A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume V Part 4

[Footnote 27: It has however become very much exhausted, and has been in a great measure abandoned. The mines of Lauricocha, in a different part of Peru, are now in greater estimation. But those of Guanaxuato and Zacatecas in Mexico, notwithstanding the poverty of their ore, have been long the most productive of the American mines.--E.]

Carvajal did not fail to take advantage of this favourable discovery, and immediately set about the acquisition of treasure for himself by every means which his present uncontroulable power afforded. In the first place, he appropriated to his own use all the Yanaconas, or Indian labourers in the mines, which had belonged, to such of the inhabitants as had opposed him, or to those who had died or fled from the province.

He likewise appropriated to his own use above 10,000 Peruvian sheep, belonging to the Yanaconas of the crown or to individuals, which were employed in transporting provisions for the miners. By these means, he ama.s.sed in a short time near 200,000 crowns, all of which he retained to his own use. His soldiers were so much dissatisfied with his conduct, as he gave them no share of his exactions, that they plotted together against him. Luis Pardamo, Alfonso de Comargo, Diego de Balsameda, and Diego de Luxan, with thirty others, who had entered into this conspiracy, had determined to put him to death about a month after his arrival in La Plata from his expedition against Mendoza; but, owing to some obstacles, they had been induced to deter the execution of their enterprize to a future period. By some unknown means the circ.u.mstances of this plot came to the knowledge of Carvajal, who put to death the before-mentioned leaders of the conspiracy, and ten or twelve others, and banished all the rest. By these merciless executions, in which he indulged on all occasions, Carvajal inspired so much terror that no one dared in future to make any similar attempt; as he not only punished in the severest manner all who evinced any intention of revolt, but put people to death on the slightest suspicion. Owing to this the loyal servants of his majesty may a.s.suredly be exculpated from the blame which has been imputed to them, for not putting Carvajal to death: In reality, there were many persons sufficiently anxious to have done so, on purpose to escape from the cruel tyranny under which they groaned in secret; and four or five conspiracies were entered into for the purpose, which were all discovered, and occasioned the destruction of at least fifty individuals. By these means every one was terrified from attempting any thing against him, more especially as he gave high rewards to all who communicated any intelligence of the kind, so that all were forced to temporize and to wait in anxious hope of some favourable opportunity to deliver them from his cruel tyranny. Carvajal continued to remain at La Plata, frequently publis.h.i.+ng accounts of the successes of Gonzalo Pizarro, to whom he often sent large remittances; derived from his own resources, from the royal fifths which he appropriated, and from the confiscated estates of those whom he put to death, all of which he seized upon, under pretence of supplying funds for prosecuting the war.

From the 18th of January 1546, the day on which he defeated the viceroy, Gonzalo Pizarro continued to reside at Quito till the middle of July of that year, accompanied by a force of about five hundred men, occupied in almost continual feastings and revelry. Various reasons were a.s.signed for his long residence in that place; some alleging that it was on purpose to be more at hand for receiving early intelligence from Spain; while others attribute it to the great profits he derived from the gold mines which had been recently discovered in that neighbourhood; and others again alleged that he was detained by attachment to the lady formerly mentioned, whose husband he had procured to be a.s.sa.s.sinated by Vincente Pablo. That woman was delivered, after the death of her husband, of a child which was put to death by her father; for which inhuman action he was ordered to be hanged by Pedro de Puelles.

During his residence in Quito, Gonzalo Pizarro sent off several detachments of soldiers to different places, giving commissions and instructions to their commanders in his own name as governor of Peru.

Among these, the lieutenant Benalcazar was sent back to his former government; having been pardoned and even taken into favour by Gonzalo.

A reinforcement was also sent to Pedro de Valdivia who commanded in Chili, under the command of Captain Ulloa, whom he had sent to ask a.s.sistance to enable him to continue and maintain his conquests in that country. Other officers and soldiers were sent to other parts, which are unnecessary to be particularized. At length Gonzalo determined to leave Quito, and to establish his residence in Lima; and it has been alleged that he was princ.i.p.ally induced to take this step from suspicion of the fidelity of Lorenzo de Aldana, his lieutenant at Lima, who was so much beloved by all the inhabitants of that city as to be almost in condition to have revolted to the royal cause. Gonzalo is said likewise to have been somewhat suspicious of his lieutenant-general Carvajal, being afraid lest he might be so puffed up by the many victories he had gained, and by his immense distance, as to be induced to set up for himself. He accordingly left Quito under the command of Pedro de Puelles, whom he appointed his lieutenant and captain-general in that province, with a force of three hundred men, having great confidence in his attachment ever since he had succoured him when in straits on his march from Cuzco to Lima, and when his army was on the point of abandoning him. He reposed so entirely on Puelles, that he believed, if the king were to send any force against him by the route of the province in which Benalcazar commanded, that Puelles would prevent them from being able to penetrate into Peru.

While on his progress from Quito towards Lima, Gonzalo a.s.sumed in everything the deportment and authority of governor of Peru, and was treated in every respect as such by all the inhabitants of the country.

He seemed to believe that his authority was so well and firmly established that he had nothing to fear from the attempts of his enemies, and that even the king would be obliged to grant him any terms he might require. All his officers soldiers and dependents obeyed and respected him entirely, as if satisfied that they were always to be subject to his authority, and to depend upon him alone for advancement and reward. In the exercise of his usurped authority, he made many grants or repart.i.tions of lands and Indians, all of them for long periods, which every one considered as secure of being continued. He and his princ.i.p.al officers pretended that they frequently received letters from some of the highest of the n.o.bles in Spain, praising his conduct and approving of every thing he had done, which these pretended letters justified on account of the infringements which had been made on the rights and privileges of the colonists. In these letters likewise, the pretended Spanish grandees were made to engage their favour and credit at court to support his interest and authority with the sovereign. The well informed among the followers of Gonzalo Pizarro saw clearly that these letters were mere fabrications to impose upon the vulgar, and had no foundation whatever in truth.

On his arrival at the city of San Miguel, Gonzalo learned that there were a considerable number of Indians in that neighbourhood who had not been reduced under subjection; for which reason he gave orders to establish a military post in the province of _Garrochamba[28]_, the command of which he conferred on Captain Mercadillo, with a force of an hundred and thirty men, and gave him instructions for completing the conquest of that district, and for dividing the lands and Indians into repart.i.tions like the rest of the country. At this time likewise, he detached Captain Porcel with sixty soldiers to complete the conquest of the Bracamoros. In these proceedings, he wished it to be believed that his sole object was for the advantage of the colony; but his real purpose was to keep his troops on foot and in employ, in case of needing them at a future period for his own defence in support of his usurpation. Before leaving Quito, Gonzalo sent off the licentiate Carvajal by sea with a party of soldiers, in the s.h.i.+ps which Juan Alonzo Palomino had brought from Nicaragua after his pursuit of Verdugo.

Carvajal was ordered to proceed along the coast towards Lima, and to settle all the maritime towns in his way in good order.

[Footnote 28: No such province or district is now found in the maps of Peru; but it appears to have been on the confines between the northern part of Peru Proper and the southern extremity of Quito, where Valladolid now stands.--E.]

The licentiate Carvajal after executing the before-mentioned orders, came to Truxillo to meet Gonzalo Pizarro, whence they went together to Lima, accompanied by a force of two hundred men. On approaching Lima, there was a diversity of opinions among the followers of Pizarro, respecting the ceremonies with which he should be received into the capital of Peru. Some of his officers were desirous that the magistracy should come out to meet him with a canopy, under which he should make his entry after the manner usually practised with kings. Some even proposed that a breach should be made in the walls, and some of the houses of the city thrown down, so as to make a new entrance on purpose in memory of his victory over the viceroy, as used to be done anciently in Rome for the reception of triumphant generals. In this, as in all other important affairs, Gonzalo was guided by the advice of the licentiate Carvajal, and entered the city on horseback, preceded by all his captains on foot leading their horses by the bridles. On this occasion he was accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, the bishops of Cuzco and Quito, and the bishop of Bogota, who had come into Peru by way of Carthagena on purpose to receive consecration. He was likewise accompanied by Lorenzo de Aldana, his lieutenant-governor of Lima, and by all the magistrates and inhabitants of the city; no one daring to remain at home lest they might be suspected of disaffection. The streets were all ornamented with green herbs and flowers; all the bells of the churches and monasteries were kept ringing; and the cavalcade was preceded by a numerous band of trumpets kettle-drums and other warlike instruments of music. In this pompous manner, Pizarro was conducted in the first place to the great church, and thence to his own residence.

From this time, Gonzalo Pizarro conducted himself with much more pride and haughtiness than formerly, conceiving high ideas of his own importance from these public ceremonials of respect, as usually happens to men of feeble minds on any sudden elevation. He had a guard for his person of eighty halberdiers, besides several hors.e.m.e.n, who acompanied him wherever he went. No person whatever was permitted to be seated in his presence; and there were very few persons whom he designed to honour so far as to return their salute. By these haughty manners, and still more by his frequent disobliging and even abusive manner of speaking, he displeased every one and became universally disliked. It must likewise be mentioned, that the soldiery, to whom he owed everything, became exceedingly discontented with him, as he gave them no pay. All this had a powerful influence on his downfall in the sequel; though for the present every one concealed their real sentiments, waiting for a more favourable opportunity.

"Following Garcila.s.so de la Vega and other authors, the Historian of America[29] alleges that Gonzalo Pizarro was urged by several of his adherents, and in particular by Carvajal, to a.s.sume the sovereignty of Peru; to attach the Spaniards to his interest by liberal grants of lands and Indians, and by the creation of t.i.tles of n.o.bility similar to those in Europe; to establish military orders of knighthood, with privileges distinctions and pensions, resembling those in Spain, as gratifications to the officers in his service; and to gain the whole body of natives to his service, by marrying the Coya, or Peruvian princess next in relation to the reigning Inca. Thus at the head of the ancient inhabitants of the country and of the colonists, he might set the power of Spain at defiance, and could easily repel any force that might be sent from Spain to such a distance. These counsellors who urged Pizarro to adopt this plan, insisted that he had already gone too far to expect pardon from the emperor; and endeavoured to convince him that all the founders of great monarchies had risen by their personal merit and their own valour, without any pretensions to ancient lineage or valid rights of sovereignty; and that, besides, his family had a strong t.i.tle to the dominion of Peru, founded on the rights of discovery and conquest. But the inferior talents of Gonzalo circ.u.mscribed his ambition within more narrow bounds, and confined his views to the obtaining a confirmation of the authority which he now possessed from the emperor; for which purpose he sent an officer of distinction to Spain, to give such a representation of his conduct and the state of the country, as might induce the court, from inclination or necessity, to continue him as governor of Peru for life. Although Garcila.s.so de la Vega gives full warrant for this account of the proposals of the insurgents, Zarate, who was then resident in a public character in Peru, makes no mention of any such plan having been agitated, which could hardly have happened without his knowledge: It is probable therefore that these additional circ.u.mstances were invented by the enemies of Gonzalo after his fall, on purpose to blacken his memory by the imputation of even deeper crimes than those he was actually guilty of."--E.

[Footnote 29: History of America, II. 378.]

SECTION VI.

_History of the Expedition of Pedro de la Gasca, the Death of Gonzalo Pizarro, and the Restoration of Peru to Tranquillity._

While these things were transacting in Peru, the emperor Charles V. was residing in Germany, where he had gone on purpose to overthrow the party of the Lutherans and others who had separated from the church of Rome.

The emperor was desirous to receive an account of the disturbances in that distant and valuable colony from Diego Alvarez Cueto, the brother-in-law of the late viceroy, and Francisco Maldonado the messenger of Gonzalo Pizarro, both of whom went into Germany for that purpose. At this time, however, though acquainted with the revolt of Peru, the imprisonment of the viceroy, and the usurpation of the government by Pizarro, the court necessarily remained ignorant of the death of the viceroy. Frequent deliberations were held for devising proper remedies to restore tranquillity to Peru; but the matter lay over for some considerable time, in consequence of the absence of the emperor from Spain, and because he was at this time frequently attacked by illness. At length it was determined to send over into Peru the licentiate Pedro de la Gasca, at that time a counsellor of inquisition.

The prudent and intelligent character of this man was already well known, from the skill and success with which he had already conducted several affairs of consequence with which he had been entrusted, and particularly by the excellent dispositions and preparations which he had made, only a few years before, to defend the kingdom of Valencia against an expected invasion of the Turks and Moors, and in various matters respecting the new converts in that kingdom, which he took the management of while occupied in some of the affairs of the holy office on which he had been sent thither by the emperor.

The t.i.tle granted to Gasca on occasion of going into Peru, was only that of president of the royal court of audience. But, by his commision, he was invested with full powers in every thing respecting the government of the country; to pacify the troubles and restore peace; and to pardon as he might see proper all crimes, whether committed before his arrival or during his residence in the country. Along with Gasca, the licentiates Ganas and Renteria went out to Peru, as judges or oydors of the supreme tribunal or royal court of audience. Gasca was likewise furnished with full powers to raise troops in case of necessity, and to do every thing that the exigency of affairs might require, without waiting for orders or instructions from Spain. His powers and orders however were kept secret, as it was wished to attempt the restoration of order by gentle means; for which reason nothing was spoken of but pardon and indemnity, and he was desired to endeavour to restore the colony to peace and tranquillity by means of clemency if possible.

Gasca embarked from Spain in the month of May 1546, on purpose to quell the formidable rebellion which had long subsisted in Peru, without either money or troops, and merely accompanied by such servants and officers of his household as were requisite to support the dignity of his office as president of the high court of audience. On arriving at St Martha, he received information of the defeat of Melchior Verdugo, formerly mentioned, and that Verdugo waited for him at Carthagena with the small remnant of his men who had escaped on that occasion. Knowing that Hinojosa and his people were exceedingly irritated against Verdugo, Gasca resolved to go by way of Nombre de Dios, to prevent the insurgents from entertaining any suspicions of his pacific intentions, as he believed they would prevent him from having any access into the country if he held any intercourse with Verdugo, and still more if he were joined by that obnoxious person. Gasca cast anchor in the harbour of Nombre de Dios on the 27th of July 1546, where Hernan Mexia had been posted by Hinojosa with an hundred and eighty men, to protect that place and neighbourhood against Melchior Verdugo. The president sent on sh.o.r.e Alfonzo de Alvarado, who had accompanied him from Spain, to notify his arrival and the purposes of his mission to Mexia. After some conference, they separated without communicating their real sentiments to each other, as both were suspicious and kept up much reserve. On the return of Alvarado to the s.h.i.+p, Mexia sent to request the president to disembark, which he did accordingly. On this occasion Mexia went to meet him, in a barge attended by twenty musqueteers, leaving the rest of his troops drawn up on the beach. Mexia immediately left his own barge, and accompanied the president in his boat to the sh.o.r.e, where he caused him to be received with every mark of respect, under a salute from the troops.

After landing, the president, in a private conference, gave Mexia an account of the object of his voyage to Peru; on which Mexia expressed his determined resolution to yield implicit obedience to the royal orders, and to devote his services accordingly to the president. He declared, that he had long and anxiously waited the arrival of some person possessing authority to put an end to the troubles; and that, fortunately, circ.u.mstances were now extremely favourable for this purpose, without any one to oppose, as he was now the sole commander of most of the troops belonging to Gonzalo Pizarro in that neighbourhood, the greater part of which were now in Nombre de Dios. Mexia said farther that, Hinojosa and the other captains having gone to Panama, he found himself at liberty to declare himself openly for his majesty, if that were judged proper by the president; and that they might then go in company to Panama, where they would easily become masters of the fleet in that port, by means which he explained; and that he was likewise convinced that, when Hinojosa and the other captains were informed of the powers and intentions of the president, they would receive him with all submission. The president thanked Mexia for his good intentions, observing that it was necessary to use lenient measures on this occasion, as his majesty was very desirous to restore the country to peace and good order, without having recourse to warlike measures, if it could possibly be accomplished. As it was obvious to every one, that the chief cause of the disturbances was owing to the inflexible rigour of the late viceroy, he wished, therefore, that it might be known by all, that his majesty wished to remedy all grievances in the most gracious manner; and he trusted, therefore, when it was publickly known that all might expect safety and pardon by returning to their duty, that all the colonists would evince their respectful loyalty by tendering their services, rather than continue in rebellion against the sovereign. The president concluded by declaring his resolution to refrain from any endeavour to use force, till all the colonists were apprized of his intentions as now expressed.

Mexia a.s.sured the president, that he was ready to obey his orders in all things; yet considered it proper for him to observe, that although he was now able to command the soldiers then at Nombre de Dios; matters might a.s.sume a very different aspect on proceeding to Panama, where the soldiers would be under the orders of Hinojosa. The president expressed his determination, however, to proceed in his enterprize, to which Mexia consented; and they mutually agreed to keep their intentions secret till affairs should take a favourable turn, as will be seen in the sequel.

When Hinojosa, who acted as general under Pizarro in the Tierra Firma, learnt the reception which the president had met with from Mexia, he was much dissatisfied, both because he was ignorant of the orders and instructions under which the president acted, and because Mexia had not communicated his intentions. Hinojosa wrote therefore to Mexia in a harsh and peremptory manner, reflecting bitterly on his conduct, and, at the same time, some friends of Mexia, who were then resident in Panama, wrote to dissuade him from coming to that place, as Hinojosa was much irritated against him for the friendly reception he had given to the president. Notwithstanding this, it was agreed upon in a conference between the president and Mexia, that the latter should go immediately to Panama to confer with Hinojosa, lest the minds of the soldiery should take any adverse turn by delay. Despising the dangers with which he was threatened, and the suspicions that had been endeavoured to be instilled into his mind, Mexia set out for Panama, confiding in the friends.h.i.+p which subsisted between him and Hinojosa, and in his knowledge of the character and dispositions of that officer. In an interview with Hinojosa, he fully explained the reasons of his conduct in receiving the president; adding, that whatever party they might choose ultimately to favour, all that had hitherto been done could do no harm. Hinojosa was entirely satisfied with this explanation, and allowed Mexia to return to Nombre de Dios.

After the return of Mexia, the president went across the isthmus to Panama, where he held separate conferences with Hinojosa and the different captains, which he conducted with so much prudence and secrecy, that he gained them all over to the royal cause, without any of them having any communication with the others on the subject, so that he was soon in condition to speak with them publickly on the objects of his mission, having brought them all over to his sentiments and engaged them to second his intentions. By supplying the soldiers with every thing of which they were in need, he brought them all easily into his measures, believing that the most effectual means of succeeding in his mission, was by acting gently and in a conciliating manner with every one: yet in all this he acted without meanness or servility, constantly preserving the dignity becoming his rank and authority. In all his negociations, the president was ably and faithfully seconded by his major-general Alfonzo de Alvarado, who was exceedingly serviceable on every occasion, both in consequence of having many friends among the officers, and because those even who were not among the number were much influenced by his authority and character. At first Hinojosa hesitated about declaring for the president, and even notified his arrival to Gonzalo Pizarro. Some of the captains and other princ.i.p.al persons at Panama had likewise written to Gonzalo, even before the arrival of the president at Panama, giving it as their advice that he ought not to be allowed to enter Peru; but in the sequel these persons changed their opinion by the persuasion of Gasca. During his residence at Panama, the president contrived to manage so judiciously with Hinojosa, whom he frequently visited, that he procured his consent to send Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, a gentleman who had accompanied him from Spain, with letters to Gonzalo Pizarro apprizing him of his arrival in Tierra Firma, and the object of his mission. Among these letters was one from the king, to the following effect:

THE KING, TO GONZALO PIZARRO.

"Gonzalo Pizarro, from your letters and the information of other persons, we have been informed of the commotions and disorders which have arisen in all the provinces of Peru, since the arrival of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela and the judges of the royal audience. We are convinced that these troubles have been produced by endeavouring to establish and enforce, in their utmost rigour, the new laws and regulations which we had judged proper for the government of that country, and for insuring good treatment to the native inhabitants. We are satisfied that you, and those who have acted along with you during these troubles, have not been actuated by any disinclination to your obedience and loyalty towards us, but merely in opposition to the extreme rigour and inexorable obstinacy of the viceroy, who refused to listen to the supplications and remonstrances which were made to him on the new regulations."

"Being well informed in regard to all these affairs, and having heard every thing that Francisco Maldonado had in charge to say on the subject from you and the inhabitants of these provinces, we have thought proper to send over as our president the licentiate De la Gasca, a member of our council of the holy inquisition, to whom we have given full power and authority to do every thing that he may deem proper and necessary for restoring tranquillity and good order in the country, to replace its affairs on a proper footing, and to introduce such regulations as may tend to the good of our service and the glory of G.o.d, and the advantage of the country and its inhabitants, both such as are our natural subjects and the original inhabitants. For this reason we will and command, and expressly desire, that you may be punctually obedient to every thing which the said Gasca shall order you in our name, in the same manner as if his commands were from ourselves; and that you give him every a.s.sistance in your power in every thing which he may require, and which may be necessary for executing the orders which we have given him, according as he may inform you, or shall require in our name, conform to the confidence we repose in your fidelity. On our part, we a.s.sure you that we entertain a just estimation of the services which you and your brother the marquis have done, and that we shall reward the same in time and place convenient to his children and brothers by effective marks of our good will. Given at Venlo, this sixteenth of February in the year of grace one thousand five hundred and forty-six."

I THE KING. _By order of his Majesty,_ FRANCISCO DE ERASO.

Along with this letter from the emperor, the president wrote to Gonzalo Pizarro, dated on the 26th of September 1546 from Panama, and addressed to the ill.u.s.trious senior Gonzalo Pizarro, in the city of Lima, of which the following is the substance.

"I have delayed sending the letter of his imperial majesty, which accompanies this present communication, till now, in the hope of being able to set out for Peru immediately after my arrival in this country, and because it appeared more conformable to the respect and obedience which I owe to his majesty to have delivered his royal letter in person than to allow it to be preceded by any writing from myself. Finding, however, that my voyage is necessarily delayed, and being informed that you have called a meeting of the colonists at Lima to consult upon the past transactions, and on what may be proper in the present situation of affairs, I have thought it improper any longer to delay sending his majestys letter, together with this from myself which I transmit by Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, a person of honour and merit, who professes to be your friend and servant."

"After the most mature and careful deliberations respecting all that has occurred in Peru, since the arrival of the late viceroy in that country, his majesty is satisfied that the commotions have not been excited by a spirit of rebellion and disobedience in the Spanish inhabitants, but through the inflexible rigour with which the viceroy endeavoured to enforce the regulations, in spite of the supplications of the colonists and their appeal to his majesty, by which they were justified in defending themselves against so great severity, at least until they should learn the royal will on the subject in answer to their remonstrances. All this appears from the letter which you addressed to his majesty, in which you declared that the princ.i.p.al reason which had induced you to accept the situation of governor of Peru, was that it had been given to you by the royal audience, in the name and under the seal of his majesty; by the acceptance of which employment you were enabled to do good service to the royal interests, which might otherwise have suffered much prejudice; and as you have declared these to be your motives for a.s.suming the government, until his majesty might think proper to issue his commands, which you were ready to obey like a good and loyal subject."

"Therefore, his majesty, having seen and duly considered all these things, and heard the opinions of his councillors thereupon, has sent me for the express purpose of restoring peace, tranquillity, and good order to the country, by the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, with full power to extend his royal pardon for all that has already occurred, and to take the opinion and advice of the colonists upon those measures that may be most proper and advantageous for the royal service, the glory of G.o.d, the good of the country, and the benefit of its inhabitants. In respect to such Spaniards as cannot be provided in the country with repart.i.tions of lands and Indians, I have orders to employ them in new discoveries, where they may acquire honour and riches, as has already been done by so many other persons. I earnestly entreat you therefore, as a Christian, and a wise and prudent gentleman of honour, to reflect seriously on all these things. As you have hitherto always evinced much affection and attachment to the welfare of the country and its inhabitants, you certainly have great reason of thankfulness to the Almighty, that in so important and delicate an affair, neither his majesty nor his councillors have been disposed to consider your past conduct in the light of revolt and rebellion against the legitimate authority of the sovereign, but have rather been pleased to view it in the light of a just and necessary defence of your own rights, and those of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, until the decision of his majesty upon your supplications and remonstrances might be made manifest.

Therefore, since his majesty has been graciously pleased to grant to you and the other colonists all that you required by your supplications, by abrogating the obnoxious regulations, it is inc.u.mbent upon you, as an obedient and loyal subject, to evince a respectful and prompt obedience to the royal orders[30]."

[Footnote 30: In translating this letter the substance has been materially compressed; omitting much loose and declamatory argumentation, with several instances of the irresistible power of the emperor, to convince Pizarro of the absolute necessity of submission.

Among other arguments, Gasca quotes with approbation an instance of a Spaniard who had a.s.sa.s.sinated his brother in the midst of the German Lutherans for deserting the religion of his country; and threatens him with the vengeance of his brother Ferdinand if he should persist in rebellion against his sovereign.--E.]

"I have represented all these things to you, that you may not flatter yourself by a false confidence of being able to resist the power of his majesty, who is able if it should so please him to employ irresistible force in repressing the commotions and disorders of Peru, instead of those measures of clemency, which it has pleased G.o.d that he should now resort to; and that if reduced to the necessity of using force, it will be necessary for his majesty to take care not to ruin the country by sending too great a number of troops, instead of being under any difficulty as to sending a sufficient power to overcome all possibility of resistance. You ought likewise to reflect that matters will necessarily take a quite different turn than they have hitherto done.

Hitherto your followers have been influenced by their own self-interest, not only considering the late viceroy as your enemy and your cause as good, but all of them looked upon him as their personal enemy, who wished to deprive them of their properties, and to put to death every one who opposed his designs. Under these circ.u.mstances your followers were necessarily impelled to adhere to your party in the defence of their own lives and properties. But as both are now secured, by the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, and the amnesty granted by his majesty, the Spanish inhabitants of Peru have now their legitimate sovereign as their friend and protector, to whom we all owe the most entire loyalty and obedience. I entreat you to reflect seriously on these things, and to consider that, in the present situation of affairs, and the turn which they must a.s.suredly take in the sequel, you cannot count upon the adherence of any one, if you unfortunately choose to follow wrong measures. By contributing your a.s.sistance to put an end to the commotions which have distracted the kingdom of Peru, the whole inhabitants of that country will remain indebted to your exertions for the maintenance of their rights and privileges, in having opposed the execution of the obnoxious regulations, and having procured a favourable attention to their supplications and remonstrances; insomuch that his majesty has been pleased to send me with an express commission to listen to and redress all grievances. Should you unfortunately resolve upon refusing submission to the royal authority, you will obliterate all the merit you derive from your past conduct; as by endeavouring to continue the troubles and commotions, you will shew yourself actuated by motives of personal interest and ambition, instead of any regard for the good of the public. Instead of serving the interests of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, you will become the cause of infinite injury to all, and will be considered as the enemy of the kingdom, by perpetuating the troubles, and occasioning the destruction of the lives and fortunes of your friends and adherents. You ought likewise to consider that, by continuing the war, you will render it necessary to bring over a numerous army into Peru, so that you will become accountable to G.o.d and man for all the miseries and disorders which may follow, and for the entire ruin of the country and its inhabitants, by which you will incur the hatred of all the princ.i.p.al colonists, merchants, and other rich persons."

"To conclude, I pray G.o.d to take you and all your followers under his most holy protection, and that he may inspire you with proper sentiments on this occasion, for the good service of his majesty, the eternal welfare of your souls, and the preservation of your lives, honours, and estates; and I remain; ill.u.s.trious Sir, yours, &c.

PEDRO DE LA GASCA."

Gonzalo had only been a few days in Lima on his return from Quito, when he received letters from Hinojosa informing him of the arrival of the president. He was much disturbed by this intelligence, which he immediately communicated to the captains and other princ.i.p.al persons of his party, and with whom he consulted upon the steps necessary to be taken in this conjuncture of affairs. Some were of opinion that it was necessary to get rid of the president, either openly or by secret a.s.sa.s.sination; while others recommended that he should be invited into Peru, where it would be easy to oblige him to agree to all their demands; or where at least they could draw their negociations with him to a great length, by insisting on convening an a.s.sembly of deputies and procurators from all the cities of the kingdom at Lima, to deliberate on the subject of his reception, and to determine whether he should be received or not; and, as Peru was of vast extent, it would be easy to put off the meeting of that a.s.sembly for two years, during which period the president might be kept in the isle of Puna under a confidential guard, by which he might be prevented from writing to Spain that the country was in rebellion; more especially as they could keep him in continual suspense, by representing that the general a.s.sembly could not meet sooner on account of the vast distance of some of the cities. Even the most moderate were for obliging the president to return into Spain.

In this council of the leaders of the insurrection, it was likewise proposed to send deputies from all parts of Peru to his majesty, to explain the state of the colony, and the events which had occurred; and particularly to exculpate their conduct in regard to the battle of Quito in which the viceroy was slain, by throwing the whole blame upon him as the aggressor. It was likewise proposed that these deputies should humbly implore his majesty to invest Gonzalo Pizarro in the government of Peru, for which especial purpose they should be so instructed and empowered by all the cities. They were also to be instructed, during their residence at Panama on their way into Spain, carefully to learn what were the powers and instructions of the president; and to endeavour to prevail upon him to delay proceeding to Peru, until they had informed his majesty of the true state of the kingdom, that ulterior orders might be issued in consequence. It was proposed at the same time, if the president persisted in coming into the country, to take him into custody. Some even proposed to put him to death during the journey, while others proposed to have him poisoned at Panama and likewise to put Alonzo de Alvarado to death. Many other proposals of a similar nature and tendency are said to have been made at this time; but as all these transactions took place in the secret meetings of the chief of the insurgents, it is difficult or impossible to ascertain the precise nature of their deliberations. It was besides resolved, that the messengers who were to be sent to the president should be charged to deliver him letters from the princ.i.p.al inhabitants of Lima, strongly urging him to refrain from coming into Peru, even in terms of insolence and implied threatening.

After long deliberations respecting the persons who should be sent into Spain to lay their representations before the emperor, Don Jerom de Loyasa archbishop of Lima, Lorenzo de Aldana, Friar Thomas de San Martino provincial of the Dominicans, and Gomez de Solis were chosen for that purpose. The provincial was much suspected by the insurgents of being inimical to their party, by several expressions of his opinion, both in his sermons and in private conversations: Yet they thought proper to employ him and the others in this commission, although they were almost equally suspicious of the rest; both to give weight to their representations through the respectability of their messengers, and because no other persons of any consequence in the country dared to appear before his majesty on this occasion, being afraid of punishment for the share they had taken in the past commotions. They considered likewise, if these deputies should declare against them while in Spain, as they actually suspected, that it was better to have them out of the country; as, if matters should a.s.sume an unfavourable aspect for Gonzalo and his adherents, these persons might have done them much injury by remaining, as they were much respected in Peru, both on account of their rank and character. Gomez de Solis, who was major domo to Gonzalo Pizarro, was the only one of these commisioners in whom he reposed confidence; though indeed some alleged that he was only intended to proceed to Panama with a supply of money and provisions for Hinojosa and his troops, while others believed he was to have accompanied the other deputies into Spain. Besides these persons, the bishop of St Martha was likewise requested to accompany the deputation; and they were all supplied with the necessary funds for the expences of their voyage.

Lorenzo de Aldana set off by sea for Panama in all haste, while the other deputies were making preparations for their voyage, being commissioned by Gonzalo to send him intelligence as quickly as possible as to the true state of affairs in the Tierra Firma. As Lorenzo set out from the port of Lima in October 1546, Gonzalo confidently expected to receive dispatches from him from Panama by the ensuing Christmas, or early in January 1547; and for this purpose, he appointed a set of couriers to remain in waiting all along the coast of Peru to the northward of Lima, to be in readiness to forward the dispatches as quickly as possible. The two bishops and the provincial embarked a few days after Aldana, and all of them arrived safely at Panama.

Vela Nunnez, the brother of the late viceroy, who had long remained a prisoner at large, being allowed to go out on hunting parties, and to ride about unarmed, yet under strict injunctions to take care of his conduct, was drawn about this time into a private engagement with a soldier named Juan de la Torre, by means of which he lost his life. De la Torre was one of those who had deserted from the viceroy to Gonzalo, along with Gonzalo Diaz and others, when on the expedition against Pedro de Puelles and the inhabitants of Guanuco. He had afterwards the good fortune to discover a concealed treasure of gold and silver in the valley of Hica, which had been consecrated by the Indians to their idols, and which was said to have contained to the value of 60,000 crowns in the precious metals, besides a great quant.i.ty of emeralds and turquoises. De la Torre placed all this treasure in the hands of the father guardian of the Franciscans; to whom he one day revealed in confession that he wished to return into Spain, that he might enjoy his riches in quiet; but, having followed the party of Gonzalo, and consequently incurred the displeasure of his majesty, he wished to be able to perform some acceptable service to the king before his departure, on purpose to merit pardon for his past offences. For this purpose, he intended to embark with his treasure from the port of Lima for Nicaragua, where he proposed to enlist a party of soldiers, and to fit out one or two vessels with which to cruize for some time along the coast of Peru against Gonzalo and his confederates, by landing, and pillaging in such places as were unprovided with troops: But, as he had not sufficient knowledge or experience for conducting such an enterprize, he wished to find a person properly qualified to act as commander on this occasion, and had a strong desire to induce Vela Nunnez to undertake the direction of the enterprize, as a gentleman experienced in war, and who was besides in a great measure bound to seek an opportunity of being revenged upon Gonzalo for the death of his brother the viceroy and many others of his friends and relations. With this view, therefore, it was his intention to place himself and his treasure at the disposal of Vela Nunnez, whom he wished to consult on this subject with some adherents of the late viceroy who dwelt in Lima, that these persons might likewise be induced to join in the enterprize.

De la Torre, therefore, requested the father guardian to converse on the subject with Vela Nunnez.

At first Vela Nunnez was on his guard, lest it might be a false confidence devised for his ruin. But De la Torre satisfied his doubts in presence of the father guardian, by a solemn oath on a consecrated altar, and Vela Nunnez agreed to take charge of the enterprize, immediately using his endeavours to engage the adherents of the late viceroy in the plot. It is not known how this affair came to be divulged, which it certainly was to Gonzalo, who immediately caused Vela Nunnez to be arrested and brought to trial as a traitor and rebel against the king, and had him publickly beheaded. Vela Nunnez was a brave and honourable gentleman, much esteemed by all, and was exceedingly regretted by the whole inhabitants of Peru.[31]

[Footnote 31: From the sequel, it would appear that Juan de la Torre escaped entirely on this occasion; at least a person of exactly the same name appears afterwards as an officer in the service of Gonzalo.--E]

About this time likewise, Alfonzo de Toro, who was lieutenant-governor of Cuzco under Gonzalo Pizarro, was a.s.sa.s.sinated by his own father-in-law, in consequence of some dispute. Gonzalo was much grieved by the death of this person, from whom he expected to have derived important services in the approaching crisis. He appointed Alfonzo de Hinojosa to succeed as lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, who had in fact been elected to the vacant charge by the magistrates of that city. Under his administration some tumults were excited in Cuzco by Lope Sanchez de Valenzuela and Diego Perez Bezerra; but by the exertions of Hinojosa and Pedro de Villacastin the tumults were happily quelled; Valenzuela and Bezerra were put to death as the ringleaders, and some others who had been particularly active on the occasion were banished.

It is well known that Lorenzo de Aldana, who has been already mentioned as dispatched by Gonzalo to Panama, carried several letters from Gonzalo and the other leaders of the insurrection which were couched in very disrespectful terms: But Aldana, anxious to prevent the present troubles from becoming even more serious than they were, prudently destroyed these letters, so that they were not delivered. On his arrival at Panama, he went to lodge with Hinojosa, with whom he was extremely intimate, there being likewise some relations.h.i.+p between them. He went likewise without delay to pay his respects to the president; but at this first visit they both confined themselves to conversation on general topics, so that Aldana did not reveal his sentiments for some days, wis.h.i.+ng, like a prudent person, to learn in the first place what were the sentiments and intentions of the officers who then resided at Panama. When he found that they were disposed to act for the service of his majesty, he revealed his real sentiments to the president, offering his best services in any manner that might be most conducive to the royal interest. From the confidence which was reposed in Aldana, it was at length resolved to treat openly with Hinojosa, with whom hitherto the president and Mexia had acted with much reserve. Accordingly, Mexia represented to him, that the affairs of Peru were now in such a situation that it was requisite to restore them to order, which might easily be done by agreeing to offer the services of all the faithful subjects of his majesty resident in Panama to the president; and if the present favourable opportunity for this purpose were neglected, another might not occur for a long time. Hinojosa replied, that he was entirely disposed to serve the president, to whom, he had already declared, if his majesty were not disposed to grant the demands of Gonzalo, he was ready in all things to yield obedience to the commands of the sovereign, being resolved to give no just cause of reproach as a rebellious subject.

In reality Hinojosa, although an excellent soldier and experienced in every thing relative to warlike affairs was exceedingly ignorant in political matters. He had always believed that every thing which had been done by the insurgents was founded in justice, and that the authors of the supplications and remonstrances had a right to use their utmost efforts to succeed in procuring all that they had demanded; having even been so a.s.sured by several learned men. Yet in all the past transactions, he had conducted his own actions with much prudent reserve, so as not to go beyond the original and avowed purposes of the remonstrants, having never put any one to death or confiscated the wealth of any of the royalists, as had been done by the other insurgent commanders. On perceiving the erroneous sentiments by which he was deluded, Mexia strongly represented to him, that, as the pleasure of his majesty had been clearly expressed, by means of the commission and instructions given to the president, there was no room now to wait for any new declaration of the royal will. That all the officers and soldiers in the Tierra Firma Were resolved to obey the president, and that Hinojosa must determine without delay on the part he chose to embrace as a loyal subject, without allowing himself to be misled by these ridiculous sentiments of pretended men of learning. Hinojosa requested to be allowed one day to consider what answer he should give to these representations; and accordingly the very next day he determined to follow the advice of his friend Mexia, whom he accompanied to the president, and engaged to obey him in all things conformable to the royal orders. After this, all the captains of the troops and other princ.i.p.al persons in Panama were convened; who all pledged their obedience to the president, engaging to keep the matter a profound secret till farther orders. Yet the soldiers began to suspect the real situation of affairs, as they noticed that the president gave orders on every affair of importance that occurred, and that all their officers visited him very frequently, and always behaved to him in public as their superior.