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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Iv Part 19

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In the march of Almagro into Chili, his army suffered excessive hards.h.i.+ps from hunger and thirst. Besides their other fatigues, they had often to encounter Indians of great stature, clothed in the skins of sea-wolves and seals, who used the bow and arrow with great strength and address. But the most severe circ.u.mstance during this march was the intense cold which they encountered in pa.s.sing over some mountains covered with snow. In particular, several of the soldiers belonging to Ruy Dias and a good many horses were frozen to death; and so excessive was the cold, that when Almagro returned towards Cuzco five months afterwards, several of the bodies of those who had been frozen to death were found upright and leaning against the rocks, still holding the bridles of their horses, which were likewise frozen, and their flesh still remained as sweet and uncorrupted as if they had only just expired, insomuch that the troops used the flesh of these horses as food on their return to Peru. In some parts of these deserts where there was no snow, the Spaniards were reduced to great straits from want of water; on which account they had to make bags or leather bottles of the skins of sheep, in which to carry water for their supply.

It is proper to remark, that the Peruvian sheep are much larger animals than those of Europe, and are used as beasts of burden. They resemble in some measure the camel in their shape, except that they have no hunches on their backs, and are able to carry a load of a hundred pounds or more, with which they are able to travel four or five leagues a-day. The Spaniards even sometimes rode on their backs. When fatigued, they immediately lie down, and it is impossible to make them rise again by any means whatever, neither blows nor kindness are of any avail, and it becomes necessary to unload them. When a person rides on one of these animals, and endeavours to urge it on when weary, it turns round its head towards the man, blowing upon him a most offensive breath mixed with a kind of stinking dew, which seems to proceed from the contents of its stomach. This is a most useful and profitable animal, as besides serving as a beast of burden, its wool is excellent and very fine; more especially that species which is called _pacas_, which has very long wool. These animals are supported at very little expence while on a journey, requiring only a very small allowance of maize, and they can subsist four or five days without drinking. Their flesh is well tasted and wholesome, and equal to the best fat mutton of Spain; and it is accordingly sold in all the butcher-markets of Peru. At the first settlement of the Spaniards in this country, before the establishment of regular markets, when any person killed one of these sheep, his neighbours used to partic.i.p.ate, and they in their turns killed others, and divided them among the neighbours.

In some of the level plains of Peru there is a species of ostrich, which is taken in the following manner. Several hors.e.m.e.n place themselves in ambush, while others likewise on horseback pursue the ostriches and endeavour to drive them towards their companions who are concealed. These birds, although they are unable to rise in flight into the air, go with astonis.h.i.+ng swiftness, partly by running, and partly by means of short flights close to the ground, insomuch that a man on horseback is altogether unable to get up with them, so that it requires stratagem to kill or take them alive.

In Chili there are some rivers which have water only during the day, and are entirely dry during the night. This is owing to the heat of the sun melting the snow on the mountains by day, by which temporary rivers, or torrents rather, are formed by day, which cease again at night when the cold puts a stop to the melting of the snow. When we have got about 500 leagues along the coast from Peru towards the south, or in the lat. of about 30 S. rain is often met with, and the winds are no longer so regular as nearer the line, but blow sometimes one way and sometimes another, as in Spain and other countries of Europe. Chili is a tolerably well peopled country, and resembles Peru in being divisible into two districts, the plain and the mountain, and its coast is considerably more indented by gulfs and bays than that of Peru[2]. It enjoys the vicissitudes of summer and winter nearly as in Spain, but at opposite times of the year, the winter of Chili being at the same time with the Spanish summer, and vice versa. The pole seen from that country, which is directly opposite our _Arctic_ or north pole, is only marked by a kind of small white cloud or nebula, which is seen after sunset in that direction in which astronomers have placed the antartic or south pole. There is likewise seen a constellation of seven stars, four of them being in form of a cross, followed by three others, resembling the lesser bear of the astronomers which turns round the north polar star. These seven stars near the south pole are situated somewhat like those of the _ursa minor_, except that the four which form the cross are nearer each other than those of the north pole which are seen in our hemisphere. Our north pole is lost sight of somewhat less than 200 leagues to the south of Panama, under the equator; from whence, or a little beyond, on either side of the line, these two constellations may be seen when they rise a little above the poles of the horizon. On the south side of the equinoctial line, navigators are only able to see the four stars near the antarctic pole which form the cross, until they reach the _thirtieth_ degree of south lat.i.tude, after which they get sight of the other three stars which form this constellation.

The change in the length of the days and nights in Chili is nearly the same as in Spain, only the longest day in Chili is at that time of the year when Spain has the day shortest. In Peru and Tierra firma and generally in all places near the equinoctial line, the days and nights are always equal or nearly so during the whole year. Even at Lima and other places the difference is so small as hardly to be noticed. The natives of Chili are clothed nearly in the same manner with the Peruvians, and use the same kind of food. The inhabitants, both men and women, are tolerably well looked. They are governed by great lords, who make war against each other, and some of whom are able to bring 200,000 men into the field. One of these lords at this time was named _Leuchengorma_, who possessed an island about two leagues from the coast which was consecrated to his idols, in which was a temple ministered to by two thousand priests. The subjects of Leuchengorma informed the Spaniards, that there was a great province about fifty leagues farther on, situated between two rivers, which was entirely inhabited by women, who did not admit any men among them but at certain times, for the purpose of having children, and who sent all their sons to their fathers, reserving their daughters only to be brought up among themselves. They said farther, that these women were subjects of Leuchengorma, and were ruled over by a queen named _Guaboymilla_, which signifies _golden heaven_ in their language, and so named because her country produces a great quant.i.ty of gold. These women manufactured rich stuffs, in which, and in the gold produced in their country, they paid tribute to Leuchengorma. Although these things have often been spoken of, their truth has not as yet been ascertained by the discovery of the country, Almagro having made no establishment there. Of late, indeed, Pedro de Valdivia has been sent thither to establish some colonies, but he has never yet had a sufficient force for making discoveries, or for colonization, and has settled one colony only, which is placed about thirty-three degrees to the south of the equator[3].



The whole coast of Chili is well peopled, as far as to the lat.i.tude of 40 south and still farther; which is known by one of the s.h.i.+ps belonging to the fleet sent out by Don Gabriel de Carvajal bishop of Placentia, which pa.s.sed through the straits of Magellan, and sailed along the whole western coast of South America from south to north, and at length reached the port belonging to Lima. This s.h.i.+p brought over the first rats ever seen in Peru, which have so multiplied since that there are plenty in every town of the whole country.

These animals are named _ococha_ by the Peruvians, which word signifies having come from the sea.

Soon after the departure of Almagro from Cuzco on his expedition to Chili, Ferdinand Pizarro returned from Spain, where his majesty made him a knight of the order of St Jago, with other advantages[4]. He had likewise obtained an enlargement of the government of his brother to a certain extent, and brought out with him a commission for Almagro to a new government.

At this time Manco Capac, whom Pizarro had permitted to a.s.sume the nominal t.i.tle of Inca of Peru, was detained a prisoner in the citadel of Cuzco, in consequence of the discovery of a conspiracy he had entered into with his brothers Paul and Villaoma to exterminate the Spaniards. Manco Capac wrote to Juan Pizarro, intreating to be set at liberty before the arrival of Ferdinand Pizarro at Cuzco; and Juan, who was then in the _Collao_ endeavouring to reduce certain Indians who had retired into a strong place among rocks, sent orders to liberate the Inca. On the arrival of Ferdinand Pizarro at Cuzco, he treated Manco Capac with much respect, yet kept a constant guard over him, and it is believed that Ferdinand shewed great friends.h.i.+p for the Inca, in the hope of procuring gold from him, to send to the king of Spain or for his own use. Two months after the return of Ferdinand to Cuzco, Manco Capac solicited permission from Ferdinand to go into the district of _Jucaya_[5] on purpose to celebrate a solemn festival, promising on his return to present him with a statue of the late Huana Capac of solid gold as large as life. Ferdinand allowed him to attend this festival, which turned out merely the unravelment of the plot which had been formed at the time when Almagro began his march for Chili. Manco Capac gave immediate orders to put to death some Spaniards who superintended the working of the mines, and others who were travelling through the country on various affairs. He sent likewise one of his captains with a considerable body of troops against Cuzco, who by a sudden and unexpected attack got possession of the castle of that city. The Spaniards indeed retook it after six or seven days, yet not without hard fighting, in which they lost Juan Pizarro; who was killed by a stone which struck him on the head, at a time when he was unable to wear his helmet in consequence of a former wound. His death was much regretted by the Spaniards, being a brave man and much experienced in the manner of carrying on war with the Indians, and besides because his manners had made him beloved by every one.

Notwithstanding the recapture of the castle of Cuzco by the Spaniards, the Inca brought a large army against the city, which he besieged for more than eight months, making frequent a.s.saults on various parts of the works, chiefly during moon-light nights when the moon was full. Ferdinand Pizarro and his brothers, a.s.sisted by Gabriel de Roias, Hernand Ponce de Leon, Don Alfonso Enriquez, the treasurer Requelme, and other brave officers, made a resolute defence, and were almost perpetually under arms day and night, as the number of the garrison was exceedingly inadequate to the extent of the place and the mult.i.tude of a.s.sailants. As the Spaniards in Cuzco were aware that the insurrection was general over all Peru, they hardly doubted but the governor and all their other countrymen were cut off, so that they defended themselves as men who had no earthly hope of succour, depending only on the mercy of G.o.d and their own courage. Their small number was daily diminished, as hardly a day pa.s.sed in which the Indians did not kill or wound some of their people. One time during the siege, Gonzalo Pizarro made a sally with twenty hors.e.m.e.n, and proceeded to the lake or marsh of Chinchero which is five leagues from Cuzco, where he was surrounded by so vast a force of Indians that he must inevitably have been made prisoner, had not Ferdinand Pizarro and Alfonso de Toro come up to his rescue with a body of horse. Gonzalo was much blamed on this occasion for having advanced so far among the enemy with so few men.

We have already mentioned that Almagro had resolved to return into Peru and to make himself master of Cuzco, from the time that Juan de Herrada had brought him the commission by which he was appointed to a government beyond that a.s.signed to Don Francisco Pizarro. The princ.i.p.al officers who were along with him, strongly urged him to this measure, particularly Gomez Alvarado and Diego Alvarado, brother and uncle of Don Pedro Alvarado the governor of Guatimala, and Rodrigo Orgognez; some of whom were eager to procure settlements in Peru, and others were desirous of gaining establishments in Chili. To succeed in their design, as reports of the insurrection in Peru had reached Chili, they instructed some Indian interpreters to inform Almagro that the governor Francisco Pizarro and most of the Spaniards in Peru had been slain by the Peruvians. Urged by all these considerations, Almagro marched back into Peru, and even arrived within six leagues of Cuzco without giving notice to Ferdinand Pizarro of his motions or intentions[6]. Almagro made overtures to the Inca Manco Capac for an accommodation, offering to forgive him all the injury he had already done to the Spaniards, in consideration of joining his party and a.s.sisting him to become master of Cuzco, of which he pretended that he had been appointed governor by the king of Spain. The Inca proposed an interview between them under pretence of settling the terms of an agreement, to which Almagro consented without suspecting any treachery, and went accordingly with a part only of his troops to the place appointed for the conference, leaving the rest of his force under the command of Juan de Saavedra. Taking advantage of this confidence, the Inca attacked Almagro by surprize with extreme fury, and even killed and wounded several of his men.

In the mean time, Ferdinand Pizarro received notice of the arrival of Almagro, and that Juan de Saavedra was left at the village of Hurcos in command of the troops in the absence of Almagro. He went therefore from Cuzco at the head of an hundred and seventy of his best troops, in hope of being able to prevail on Saavedra and the rest to abandon the party of Almagro, or to fall upon them by surprize and make them prisoners. But Saavedra got timely notice of his approach, and drew up his forces, amounting to three hundred Spaniards, in an advantageous situation for his reception. When the two parties were just about to engage, Ferdinand Pizarro sent a message to Saavedra proposing a private interview, that they might endeavour to agree upon an accommodation, to which the other consented. As this conference was entirely between themselves, it is difficult to know with any certainty what pa.s.sed; but it was reported that Ferdinand endeavoured to persuade Saavedra to join him with the troops under his command, for which he offered a large recompense in gold; but that Saavedra, like a man of honour, peremptorily refused to betray his general.

On the return of Almagro from his affair with the Inca, he rejoined the troops under Saavedra, and marched for Cuzco with his whole force. While on the march, he made prisoners of four hors.e.m.e.n who had been sent out by Ferdinand Pizarro to reconnoitre, from whom he learnt all the particulars of the insurrection of the Peruvians, who had killed more than six hundred Spaniards, and had burnt down a great part of the city of Cuzco, on which news Almagro was very sensibly afflicted. He sent however, his patents as governor to the senators of the royal council or Cabildo of Cuzco, whom he urged to receive him as their governor; since, as he insisted, the bounds of the government a.s.signed to Francisco Pizarro certainly did not include their city, and even fell considerably short of it to the north. In answer to this demand, the council made answer, that whenever the extent of the government belonging to Pizarro was accurately measured and determined, they would be ready to accede to his desires, provided their city was found to be beyond his limits. This subject was endeavoured to be settled at that time, and has been since tried to be ascertained by several experienced persons; but the manner in which this affair ought to be regulated has never been agreed upon between the two interested parties.

The adherents of Almagro have always insisted, that the extent a.s.signed by his majesty as the government of Pizarro, ought to be measured either along the sea coast or by the grand road of the Incas, taking into the account all the turnings and windings in either of these routes; by which means, in either of these ways not only the city of Cuzco, but even Lima according to the opinions of several persons, would be left out of the province of Pizarro. He on the other hand, insisted that the extent of country granted to him, ought to be measured in a straight line directly from north to south, without any angles or turnings, or by means of settling the degrees of lat.i.tude at the two extremities, allowing so many leagues to each degree.

Ferdinand Pizarro offered to admit Almagro and his troops into Cuzco, and to a.s.sign them a particular quarter of the city for their residence, if he would agree to defer the dispute about the boundaries, till intelligence were sent to the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, then at Lima, that he might have it in his power to endeavour to fall upon some means of settling the difference between them in an amicable manner. It has been said by some, that a truce was agreed upon between them on these principles; and that on the faith of this truce, Ferdinand Pizarro allowed all the soldiers and inhabitants to retire to their quarters for rest and refreshment, after their long fatigues, having spent several days and nights continually under arms, without time to sleep or even to take proper food. It is farther said, that Almagro, being informed of this circ.u.mstance, made a night attack on Cuzco, in which he was aided by a thick mist, so that he got possession of the defences without being observed. Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro, awakened by the noise, flew to arms and defended their house, which was the first attacked, with the a.s.sistance of their servants; but as the enemy set it on fire in several places, they were forced to surrender. Next day, Almagro obliged the Cabildo to receive him as governor, and committed Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro to prison. Several of his confidents even urged him to secure his conquest by putting the Pizarros to death; but he was chiefly dissuaded from this by the influence of Diego de Alvarado, who became responsible for them.

It has been said that Almagro violated the truce which he had agreed to with Ferdinand Pizarro, in consequence of the false representations of several Indians and Spaniards, who told him that Ferdinand had ordered all the bridges to be broken down, and was employed in fortifying Cuzco against him. In proof of this, it is alleged that when Almagro was advancing to attack the city, and saw the bridges remained uninjured, he said aloud that he had been imposed on. The governor Don Francisco Pizarro did not receive any account of these events at Cuzco for a good many days afterwards. As the Inca Manco Capac had fled with a large body of Peruvian warriors to the high mountains of the Andes, Almagro invested his brother the _Inca Paul_[7] with the royal fringed fillet, appointing him nominal king of Peru.

Among those things which Don Francisco Pizarro had solicited from his majesty in reward for his services in the discovery and conquest of Peru, he particularly requested the grant in perpetuity to him and his descendants of twenty thousand Indians in a province named _Atabillos_[8], with all the revenues, imposts, rights, and jurisdictions appertaining to them, together with the t.i.tle of Marquis of that province. The king gave him the t.i.tle of Marquis according to his desire; but in regard to the grant of Indians which he solicited, answered, that he must in the first place be better informed of the nature and circ.u.mstances of the country and its native inst.i.tutions, before he could determine on that measure, but that Pizarro might rest a.s.sured of having every reasonable concession in his favour.

On receiving information of the insurrection of the Peruvians around Cuzco under Manco Capac, Francisco Pizarro, now Marquis, sent several detachments of troops to the a.s.sistance of his brother Ferdinand at Cuzco, sometimes ten or fifteen only together, according as circ.u.mstances or convenience occurred, not believing the state of affairs to be so hazardous as it was in reality[9]. The Peruvians having accurate information of the march of these detachments, occupied the difficult pa.s.ses of the mountains with parties of warriors, and succeeded on several occasions to defeat these small bodies, most of whom were slain. One considerable reinforcement of seventy hors.e.m.e.n, was sent by the Marquis from Truxillo and San Miguel under the command of Diego Pizarro, who was waylaid by the Peruvians at a difficult pa.s.s called the mountain of Parios, about fifty leagues from Cuzco, where he and his men were all slain. One Gonzalo de Tapia, who was brother-in-law to the Marquis, who went with a body of eighty hors.e.m.e.n, was likewise defeated and slain; and two other captains, named Morgoveio and Gaete, while endeavouring to pa.s.s the mountains to the relief of Cuzco, were treated in the same manner. Of all these different detachments, scarcely one man escaped, so that those who followed knew nothing of what happened to those who went before them. The enemy always attacked the Spaniards while engaged in marching through some deep and narrow valley among the mountains, occupying both ends of the valley by strong bodies of warriors, and rolling down great stones and ma.s.ses of rock from the steep and high mountains on both sides of the valley, destroyed our men and horses in a miserable manner, often without fighting. In this way they at different times destroyed more than three hundred soldiers, and made themselves masters of their arms, besides acquiring considerable and valuable plunder in gold and jewels and silk dresses. Not knowing the fate of the former detachments, Francisco de G.o.doy was sent with a reinforcement of eighty men; but falling in with two of those who had belonged to the detachment under Gaete, who had escaped, he learnt from them what had happened, on which he immediately endeavoured to retreat from the mountain pa.s.ses, in which he had considerable difficulty, as the Indians had already occupied the defiles in his rear.

He made good his retreat however, followed and hara.s.sed by the Indians for more than twenty leagues, sometimes attacking him in the rear and at other times in the van, and at length got safe to Lima with much difficulty.

About the same time the captain Diego de Aguero arrived at that place with some other Spaniards, who had saved themselves from the Indians, who had endeavoured to ma.s.sacre them at their country residences.

The marquis sent Pedro de Lerma at the head of eighty cavalry to drive away a numerous army of Peruvian warriors who had invaded the lower country in pursuit of Aguero. Lerma fought against these troops of the Inca a whole day, and at last forced them to take refuge in a strong place among steep rocks, where the Spaniards surrounded them. In this battle, Lerma lost several of his teeth, and several of his men were wounded, but none killed. The Indians were so exceedingly crowded together among the rocks to which they had retired, that they were unable to use their arms, insomuch that the Spaniards might probably have put an end to the war on this occasion, if the marquis had not sent them an order to retire. On seeing the retreat of their enemies, the Indians returned thanks to their G.o.ds for their escape from so great danger, and took post on a high mountain near the city of Lima on the other side of the river, whence they hara.s.sed the Spaniards by frequent skirmishes and attacks. The commander of these Indians was named Tyzogopangui, who had along with him one of the brothers of the Inca, whom the marquis had sent along with Gaete[10].

While the Peruvians remained in the neighbourhood of Lima, skirmis.h.i.+ng every day with the Spaniards, it often happened that the natives who were in the service of the Spaniards, who were called _Yanacones_, went during the day to their friends in the mountains, who gave them provisions, and returned at night to their masters.

As he was in a manner besieged by so large a force of the enemy in Lima, the marquis concluded that his brothers and all the other Spaniards in Cuzco had certainly been slain, and that the insurrection was so general that the inhabitants of Chili had likewise destroyed Almagro and his army.

In this emergency, both that his Spaniards might not expect to save themselves by sea, and to convince the Peruvians that he had no intention to leave the country, he sent off all his s.h.i.+ps to Panama. At the same time he sent notice to the Viceroy of New Spain and all the other governors in America and the West Indies of the perilous state of affairs in Peru, intreating them to send him a.s.sistance. In these letters, he is said not to have shewn his usual firmness, and it is reported that this was occasioned by the earnest solicitations of many of those around him.

He sent orders at the same time to the commandant of Truxillo to abandon that place, and to come to his a.s.sistance with all the armed men and horses he could collect, sending off the women and children and all their valuable effects to the province of Tierra firma. But before the execution of these orders, the captain Alfonso de Alvarado arrived at Truxillo with the troops he had taken along with him for the conquest of the province of the Chachapoyas, whence he had been recalled by orders from the marquis.

Leaving a part of his troops for the defence of Truxillo, Alvarado marched with the rest to Lima, where the marquis appointed him lieutenant-general of his army, in place of Don Pedro de Lerma, who had hitherto enjoyed that office. This gave great offence to Lerma, and was the occasion of his revolt, as shall be mentioned in the sequel.

As the marquis was now reinforced by a considerable number of troops, he thought himself in condition to send a.s.sistance to those parts which were in greatest danger, and detached therefore Alfonso Alvarado with three hundred horse and foot, who pillaged several districts with very little resistance from the Indians. But about four leagues from the city of Pachacamac, he was violently attacked by the Indians, whom he defeated with considerable slaughter; after which he continued his march towards Cuzco. On this march the army of Alvarado suffered great hards.h.i.+ps in pa.s.sing across a large extent of desert country, five hundred Indians who attended as servants peris.h.i.+ng of thirst; and it is said that all the Spanish infantry must have died of thirst and fatigue, if they had not been relieved by the activity of the cavalry in bringing them water from a distance. After reaching the province of Jauja, Alvarado was joined by Gomez de Tordoya with two hundred horse and foot, who had been sent after him. His force being augmented to five hundred men by this reinforcement, Alvarado proceeded to the bridge of _Lumichaca_, where he was surrounded by a numerous army of hostile Indians. Having defeated these in battle, he continued his march to the bridge of Abancay[11], continually hara.s.sed by the Indians. At that place he learned that Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro had been imprisoned by Almagro, who had taken possession of Cuzco; on which he resolved to halt where he then was till he might receive precise orders from the marquis for his farther proceedings.

When Almagro was informed of the arrival of Alfonso Alvarado at Abancay, he sent Diego Alvarado to wait upon him, attended by seven or eight hors.e.m.e.n, with orders to notify his commission as governor in these parts.

Alfonso, after examining the commission, declared that he did not consider himself competent to decide upon an affair of such high importance, and that the doc.u.ments ought to be communicated to the marquis. Almagro had come part of the way from Cuzco towards the camp of Alvarado, where he waited the return of his messenger; and not seeing him at the time he expected, he became afraid that Alvarado had detained him and might advance to Cuzco by another road. He returned therefore to Cuzco in all haste to provide for his defence. Learning the discontent of Lerma, on account of having been superseded in the command of the army by the marquis, and that he was disposed to come over to his side with eighty men, Almagro marched out from Cuzco with his troops a fortnight afterwards, and advanced towards the army of Alfonso Alvarado. While on the march, the advanced guard belonging to Almagro, by means of an ambush, made Pedro Alvarez Holguin prisoner, who had been sent out on discovery by Alvarado.

On learning this circ.u.mstance, Alvarado meant to have arrested Pedro de Lerma, as he entertained suspicions that he was in correspondence with Almagro; but Lerma had previously escaped to the enemy, carrying along with him the signatures of all those who had joined him in the plot for deserting to Almagro.

After the junction of Lerma, Almagro approached during the night to the bridge of Abancay with one part of his army, where he knew that Gomez de Tordoya and a son of Colonel Vilalva waited for him; and he detached at the same time a large body of his troops to a ford of the river, where those who had conspired in his favour along with Lerma had the guard. By these men the troops of Almagro were received as friends, so that they pa.s.sed the river without opposition. Some of these conspirators contrived during the night to throw above fifty lances belonging to the cavalry of Alvarado into the river. Owing to all these circ.u.mstances, when Alvarado proposed next morning to have attacked the enemy, he found himself abandoned by the conspirators; and a considerable number of his own troops, not being able to find their arms, did not come up in time for the attack.

By these means Almagro got an easy and bloodless victory, not a single Spaniard being killed on either side, Rodrigo Orgognez only losing several of his teeth by a stone thrown from a sling[12]. After the capture of Alfonso Alvarado, the Almagrians pillaged his camp, and carried all the adherents of Pizarro as prisoners to Cuzco, where they were harshly treated. In consequence of this victory the partizans of Almagro were so much elated, that they used to say the Pizarros might now retire from Peru to govern the Mangroves under the equator.

In consequence of the victories which Alvarado had gained over the Indians at Pachacamac and Lumichaca, as already mentioned, the Inca and t.i.tu Yupanqui were obliged to retire from before Lima, which they had in a manner blockaded. By this circ.u.mstance the marquis found himself at liberty to act in support of his interest at Cuzco; and having received considerable reinforcements from various parts, he began his march for Cuzco at the head of more than seven hundred men, horse and foot. In this expedition, his only purpose was to succour his brothers against the Peruvians, as he had not hitherto received information of the return of Almagro from Chili, or any of those other events which had taken place, as before related. Most of the troops by which the marquis was lately joined, were sent by Don Alonso de Fuenmayor, archbishop and president of Hispaniola, under the command of his brother Don Diego de Fuenmayor.

Besides these, Gaspar de Espinosa had brought some troops from Panama, and Diego de Avala had brought others from Nicaragua. With this army the marquis set out from Lima for Cuzco, taking the way of the plain, and arrived in the province of Nasca, about twenty-five leagues from Lima[13].

At this place he received intelligence of the return of Almagro, the death of one of his brothers and imprisonment of the other two, the defection of Lerma, and the capture of Alvarado. He was sensibly affected by this afflicting news; and considering that his troops were only prepared for contending against Indians, he thought proper to return immediately to Lima to take proper measures under the present emergency of his affairs.

Soon after his return to Lima, the marquis sent the licentiate Espinosa to endeavour to bring about an accommodation with Almagro. Espinosa was directed to represent to Almagro, that if his majesty were informed of the disputes between them, and the evil consequences of these upon the condition of the colony, he would a.s.suredly recal both, and send some other person to a.s.sume the government of Peru, who would reap the rich fruit of their joint labours. If Almagro refused to listen to these remonstrances, and to enter into a friendly accommodation, Espinosa was instructed to request that he would set the brothers of Pizarro at liberty, and would remain at Cuzco without attempting any farther hostilities, untill they had laid a statement of their differences before his majesty, and had received his final orders respecting the boundaries between their governments. Espinosa was unable to persuade Almagro to agree to any accommodation, and soon afterwards died. Leaving Gabriel de Roias as his lieutenant in Cuzco, with the charge of Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso de Alvarado, Almagro descended into the plain with a considerable force, carrying Ferdinand Pizarro along with him. He penetrated into the province of Chancay, which is only twenty leagues from Lima, where he even established a colony or garrison, in a place which was without any manner of doubt within the province of the marquis.

On the return of the marquis to Lima, he made additional levies of troops; giving out openly that he was reduced to take up arms against Almagro, who had invaded his government. In a few days he a.s.sembled an army of seven hundred men, among whom was a considerable body of musqueteers, which had been brought from Flanders with the necessary arms and ammunition by Pedro de Vergera, along with the troops of Diego de Fuenmayor. Hitherto there had not been a sufficient number of musquets in Peru to form entire companies of that species of troops; but on the present occasion the marquis was enabled to arm two companies with that powerful weapon, one of which was commanded by the before named Pedro de Vergera, who had been formerly sent to discover the province of Bracamoras. Nugno de Castro was appointed captain of the other company of musqueteers. Diego de Urbina, nephew of the maestre de campo Juan de Urhina, was made captain of the pikemen. Diego de Roias, Peranzures, and Alfonso de Mercadillo, were appointed captains of horse: Pedro de Valdivia maestre de campo, and Antonio de Vilalva sergeant-major, who was son of Colonel Vilalva.

About this time, Alonso de Alvarado and Gonzalo Pizarro, who remained prisoners in Cuzco[14], made their escape from prison, and joined the marquis with above seventy men whom they had persuaded to accompany them, bringing likewise along with them as prisoner Gabriel de Roias the lieutenant of Almagro. The arrival of these officers gave much satisfaction to the marquis, both on account of their escape from danger, and because the reinforcement they brought along with them gave great encouragement to his troops. He appointed his brother Gonzalo lieutenant-general of his army, and Alonso Alvarado maestre de campo, or major-general of the cavalry. When Almagro learnt that his prisoners had escaped, and the numerous forces which the marquis had procured, he became desirous of an accommodation, for which purpose he sent Alfonso Enriquez, Diego Nugnez de Mercadura the factor, and Juan de Guzman treasurer, to the marquis to desire an interview, at which they might regulate every thing that was in dispute between them. After several messages and proposals, the marquis proposed to refer the whole matter to the umpirage of Francisco de Bovadilla, provincial of the order of Mercy, to which Almagro consented.

In virtue of the powers given to him by both parties, Bovadilla ordained that Ferdinand Pizarro should be set at liberty; that Cuzco should be restored to the marquis; that both armies should be disbanded, and the different companies sent in various directions to discover and conquer the country; and that finally the whole dispute about the boundaries of the two governments should be referred to the decision of his majesty.

Bovadilla likewise persuaded Almagro and Pizarro to have an interview in the village of Mala[15], mid-way between the two armies, at which they might discuss the terms of an entire reconcilement, each to be attended by twelve hors.e.m.e.n. They accordingly set out for that place from their respective camps; but as Gonzalo Pizarro did not give implicit confidence to the promise of Almagro, he followed his brother with the whole army, which he secretly posted in the neighbourhood of Mala, placing Castro with forty musketeers in ambush among some reeds near the road by which Almagro had to pa.s.s, and directing him, in case Almagro was accompanied by a larger force than was agreed on, to give notice by a discharge of musketry, that Gonzalo might hasten to the defence of the marquis.

Before leaving Chincha on his way to the interview with Pizarro, Almagro left orders with his lieutenant-general, Rodrigo Orgognez, to keep vigilant guard againt the machinations of the enemy, in case the marquis should bring a greater escort than was agreed upon, that he might send him prompt a.s.sistance; and if any treason were practised against him, that Ferdinand Pizarro should be considered as an hostage for his safety. On their meeting, the marquis and Almagro embraced each other with much apparent cordiality; but after a short discourse, in which no part of their difference was alluded to, one of the hors.e.m.e.n who accompanied the marquis, whispered to Almagro that he was in danger, and advised him to retire without delay, as Gonzalo Pizarro had placed an ambush to intercept him. Almagro immediately called for his horse; and several of the attendants on Pizarro, seeing Almagro about to retire, endeavoured to persuade the marquis to have him arrested, which could easily have been done by means of the musqueteers under De Castro. To this the marquis would by no means consent, being resolved to keep his promise inviolate, and would not believe that Almagro meant to go away without coming to some conclusion on the subject of their meeting. Almagro however went away; and as he saw the ambush on his way back, he was convinced that treachery was intended against him, and made loud complaints of the conduct of the marquis after his return to Chincha. Yet, by the intercession of Diego de Alvarado, Almagro set Ferdinand Pizarro at liberty, on condition that the marquis should provide him with a s.h.i.+p and a free port, by which he might send dispatches to Spain and receive answers, and that they should continue in peace until they received the final determination of the sovereign respecting the boundaries of their governments. Rodrigo Orgognez was exceedingly averse from this measure of liberating Ferdinand Pizarro, who had been harshly treated while a prisoner, and who he believed would be eager for revenge if set free, and strongly urged Almagro to put him to death. But Almagro would not listen to his advice, and sent Ferdinand Pizarro to the marquis, accompanied by his own son the younger Almagro and several gentlemen. Ferdinand Pizarro was hardly set off on his return, when Almagro began to repent that he had set him at liberty; and it is believed he would have been remanded to prison if he had not made haste on his journey, during which he was met by several of his brothers princ.i.p.al officers.

Soon after the liberation of his brother Ferdinand, the marquis received provisional orders from his majesty, by the hands of Pedro Anzures; by which the two governors were commanded to retain the countries which each of them had discovered and conquered, and in which they had formed establishments at the time when this provisional order should be notified to them; neither of them making any attempt to disturb the other until his majesty should give definitive orders on the subject. Having now his brother at liberty, the marquis sent a notification to Almagro of this imperial order, requiring him to retire according to his majestys orders from the country which he, Pizarro, had discovered, and in which he had established colonies. Almagro answered, that he was ready to obey the orders of his majesty, in keeping possession of the country and establishments he occupied when the imperial order was notified, for which reason he required the marquis to leave him in the peaceable enjoyment of what he how possessed, declaring that on his part he would carefully and entirely perform whatever should be finally commanded by his majesty. The marquis replied, that the city of Cuzco and the adjoining territory had been first discovered, colonized, and occupied by him, of which he had been violently dispossessed by Almagro, that in conformity with the orders of his majesty, therefore, it behoved Almagro to evacuate that city and territory, or he would drive him from it by force, as all the compacts and conventions which had been entered into between them were abrogated by this new regulation of his majesty.

As Almagro refused to accede to these demands, the marquis marched against him with his whole force, on which Almagro retired towards Cuzco, and fortified himself on a high mountain named Guavtara, breaking up all the roads to render the approach to his camp as difficult as possible.

Ferdinand Pizarro found means to ascend the mountain during the night by a secret path, and forced the pa.s.sages with his musqueteers, so that Almagro was forced to abandon this position, seeking his safety in flight. Being sick at the time, he went with the advanced guard, leaving Orgognez to bring up and protect the rear. One night, Orgognez learnt by two of Pizarros hors.e.m.e.n who were taken prisoners, that the enemy were close up with his rear, on which he hastened the retreat as much as possible, although several of his officers were anxious for him to turn back upon the pursuers, knowing by experience that those who usually inhabited the plain were liable, on their first coming into the mountainous region, to sickness and vomiting, very much resembling sea-sickness. Orgognez refused to listen to this advice, because contrary to the orders of Almagro; yet it was believed he might have been successful, as the troops belonging to the marquis were in reality affected by that ordinary malady, and were besides so much distressed by the snow that Pizarro retired back with his army into the maritime plain of Peru. Almagro continued his march to Cuzco, where he employed himself for two months in raising recruits, procuring ammunition, preparing arms of silver and copper, founding cannon, and making every preparation to defend himself against Pizarro.

After the return of the marquis into the plain, various consultations were held as to the best plan of procedure, and it was at last determined that Ferdinand Pizarro, now lieutenant-general under the marquis, with his brother Gonzalo Pizarro as major-general, should march with the army against Cuzco[16]. On this occasion, a manifesto was circulated as the reason of this measure, that several of the inhabitants of Cuzco had made complaints to the marquis against the tyranny of Almagro, who had violently seized their goods and houses, and dispossessed them of their Indians and every thing that belonged to them. The marquis returned to Lima, and his brother Ferdinand marched at the head of the army towards Cuzco. Having arrived on the mountainous ridge near Cuzco in the evening, all his officers urged Ferdinand Pizarro to descend immediately into the plain that the army might encamp there for the night; but Ferdinand positively rejected this advice, and ordered the army to encamp on the mountain. Early next morning, the whole army of Almagro was seen drawn up in order of battle on the plain, under the supreme command of Orgognez; Francisco de Chaves, Juan Tello, and Vasco de Guevara, having the command of the cavalry under his orders. On the side of the mountain there was a great body of Indians in charge of a small number of Spaniards, intended to be employed as circ.u.mstances might admit in the expected battle. In the meantime, all the friends and partizans of the marquis who were in Cuzco were committed prisoners to the citadel, which was so extremely crowded on this occasion, and the places appropriated for their confinement so small, that several of them were stifled.

On the following day, after the solemnization of the ma.s.s, Ferdinand Pizarro marched his army into the plain of Cuzco in order of battle, and advanced towards the city, intending to gain possession of some high ground which overlooked the citadel. Ferdinand and his troops flattered themselves, from their great superiority in numbers, that Almagro would not risk a battle, and were even anxious to spare the effusion of Christian blood on the present occasion, in which the natives of the same country and subjects of the same sovereign were preparing to destroy each other, instead of uniting in a common cause for the general good of all.

Orgognez was actuated by a different principle, and had occupied the only pa.s.sage by which the troops of Pizarro could approach towards Cuzco, in which he had drawn up his troops and artillery with much judgment, under cover of a marsh, across which it was necessary for the troops of Pizarro to pa.s.s before they could attack his position. Immediately on reconnoitring the order of the enemy, Ferdinand Pizarro ordered captain Mercadillo to advance with his cavalry to a proper place for keeping the Indians in check in case they should attempt to attack his army while engaged in battle with Orgognez, and whence likewise he might be able to give succour where necessary during the approaching engagement. Before the Spaniards began to engage, the Indians on both sides skirmished with each other. The cavalry of Pizarro endeavoured to pa.s.s the mora.s.s, and being opposed by a squadron of Almagro's horse, the musketeers belonging to Pizarro advanced in front of their own horse and soon compelled the adverse cavalry to give ground. On seeing this successful commencement of the battle, Pedro de Valdivia, a maestre de campo of the marquis, a.s.sured his friends that the victory was their own. While the troops of Pizarro were pa.s.sing the marsh, the Almagrians plied their artillery, and by one discharge five men belonging to Pizarro were brought down. But Pizarro pressed on under cover of a close fire from his musketeers, and pa.s.sed both the marsh and a rivulet beyond, and drew up in good order on the firm ground, every one of the captains having been previously instructed how to proceed with their divisions before the engagement commenced. As Pizarro noticed that the pikemen in the army of Orgognez carried their pikes high, he gave orders to his musketeers to fire a little high, by which means in two vollies they broke above fifty of the enemies pikes[17]. At this time Orgognez ordered his army to advance to the charge, and observing that several of his divisions hesitated, being held in check by the fire of the musqueteers, he moved on himself at the head of his main body, directing his attack to that part of the enemy where Ferdinand Pizarro was seen at the head of his squadrons. Orgognez apparently despairing of the battle, called out while advancing, "Follow me who will! I go in the name of G.o.d to do my duty, and to seek an honourable death!" While Orgognez was advancing, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado observed that his flank was uncovered, and accordingly made an immediate charge, by which above fifty of the Almagrians were overthrown. Orgognez was wounded by a musket-ball in the head, which broke through his beaver; notwithstanding which he killed two men with his lance, and wounded one of Pizarros servants in the mouth whom he mistook for the general, as he was finely dressed. For some time the engagement was extremely severe and the combatants were mingled together; but at length the troops of Pizarro forced the Almagrians to take to flight after they had a considerable number killed and wounded.

Almagro being sick, took no part in the battle, which he observed from a height at some distance, and on seeing his troops take to flight, exclaimed, "I thought we had come out to fight like valiant soldiers, not to run away like cowards." He immediately withdrew to the citadel of Cuzco, to which place he was pursued by Gonzalo Pizarro and Alonso Alvarado, and made prisoner. Orgognez was taken prisoner by two of Pizarros hors.e.m.e.n, who were leading him away when a third came up who bore him a grudge for some injurious treatment, and cut off his head. Several others who had surrendered were slain in this manner by personal enemies, in spite of every endeavour by Ferdinand Pizarro and his officers to protect them. The soldiers of Alvarado especially, ashamed and irritated by the defeat they had formerly sustained at the bridge of Abancay, were eager for revenge, and put many of the Almagrians to death in cold blood. Captain Ruy Dias had taken up a prisoner behind him on horseback, on purpose to protect him, when one of his own troopers run him through with his lance.

When the Indian servants of the two armies saw that the battle among the Christians was ended, they too gave over fighting, and fell to plundering the dead, whom they stripped of their clothes and valuables, even pillaging several who were yet alive, but unable to defend themselves because of their wounds; and as the conquerors were entirely taken up in pursuing their victory, the Indians had it in their power to do as they pleased, so that they entirely stripped everyone whom they found on the field of battle. The Spaniards, both victors and vanquished, were so worn out and fatigued by their exertions in this battle, that they might have been easily destroyed by the Indians who were present, if they had dared to attack them according to their original intention; but they were so busied in plundering the killed and wounded, that they neglected the opportunity of avenging themselves on their oppressors. This decisive battle was fought on the 6th of April 1538, in a plain called _Cachipampa_ or the field of salt by the Indians, about a league to the south of the citadel of Cuzco, near a salt spring from which the inhabitants make great quant.i.ties of salt; and as these salt works are in the neighbourhood of the field, this engagement has been always known by the name of the battle of _Salinas_, or of the salt works[18].

After this decisive victory, Ferdinand Pizarro used every means to conciliate the officers of Almagros army who had survived the battle, that he might engage them in the party of the marquis, and being unsuccessful, he banished several of them from Cuzco. Being unable to satisfy the demands of all those who had served him on the late occasion, as many of them thought so highly of their own merits that the government of Peru would hardly have been a sufficient reward in their own estimation, Ferdinand Pizarro resolved to separate the army, sending it away in various detachments to discover and conquer those parts of the country which had not been hitherto explored and reduced. By this measure, he at the same time rewarded his friends by giving them opportunities to distinguish and enrich themselves, and got rid of his enemies by sending them to a distance. On this occasion Pedro de Candia was sent with three hundred men, part of whom had belonged to Almagro, to conquer the country of Collao, a mountainous district which was said to be extremely rich. Not being able to make any progress in this country on account of the difficulty of the roads, he had to return; besides which his troops became mutinous, chiefly at the instigation of one Mesa, who had been commissary of artillery under Almagro, and was encouraged by the other soldiers of Almagro who served on this expedition. On this, Candia arrested Mesa and sent him to Ferdinand Pizarro with the evidences of his guilt. This circ.u.mstance, combined with information of conspiracies in several other places, which had for their object to free Almagro from prison and to give him possession of Cuzco, satisfied Ferdinand Pizarro that the country would never be in quiet while Almagro lived.

Ferdinand accordingly brought Almagro to trial, in which he was convicted of giving occasion to all the preceding disorders, of which he was the first and chief cause; having begun the war by several acts of hostilities; having taken forcible possession of the city of Cuzco by his own private authority, where he put several persons to death merely for opposing his unlawful usurpation; and having marched in hostile array into the province of Chincha, which incontestibly belonged to the province a.s.signed to the marquis. When sentence of death was p.r.o.nounced, Almagro said every thing he could think of to excite the compa.s.sion of Ferdinand Pizarro that he might spare his life. He represented that the marquis in a great measure owed his present greatness to him; as he had advanced the greatest proportion of the original funds for the discovery of Peru. He desired Ferdinand to recollect, that when he was a prisoner in his hands, he had set him at liberty contrary to the representations of his officers, who advised that he should be put to death: And that though he, Pizarro, might have been ill treated while a prisoner, that had been done without his orders or knowledge. He intreated him to consider his very advanced age, which would soon bring him to the grave, without the disgrace of a public punishment. Ferdinand expressed his astonishment that one of such great courage should shew so much fear of death, which was now inevitable, and desired him to submit to the will of G.o.d like a good Christian, and to meet death with the courage of a gentleman and a man of honour. Almagro replied, that be ought not to be surprised at seeing him afraid of death, being a man and a sinner, since even Jesus Christ had evinced a fear to die. All this however was of no avail, as Ferdinand caused him to be beheaded.

After the execution of Almagro, Ferdinand Pizarro went to Collao, where he punished Mesa for having excited mutiny among the troops of Candia; after which he sent the three hundred men under the command of Peranzures to reduce the country which had been a.s.signed to Pedro de Candia. These troops had to march by a most difficult and dangerous route among mora.s.ses and uncultivated places, where they thought to have perished of famine.

Ferdinand remained in Collao, which he reduced. This is a level country containing several gold mines, but so cold that it produces no maize, the natives living princ.i.p.ally on a root named _papas_, which resembles truffles. This country likewise abounds in those Peruvian sheep which have been formerly described[19]. About this time the marquis came to Cuzco, to which place Ferdinand went to confer with him, leaving his brother Gonzalo Pizarro to continue his conquest. Gonzalo advanced into the province of the Charcas[20], where he was attacked by a great body of Indians and reduced to great straits, insomuch that Ferdinand set out from Cuzco to his a.s.sistance with a body of horse. On this occasion, on purpose to encourage these succours to use every possible expedition, the marquis gave out that he meant to go in person to relieve his brother Gonzalo, and actually went two or three days journey from Cuzco. When Ferdinand arrived at Charcas, he found that Gonzalo had already extricated himself from his difficulties, having defeated and dispersed the enemy. They continued together for some time reducing the country, having frequently to fight with the Indians, till at last they took their chief prisoner, named _Tixo_[21], on which the natives universally submitted. Ferdinand and Gonzalo now returned to Cuzco, where the marquis distributed settlements to every one sufficient to maintain them in ease and comfort.

About this time likewise various other parties were sent out in different directions to discover and reduce the provinces of Peru and the neighbouring districts; among the commanders of these detachments were the captains Vergara, Porcel, Mercadillo, and Guevera. Pedro de Valdivia likewise was sent to Chili, where Almagro had formerly been, and Gonzalo Pizarro to Quito, of whose adventures we shall speak hereafter. When all these matters were arranged, by which the Spaniards were dispersed in various parts, and tranquillity was restored to the country, Ferdinand Pizarro set out for Spain to give an account to the emperor of all the transactions which had taken place in Peru, though many advised him not to run the risk of that measure until it was known what judgment might be formed at court respecting the death of Almagro. Before his departure, Ferdinand strongly advised his brother the marquis to put no trust in those who had adhered to the service of Almagro in the late troubles, who were usually denominated the _Chilese_, and particularly that he ought to keep them at a distance from each other, being well a.s.sured that if even eight or ten of them were permitted to dwell in one neighbourhood, that they would form conspiracies against his life.

[1] Though not mentioned directly in the text, it appears that Almagro knew of and intended to conquer the country of Chili, and that he chose to march by the high country of Peru, through the great elevated valley of the lake t.i.ticaca, probably the highest inhabited land of South America. His object was in all probability to avoid the extensive desert of Atacama, which divides the plain of Peru from Chili.--E.

[2] From the desert of Atacama in lat 25 S. to the island of Chiloe in about lat. 42 S. Chili Proper, between the Pacific ocean and the western ridge of the Andes, stretches about 1100 English miles nearly north and south by an average breadth of about 140 miles.--E.

[3] Valparayso stands nearly in the lat.i.tude indicated by the text.

Valdivia, taking its name from that commander, is in lat. 3040' S.--E.

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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Iv Part 19 summary

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