerston would submit to your Majesty his deep conviction that this appeal is not better founded than the other, and that a firm and resolute perseverance on the part of the Four Powers, in the measures which they have taken in hand, will effect a settlement of the affairs of Turkey, which will afford great additional security for the future peace of Europe, without producing in the meantime either war _with_ France, or revolution _in_ France.

France and the rest of Europe are entirely different now from what they were in 1792. The French nation is as much interested now to avoid further revolution, as it was interested then in ridding itself, by any means, of the enormous and intolerable abuses which then existed. France then imagined she had much to gain by foreign war; France now knows she has everything to lose by foreign war.

Europe then (at least the Continental States) had also a strong desire to get rid of innumerable abuses which pressed heavily upon the people of all countries. Those abuses have now in general been removed; the people in many parts of Germany have been admitted, more or less, to a share in the management of their own affairs. A German feeling and a spirit of nationality has sprung up among all the German people, and the Germans, instead of receiving the French as Liberators, as many of them did in 1792-1793, would now rise as one man to repel a hateful invasion. Upon all these grounds Viscount Palmerston deems it his duty to your Majesty to express his strong conviction that the appeals made to your Majesty's good feelings by the King of the French, upon the score of the danger of revolution in France, unless concessions are made to the French Government, have no foundation in truth, and are only exertions of skilful diplomacy.

Viscount Palmerston has to apologise to your Majesty for having inadvertently written a part of this memorandum upon a half-sheet of paper. And he would be glad if, without inconvenience to your Majesty, he could be enabled to read to the Cabinet to-morrow the accompanying despatches from Lord Granville.

[Pageheading: THE STATE OF FRANCE]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._[55]

WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th November 1840._

The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Palmerston's letter of this morning, which she has read with great attention. The Queen will just make a few observations upon various points in it, to which she would wish to draw Lord Palmerston's attention. The Queen does so with strict impartiality, having had ample opportunities of hearing both sides of this intricate and highly-important question.

First of all, it strikes the Queen that, even if M. Thiers _did_ raise the cry, which was so loud, for war in France (but which the Queen cannot believe he _did_ to the extent Lord Palmerston does), that such an excitement _once_ raised in a country like France, where the people are more excitable than almost any other nation, it cannot be so easily controuled and stopped again, and the Queen thinks this will be seen in time.

Secondly, the Queen cannot either quite agree in Lord Palmerston's observation, that the French Government state the danger of internal revolution, if not supported, merely to extract further concessions for Mehemet Ali. The Queen does not pretend to say that this danger is not exaggerated, but depend upon it, a _certain_ degree of danger does exist, and that the situation of the King of the French and the present French Government is not an easy one. The majority, too, cannot be depended upon, as many would vote against Odillon Barrot,[56] who would _not_ vote on other occasions with the Soult-Guizot Ministry.

Thirdly, the danger of war is also doubtless greatly exaggerated, as also the numbers of the French troops. But Lord Palmerston must recollect how very warlike the French are, and that if once roused, they will not listen to the calm reasoning of those who wish for peace, or think of the great risk they run of _losing_ by war, but only of the glory and of revenging insult, as they call it.

Fourthly, the Queen sees the difficulty there exists at the present moment of making any specific offer to France, but she must at the same time repeat how _highly_ and _exceedingly_ important she considers it that some sort of conciliatory agreement should be come to with France, for she cannot believe that the appeals made to her by the King of the French are only exertions of skilful diplomacy. The Queen's earnest and only wish is peace, and a maintenance of friendly relations with her allies, consistent with the honour and dignity of her country. She does not think, however, that the last would be compromised by attempts to soften the irritation still existing in France, or by attempts to bring France back to her former position in the Oriental Question.

She earnestly hopes that Lord Palmerston will consider this, will reflect upon the importance of not driving France to extremities, and of conciliatory measures, without showing fear (for our successes on the coast of Syria show our power), or without yielding to threats.

France has been humbled, and France is in the wrong, but, therefore, it is easier than if we had failed, to do something to bring matters right again. The Queen has thus frankly stated her own opinion, which she thought it right Lord Palmerston should know, and she is sure he will see it is only dictated by an earnest desire to see _all_ as much united as possible on this important subject.

[Footnote 55: A copy of this letter was sent at the same time to Lord Melbourne.]

[Footnote 56: The unsuccessful candidate for the Presidency of the Chamber.]

_Baron Stockmar to Viscount Melbourne._

_21st November 1840._

MY DEAR LORD,--I have just received Her Majesty's order to express to you her great desire to have from this day the Prince's name introduced into the Church Prayer. Her own words were: "that I should press it with Lord Melbourne as the wish she had most at heart at this moment." Ever yours most sincerely,

STOCKMAR.