Wigwam and War-path Or the Royal Chief in Chains Part 25

The emigrant train consisted of sixty-five men, women, and children, and the whole line of wagons was driven down into this position before the attack was made. The Indians, secreted in the rocks at either end of the narrow pa.s.sage, attacked their hapless victims both in front and rear.

Hemmed in by high rocky bluffs on one side and the lake on the other, they were butchered indiscriminately. Neither age nor s.e.x were spared, save two young girls of twelve and fourteen years of age respectively, who were taken prisoners, and one man, who escaped.

This ma.s.sacre was attended with all the circ.u.mstances of savage warfare.

Men were killed outright and scalped. Women were treated with indignities _that words may not reveal. Even fiendish torture was surpa.s.sed, and human language is too tame to express the horrible outrages committed on them._ Children were tortured, some of them mutilated and dismembered, while yet alive, before the eyes of their mothers. No page in all the b.l.o.o.d.y history of Indian cruelties exceeds that of the ma.s.sacre of emigrants at b.l.o.o.d.y Point, by the Modocs, in September, 1852.

The two girls who were taken prisoners were allotted to some of the brave warriors as wives. They survived for several years, and, according to Modoc stories, were reconciled to their fate, adopting the manners and customs of their captors. It is said that they taught the Modocs many things pertaining to a civilized life, and that they exercised great influence over them; that the Modoc women became jealous of their power, and put them to death.

Near the residence of Mr. Dorris, on Cottonwood Creek, is a rocky cliff overlooking the valley. It was from this cliff the unfortunate captives were thrown to the rocks below, ending their lives as victims to the jealousy of the wives and mothers of their savage captors. Evidences of this tragedy are in existence; human skulls, and, within a few years, locks of long hair, unlike that of Indians, have been found on the spot indicated as the place where these captives were destroyed.

Ben Wright was a citizen of Y-re-ka. He was esteemed as a man of good character and standing among his fellows in that early day. Born a leader, he was selected by the miners to command a company of volunteers, who were enlisted without authority of the Government of the United States, the State of California, or the County of Sys-ki-you.

This company was formed, under the common law of self-protection, in the early days of California, when Indian outrages were of common occurrence.

In the absence of regular provision for protection, the miners and settlers, in a spirit of patriotism, volunteered to punish Indians as well as to guard the peace of the country. Be it remembered that the ma.s.sacre at "b.l.o.o.d.y Point" was not the only act of savage ferocity committed by the Modocs. For five years had they been murdering the worn-out emigrants who were en route to California and Oregon.

It was in harmony with frontier ideas of right, to punish these people for their crimes, without taking into consideration the causes that may have impelled them to b.l.o.o.d.y deeds. The victims were not responsible for the acts of their predecessors on the line of travellers. However humane and just we may feel, we cannot object to Ben Wright's motive, though all men who possess correct ideas of justice may deprecate the manner of avenging the wrongs committed. Had he slain the entire tribe in fair battle, no just condemnation could have been p.r.o.nounced against him. Had he avenged their horrible crimes by ambus.h.i.+ng them, by his skill and cunning, no man would have censured him; _but to violate a flag of truce, under pretence of peace-making_, was a wrong that fair-minded men, everywhere, condemn as an _outrage against humanity and civilization_.

If the Modocs had first been guilty of such acts of treachery, "extermination" would justly have been the cry. Savage warfare is unworthy of any people; but certainly it should never be surpa.s.sed by those professing Christian civilization. Even in war they should endeavor to teach the savage the higher laws that govern mankind.

Without stopping to moralize further, let us pursue the main facts, as they come following each other in succession. After the Ben Wright ma.s.sacre, hostilities were continued until 1864; at which time Elisha Steel, Esq., of Y-re-ka, who was then acting superintendent for the northern district of California, made an informal treaty with the various bands of Indians, and who seems to have been more an arbitrator than a government commissioner. At all events the articles of agreement were not ratified by Congress.

This treaty did not set forth that any consideration would be paid by the Government for the possession of the Modoc country. Neither did it seek to alienate the country from the Indians, but referred to the localities where certain bands of Modocs, Schas-tas, Schas-ta-sco-tons, and Klamaths should reside. There was also an agreement to keep peace with each other and the whites.

It was in this council that Captain Jack was first acknowledged as a chief, and then only after an election was had by the band that had repudiated Schon-chin; after which Steele declared him a chief, and named him "Captain Jack," on account of his resemblance to a miner bearing that name. That the Steele treaty was somewhat indefinite and unauthorized, was given as a reason why it never was recognized by the general Government.

There may have been other and more potent reasons, however; for the Modoc country proper is about equally divided between Oregon and California, though the home of Captain Jack and Schon-chin was on the Oregon side of the line. At that time the hearts of our people were much moved in behalf of the "poor Indian." Each State was anxious to furnish a home for him.

Whether Steele's treaty reached Was.h.i.+ngton before or after, does not appear. The Superintendent of Oregon was instructed to "negotiate a treaty with all the Indians in the Klamath country, including the Modocs."

This council met in October, 1864. The Klamaths, and also the Modocs, were represented in the council by their chiefs; the latter by Schon-chin and his brother John, who was afterwards a.s.sociated with Captain Jack.

Captain Jack was recognized as a sub-chief. He partic.i.p.ated in the council; and, when terms were agreed upon, he signed the articles of treaty in his Indian name,--Ki-en-te-poos. The idea that he was deceived in the meaning of the treaty is absurd; though it has been repeated by good men, without proper knowledge of the facts.

An unwarrantable sympathy for Captain Jack has been the result,--unless, indeed, all the Indians who were parties to the treaty are to be commiserated for having sold their birthright for an insufficient compensation. Old chief Schon-chin has never claimed any other than the plain meaning of the words of the treaty; which was, substantially, that what is known as Klamath Reservation was to be the joint home of the Klamaths and Modocs. All the other country claimed by the two tribes was ceded to the United States, on condition that certain acts should be performed by the Government, in a specified time. All of which has been, and is being done, to the satisfaction of the Indians who have remained on the Reservation. I a.s.sert this to be substantially correct. That they made a bargain that Captain Jack wished to repudiate is true. I do not wonder that he should do so, in view of his inherent love of royalty and his great ambition to be a chief, and the uncertainty of his tenure of office should he remain on the Reservation, the discipline of which was humiliating for one whose life had been free from restraint.

The head men of the Klamaths all agree and state positively that the treaty was fully interpreted and fairly understood by all parties, and that Captain Jack and the whole Modoc tribe shared in the issue of goods made at the council-ground by Superintendent Huntington, at the time of making the treaty. The plea that Captain Jack was deceived, as before-mentioned, is wholly unfounded. He not only understood and a.s.sented to it, but took up his abode on the Klamath Reservation, where he remained long enough to realize that Reservation life was not healthy for royalty.

Perhaps he had begun to see that he was to change his mode of life; also that Schon-chin was recognized as his superior in office; and it may be that he discovered that Klamath was not as good a country for Indian life as the Lost-river region. It is equally certain that he raised the standard of revolt, and finally withdrew from the Reservation, and took up his abode at his old home on Lost river; soon after which he stated to Mr.

John A. Fairchilds that he had been cheated, and that "the treaty was a lie;" that he had not sold his country.

He made the same statement to Esquire Steele, of Y-re-ka, who is a man of a large and charitable heart, and who exercised great power over the Indians, and, with his former knowledge of Captain Jack, accredited his story concerning the swindle or cheat, and probably stated to Captain Jack that he would try to have the matter adjusted for him.

Steele wrote several letters to the department at Was.h.i.+ngton on this subject, and also gave letters to Jack and his people, repeating therein Jack's story about his being cheated, and commending him to the friendly consideration of white people with whom he might come in contact.

Some of these letters are still in existence. I myself have read several of them, the tenor of which was in keeping with the statement already made,--that Jack still claimed the country, and that he was a well-disposed Indian, etc.; but there was not _one line_, so far as I know, that could be construed to mean that the treaty _could or should he repudiated_.

That Steele had friends.h.i.+p for Jack, there can be no doubt; and that Jack recognized Steele as his friend and adviser is equally certain; and whatever influence Steele's advice may have had, it never was intended to justify Jack in removing from the Reservation to which he belonged. I have been thus particular in this matter, because Jack has used the name of Steele in a way to mislead public opinion in regard to Steele's connection with the Modoc rebellion. Jack's reason for leaving the Reservation in 1864 was, simply and substantially, that he had made a compact with which he was dissatisfied. He not only misconstrued the friends.h.i.+p of Steele and others, but misrepresented them in such a way as to rid himself of the responsibility as much as possible.

Following his career, we find that, in 1865, at the request of the citizens of Lost-river Basin, Capt. McGreggor, commander of Fort Klamath, made an unsuccessful attempt to return Jack's band to the Reservation; and, also, that sub-agent Lindsay Applegate sought to remove him in 1866; also, that in 1867 Superintendent Huntington visited the "Modoc country,"

and that Capt. Jack and his warriors took a position on the opposite side of Lost river, and said to him that, if he attempted to cross over, he "would fire on him." Huntington, being unsupported, made no attempt at crossing. He reported the matter, as others had done, to the department at Was.h.i.+ngton; but no action was ordered. It will be seen that this same rebel chief had eluded and defied the authority of the Government on these three successive occasions; and yet the clemency and forbearance of the Government were misconstrued by him and his misinformed sympathizers.

In the latter part of 1869, while on an official visit to Klamath Agency, the Modocs first engaged my attention; and hearing then the fact above referred to, as a reason why he had refused to obey the commands of the government, and believing that his return, without military force, was possible, a consultation with Agent O. C. Knapp was held. We decided to make another effort; accordingly a courier was despatched with a message that we would meet him at Link river. The reply was to the effect that if we wanted to see him we must come to his country; and, further, that he did not care to see us.

Notwithstanding this insult, we decided to visit the Modoc country in person. Believing in the power of the right to accomplish the purpose, even if force was necessary, we determined to go, "bearing the olive branch;" and, also, at the same time, recognized the necessity of being prepared for personal defence should any attack be made. A requisition was made on Capt. Goodale, commander at Fort Klamath, for a detachment of troops.

To the first request we received a doubtful answer, because "he had not the men to spare." I did not inquire of Capt. Goodale what the duties of the soldiers were; but from others I learned that they were required for "police duty," or sentry duty, which meant, probably, that one-half the soldiers were needed to guard the other half, and maybe were to wait on the officers of the fort. A few days previous, a number of enlisted men had deserted, and those sent in pursuit "had failed to put in an appearance at roll-call."

Finally, the Klamath Indians succeeded in arresting the deserters and bringing them under guard to the fort, receiving therefor a reward for so doing. This fort was built, and has been kept up at an enormous expense, to secure the peace of the country. It has been an advantage to both white men and Indians,--the one finding a market for hay and grain; the other, a market for the articles manufactured by their women,--moccasins, etc.; and the men an opportunity to make greenbacks by hunting and arresting deserters.

Capt. Goodale finally detailed a small squad of men, under command of a non-commissioned officer, for the purpose requested, as stated heretofore.

We left Klamath Agency on the morning of the third of December, 1869, destined for the home of the Modocs, accompanied by Agent O. C. Knapp, of Klamath, I. D. Applegate in charge of Yai-nax, and W. C. McKay, together with teamsters, guides, and interpreters; also, two Klamath Indian women.

Ordering the soldiers to follow us as far as Link river, there to await further orders, we pushed on, leaving the teams with our supplies to follow into the Modoc country on the morning of the twenty-second of December, 1869.

The route from Link river is through a sage-brush plain, and following down the west bank of Lost river.

Lost river is the outlet or connecting link between Clear lake and Tule lake. After leaving the former, it flows under ground several miles, and again coming to the surface, empties into the latter. For this reason it was named "Lost river." It is a deep, narrow stream, with but few fording-places. In March of each year it is a great fishery. None of the same species of fish are found elsewhere; it possesses the appearance of a species of white trout, excepting the head and mouth, which is after the sucker species. The flesh is rich and nutritious, and so abundant are they that they are taken with rude implements, such as sharpened sticks and pitchforks, and are even caught with the hand, when they are running over the ripples or fords.

A courier sent by the Modoc Peace Commission, with despatches to Yai-nax, having occasion to cross Lost river while en route, reported, on his return, having difficulty in crossing this stream on account of the immense numbers of fish running against the horse's legs, and frightening him. A pretty big fish story, but not incredible.

When within a few miles of the Modoc camp, we espied four Indians coming on ponies. As we approached, they, forming a line across the road, exclaimed "Kaw-tuk!" (Stop!) They were each armed with a rifle and revolver. Our party carried, each man, a Henry rifle and a navy six-shooter. A short parley ensued, they determining to know our business, and would allow no farther advance until their demand was recognized.

We stated, in substance, that we were anxious to see Captain Jack and his people on important business.

The Indians replied, "that they did not wish to talk with us; they had no business with us, and that we had better turn back." Three times had they defied, intimidated, or eluded officers of the Government previously, and were now trying to evade a meeting by bluffing our party.

We had started to visit these people, and, in western parlance, "we were going." Pus.h.i.+ng past the Indians, we started on a brisk gallop, they turning around and running ahead of us. After a brisk ride of four miles we came in sight of the Modoc town, situated on the western bank of the river about one mile above the "Natural Bridge," and within sight of the newly-made mounds of the State line.

The "Natural Bridge" is a ledge of rocks, twenty feet in width, spanning the river. It was used in early days of emigration, to cross the river. At the time of our visit it was two feet under water, but on either bank, approaching the bridge, were unmistakable evidences of wagon travel. On the western side the old road leads out through the sage-brush plains, and may be easily traced with the eye for several miles. This "Natural Bridge" has been gradually sinking. The early emigrants crossed over it when it was a few feet above the water; then, at a later date, the water had risen one or two feet above it; and yet neither the river nor the lake appear to be higher than they were when first visited by white men.

CHAPTER XX.

BLUE EYES AND BLACK ONES, WHICH WIN?--TOBEY RIDDLE.

The Modoc town was composed of thirteen lodges, built after the model of Klamath's Indian houses. A circular, oblong excavation, twenty or thirty feet in length and twelve wide, is first made. Then posts, two feet apart, are set in the centre and at each end. On these posts are placed timbers running lengthwise of the structure. Poles, or split logs, fifteen feet in length, are placed, with the lower end resting on the ground, while the upper end is fastened to the tops of the posts. Matting, made of "tule gra.s.s," is spread over the slanting timbers, and then the earth thrown out, in making the excavation, is piled upon the matting to a depth of twelve inches. No windows are made, and there is but one entrance which opens between the timbers mentioned as resting on posts at the top of the lodge. This long, narrow opening is approached from the outside by steps made in the earthen covering. From the inside hangs a ladder made of rawhide ropes. The windows, door, and chimneys are one and the same. The first glance at these houses suggests war, and a second confirms the idea that these people are always ready for an attack.

On our arrival at the town it appeared to be deserted, excepting the few Indians who returned with us. They having dismounted, one of them rushed up the rude stairway outside the largest lodge, and disappeared. This was the home of the "Chief." Our party dismounted and prepared to follow our guide. A watchman on the house-top said, "One man come! no more!" I had partly ascended the steps when the peremptory order came. It sounded ominous, and recalled "b.l.o.o.d.y Point," and "Ben Wright." It was too late to turn back in the presence of savages.

When I reached the door, at the top of the lodge, and through the opening met the eyes of fifty painted warriors, I felt as if I was in the wrong place; but I dare not then show any signs of fear, or retrace my steps. I may not find words to express my thoughts and feelings as I descended the rawhide ladder, half expecting a shower of arrows, or bullets; half-wondering how they would feel. _I did not know then,--I have learned since._ On descending, I was met with a cold reception, that froze my blood; a feeling I cannot describe. Captain Jack looked in my face with a sullen glitter in his eye, that no white man could imitate. He refused to shake hands, to speak, or smoke, and in fact it was evident that I was not only an unwelcome visitor, but was looked upon as an enemy.

Coolly lighting my pipe, I began trying to make the best of a bad job; meanwhile enduring the stare from all eyes,--and a stare of that kind that none can understand who has never felt the same; an expression cold and scornful, but burning with hatred, was on every countenance. I have beheld but one other scene that was more indescribable, and that was the "Lava Bed" tragedy on April 11th, 1873. A terrible kind of loneliness came over me, and for a while I thought the chances _about even_ whether I would get out again or not.

Finally "Scarfaced Charley" broke the stillness by asking, "What you want?

What for you come? Jack he not send for you! He got no business with you!

He no don't want to talk! He in his country! What for you come here? You not him ty-ee! He don't know you! Hal-lu-i-me-til-li-c.u.m,--(you stranger)!

Captain Jack want to see you, him come your home! He no want you come here! You go away! Let him 'lone! He no want talk you! You go away!"