A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vi Part 19

CHAPTER III.

THE VOYAGE OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM GOA TO SUEZ, IN 1540, WITH THE INTENTION OF BURNING THE TURKISH GALLIES AT THAT PORT. WRITTEN BY DON JUAN DE CASTRO, THEN A CAPTAIN IN THE FLEET; AFTERWARDS GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF PORTUGUESE INDIA[252].

INTRODUCTION.

Don Juan or Joam De Castro, the author of the following journal, was a Portuguese n.o.bleman born in 1500; being the son of Don Alvaro de Castro, governor of the Chancery, and Donna Leonora de Noronha, daughter of Don Joam de Almeyda, Count of Abrantes. In his youth, Don Juan de Castro served with reputation at Tangier, and on his return home had a commandery of 500 ducats of yearly revenue conferred upon him, which was all he was ever worth, though a man of high birth and rare merit. He afterwards served under the Emperor Charles V. in his expedition against Tunis, and refused his share of a pecuniary reward from that prince to the Portuguese officers on the expedition, saying that he served the king of Portugal, and accepted rewards only from his own sovereign.

After this he commanded a fleet on the coast of Barbary, and was sent to join the fleet of Spain for the relief of Ceuta. On hearing that the Moors were approaching, the Spaniards wished to draw off, on pretence of consulting upon the manner of giving battle, but Don Juan refused to quit his post; and the Moors retired, not knowing that the fleets had separated, so that he had all the honour of relieving Ceuta.

[Footnote 252: Astley, I. 107. Purchas, II. 1422.]

When Don Garcia de Noronha went viceroy to India, Don John was captain of one of the s.h.i.+ps in his fleet; and when about to embark, the king sent him a commission by which he was appointed governor of Ormuz, and a gift of 1000 ducats to bear his charges till he obtained possession. He accepted the latter, because he was poor; but refused the government, saying that he had not yet deserved it. After the expedition to Suez[253], contained in the present chapter, he returned into Portugal, and lived for some time in retirement in a country house near Cintra, giving himself up entirely to study. He was recalled from this retreat by the advice of the infant Don _Luys_, and sent out governor-general to India in 1545; where he died with the t.i.tle of viceroy in 1548, when 48 years of age. We shall hereafter have occasion to speak farther of this great man, who made himself ill.u.s.trious in the _second_ siege of Diu by the forces of the king of Guzerat. In his life, written by _Jacinto Freire de Andrada_, there is a particular account of this siege, with a map to ill.u.s.trate its operations. The author also treats of the Discoveries, Government, Commerce, and affairs of the Portuguese in India. This book was translated into English, and published in folio at London in 1664.

[Footnote 253: De Faria in his Portuguese Asia, says that Don Juan went up to Mount Sinai, where his son Don Alvaro was knighted. But this does not appear in his journal.--Astl. I. 107. a.]

Such was the ill.u.s.trious author of the following journal, which was never published in Portuguese; but having been found, if we are rightly informed, on board a Portuguese s.h.i.+p taken by the English, was afterwards translated and published by Purchas. Purchas tells us that the original was reported to have been purchased by Sir Walter Raleigh for sixty pounds; that Sir Walter got it translated, and afterwards, as he thinks, amended the diction and added many marginal notes. Purchas himself reformed the style, but with caution as he had not the original to consult, and abbreviated the whole, in which we hope he used equal circ.u.mspection: For, as it stands in Purchas[254] it still is most intolerably verbose, and at the same time scarcely intelligible in many places; owing, we apprehend, to the translator being not thoroughly acquainted with the meaning of the original, if not to the fault of the abbreviator. These two inconveniences we have endeavoured to remedy the best we could, and though we have not been always able to clear up the sense, we presume to have succeeded for the most part; and by entirely changing the language, except where the places were obscure, we have made the journal more fit for being read, and we hope without doing it any manner of injury[255].

[Footnote 254: Pilgrims, Vol. II. p. 1122, under the t.i.tle of _A Rutter_, or Journal, &c. from India to Suez, dedicated to the Infant Don _Luys_.--Astl. I. 107. b.]

[Footnote 255: On the present occasion we have followed the example of the Editor of Astleys Collection, having employed the original abbreviated translation by Purchas modernized in the language and endeavouring to elucidate obscurities; using as our a.s.sistance the version in Astley.--E.]

This expedition was undertaken for two important purposes. _One_, to carry succours to the emperor of _Habash_ or Abyssinia; and the _other_, to endeavour to destroy the Turkish s.h.i.+ps at Suez. For, soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu, it was rumoured that another fleet of the _Rumes_ or Turks was on its way to India; but as Don Stefano de Gama was afterwards informed that the Turks could not set out during the year 1540, he determined to be before hand with them, in some measure to be revenged for the late siege of Diu, and to prevent a second attack by burning the fleet they had prepared for that purpose. The governors liberality brought more men to inlist under his banners than he desired, so that he was enabled to select the best. The fleet consisted of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes, and carried 2000 soldiers besides mariners and rowers. On coming into the Red Sea, he found most of the cities and islands abandoned, the inhabitants having notice of his coming. At Suakem, the sheikh or king, who had retired a league up the country, amused De Gama with pretences of peace, that he might not destroy the town and island. In consequence of this delay, De Gama was prevented from carrying his design into execution of destroying the s.h.i.+ps at Suez; as it afforded time for the Turks to receive intelligence of the expedition. This is the account given by De Faria; but Bermudas gives a different reason for the want of success in that design, as De Gama could not get at the s.h.i.+ps, which were all drawn up on the land, which we have already seen to have been the case, in the journal of the voyage of Solyman Pacha, in the immediately preceding chapter.

In revenge for the duplicity and delay of the sheikh of Suakem, De Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter. He then plundered the city of Suakem, where many of the private men got booty to the value of four or five thousand ducats, and then burnt it to the ground. From thence, he went towards Suez with only sixteen, _Katurs_ or Malabar barges, and sent back the fleet to Ma.s.sua under the command of Lionel de Lima. On this occasion, there was a great dispute, as every one strove to go on this expedition; whence the bay got the name of _Angra de los Aggraviadas_, or _bay of the offended_. Many gentlemen went in the barges as private soldiers or volunteers, willing to go in any capacity if only they were admitted. The number of men on this fruitless expedition was 250. They plundered and burnt _Cossier_ or _Al Kossir_; whence crossing to _Tor_ or _Al Tur_, they took some vessels belonging to the enemy. At first the Turks opposed their landing; but some of them being slain, the rest abandoned the city, in which nothing was found of value. De Gama did not burn this town, in reverence for the relics of St Catharine and the monastery and religious men there, which he visited at their request. He was the first European commander who had taken that city, where he knighted several of his followers, an honour much prized by those who received it, and which was envied; afterwards even by the emperor Charles V. From thence De Gama proceeded to Suez; and after many brave but fruitless attempts to sound the harbour, De Gama determined to go himself in open day to view the gallies. He accordingly landed and saw the enemies but endeavouring to force his way towards them, the enemies shot poured thick from the town, and 2000 Turkish horse broke out from an ambush, by which the Portuguese were reduced to great straits. Though the Portuguese cannon slew a good many of the enemy, their numbers were so much superior that the Portuguese were obliged to retreat with some loss, and much grieved that the object of their expedition was frustrated. Thus far we have deemed necessary to premise, relative to the design and success of the expedition, from De Faria and other authors; because the journal of Don Juan de Castro is almost entirely confined to observations respecting the places visited in the voyage, and gives little or no information respecting these particulars.

The _rutter_ or journal must be allowed to be very curious.--The author, like an exact and diligent navigator, has not only given the course and distance from one place to another, with the lat.i.tudes of the princ.i.p.al ports and head-lands; but has noticed the minute windings of the coast, and the situations of islands, with observations on the tides, currents, shoals, sand-banks, and other particulars respecting the Red Sea. Yet, far from confining himself to mere nautical remarks, he has given an account of all the places at which he touched, together with accounts of the countries and the inhabitants, so far as he was able to collect from his own observations, or the accounts of such as he was able to converse with, particularly the natives. Don John hath gone farther yet, and has even attempted to draw a parallel between the ancient and modern geography of this sea. If in all points of this last he may not have succeeded, the great difficulty of the task, owing to the obscurity of the subject, is to be considered: most of the ancient places having been destroyed; the ancient names of others long since out of use and forgotten; and that very little is known of these coasts by Europeans, even at this day. For these reasons, as the conjectures of the author are often erroneous respecting the ancient geography, and as at best they are very uncertain, we shall for the most part _insert them by way of notes_, with our own remarks respecting them[256]. Whether the _alt.i.tudes_ have been taken by Don Juan with that precision which geography requires, may also be in some measure questioned; since we find there was a _crack in the instrument employed_, the size of which is not mentioned; neither were all the observations repeated. Even if they had been, it is well known that the observations of those times were by no means so accurate as those made of late years. After all, however, the observations in this journal appear to have been made with a good deal of care, and they cannot fail to be of great service to geography.

[Footnote 256: In this edition, which has been taken from that by Purchas, these conjectures of Don Juan de Castro are restored to the text: but the remarks by the Editor of Astleys Collection are all retained in notes.--E.]

It is alone by the observations contained in this journal that geographers are able to determine the extent of the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea from north to south[257], as well as the situation of its princ.i.p.al ports on the west side. The lat.i.tude of the straits was verified by the observations of Don Juans pilot. But as most maps and charts give the situation of Suez, at the northern end of the Red Sea, very different from that marked in this journal, which is 29 45' N. it may not be amiss to examine this point.

[Footnote 257: The modern knowledge of the Red Sea has been much augmented by the labours of Bruce, Nieubur, Lord Valentia, and others, which will be given in a future division of our work.--E.]

By several very accurate observations made in 1694, M. Chazelles of the Royal Academy of Paris found the lat.i.tude of Cairo to be 80 2' 20". The difference of lat.i.tude therefore between Cairo and Suez, will be 17 minutes; which we conceive cannot be very far from the truth, if not quite exact, since the map published by Dr Poc.o.c.k makes the difference about 20 minutes. It is true that in Sicards map of Egypt, and in a _late_[258] French chart of the _eastern ocean_, Suez is placed only two or three minutes to the southward of Cairo. But as these authors had no new observations made at Suez to go by, and seem to have been unacquainted with those of Don Juan de Castro, their authority can weigh very little against an express observation, and against Dr Poc.o.c.ks map, which, among other helps, was constructed upon one made by the natives.

Besides this, in his later maps _De L'isle_ regulates the situation of Suez according to the lat.i.tude found by Don Juan. Indeed Sicard places Suez nearly in that parallel, but egregiously mistakes the lat.i.tude of Cairo, so that he seems to have given it that position more by chance than design.

[Footnote 258: It is proper to remark here that the collection of Astley was published in 1745, _sixty-seven_ years ago.--E.]

This may suffice to support the credit of the observations of lat.i.tude as made by Don Juan, till new and better ones can be made, which we are not to expect in haste, as European s.h.i.+ps now seldom sail any farther into the Red Sea than _Mokha_ or _Zabid_, for which reason this journal is the more to be prized. In other respects it is full of variety; and if some parts of it be dry and unamusing, these make amends by their usefulness to geographers and navigators, while other parts are calculated to instruct and give pleasure on other accounts.--_Astley_.

So far the foregoing introduction is taken from Astleys collection. In our edition of the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, we have used the earliest known copy as given by Purchas, Vol. II. p. 1122-1148, under the t.i.tle of _A Rutter or Journal of Don John of Castro, of the Voyage which the_ Portugals _made from_ India _to_ Zoes, _&c. and here abbreviated.

The original of which is reported to have been bought by_ Sir Walter Raleigh, _at sixtie pounds, and by him caused to be done into_ English _out of the_ Portugal.

Of this Journal Purchas gives the following account in a marginal note, which is inserted in his own words: "This voyage being occasioned by sending the Patriarch _Bermudez_ to _Ethiopia_, and relating how that state decayed, invaded by the _Moores_, and embroiled with civil discontents, contayning also a more full intelligence of the _Red Sea_, than any other _Rutter_ which I have seene, I have here added; and next to it, _Bermudez_ own report, translated, it seemeth, by the same hand (not the most refined in his _English_ phrase, which yet I durst not be too busie with, wanting the original) and reduced to our method; here and there amending, the _English_, which yet in part was done, as I thinke, and many marginall notes added, by _Sir Walter Raleigh_ himselfe."--In the present edition, while we have adhered closely to that of Purchas, with the a.s.sistance of that in Astleys Collection, we have endeavoured, _little more busy_ than Purchas, to reduce the language to a more intelligible modern standard; and have divided it into _Sections_, in imitation of the editor of Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels. On purpose to carry on the series of events, we have inserted as a necessary introduction, an account of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from the discontinuance of the siege of Diu and retreat of Solyman Pacha in November 1538, to the commencement of the expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to the Red Sea in December 1540, when the journal of Don Juan de Castro begins; which _first section_ of this chapter is taken from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria.--E.

SECTION I.

_Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege Diu by the Turks, to the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez_[259].

Soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu in November 1538, but in the beginning of the subsequent year 1539, when the new viceroy Don Garcia de Noronha had returned from his tardy expedition to relieve Diu, _Don Gonzalo Vaz Confino_[260] came with five small vessels from _Onore_, where he had been sent by the former governor Nuno de Cuna on the following occasion. One of the gallies belonging to the fleet of Solyman Pacha had been forced into the port of Onore[261], and it was thought the queen of that province, then a widow, had violated the treaty subsisting between her government and the Portuguese, by giving protection to that vessel. Gonzalo Vaz called her to account on this subject, when she declared that the vessel was there against her will, as she was not in condition to prevent it, but would be glad that it were taken by the Portuguese. Gonzalo Vaz accordingly made the attempt, but was repulsed after a sharp engagement, in which he lost fifteen of his men, and among these his own son Diego Vaz. Gonzalo suspected the queen of having secretly a.s.sisted the enemy, and refused some refreshments she had sent for the wounded men, returning a rash and resentful answer mingled with threats. The queen cleared herself of the imputation, and again offered a treaty of peace with the Portuguese, which was concluded, and some Portuguese were left by Gonzalo at Onore, to observe what conduct was pursued by the queen for expelling the Turks.

[Footnote 259: This section is added from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. s. et seq. to connect the history of events.--E.]

[Footnote 260: The name of this commander is probably erroneous in the text, from an error of the press, and ought to have been _Coutinho_.--E.]

[Footnote 261: Probably the galley already mentioned in the Venetian Journal, as having separated from the Turkish fleet on the voyage to Diu, and for which the pilot was executed by command of Solyman.--E.]

Before leaving Diu, and having repaired the fortifications of the castle, the command of which was given to Diego Lopez de Sousa, pursuant to a commission from the king of Portugal, a treaty of pacification with the king of Guzerat was set on foot and concluded, very little to the advantage of the Portuguese, owing as was generally believed to the covetousness of Noronha.

The late success of the Portuguese terrified all the princes of India who had been their enemies. Nizam-al-Mulk and Adel Khan sent amba.s.sadors to the viceroy to renew the former treaties of peace; and the zamorin, to obtain the more favourable reception from the viceroy, employed the mediation of Emanuel de Brito, commandant of the fort at _Chale_. Brito accordingly promised his interest, and the zamorin sent _Cutiale_ as his amba.s.sador to Goa accompanied by a splendid retinue, where he was received by the viceroy with much courtesy and great pomp. Had not the viceroy fallen sick, he intended to have gone to Calicut, to perform the ceremony of swearing to the observance of the articles of pacification and amity which were agreed to upon this occasion; but he sent his son Don Alvaro on this errand, under the discretion of some discreet men, as Alvaro was very young. They came to Paniany with a numerous fleet, where they were met by the zamorin, accompanied by the kings of Chale and Tanor. The peace was confirmed and ratified with great demonstrations of joy on both sides, and lasted thirty years to the great advantage of the Portuguese.

The illness of the viceroy became serious and threatened to end fatally, insomuch that he could not attend to the affairs of government; for which reason he proposed that some worthy person might be chosen to supply his place, and even desired that the choice might fall upon his son Don Alvaro. This surprised all men as violating the public liberty of choice, and might have proved of dangerous consequence, had not the death of the viceroy prevented its adoption. On the death of the viceroy, the _first_ patent of succession was opened in which Martin Alfonso de Sousa was named; but he had gone a short while before to Portugal. On the _second_ being opened, Don Stefano de Gama was therein named, who then lived in retirement a short way from Goa.

Don Stefano de Gama, who was the son of Don Vasco de Gama the discoverer of India, entered upon the government in the beginning of April 1540.

The first thing he did was to have his whole property publicly valued, that it might not be afterwards laid to his charge that he had acquired riches during his government; and indeed at his death, his fortune was found considerably diminished. Finding the public treasury very much exhausted, he advanced a large sum to it from his own funds. In the next place he refitted the fleet, which had been laid up by his predecessor after his return from Diu. He likewise founded the college of _Santa Fe_, or St Faith, at Goa for the education of the heathen youth who were converted, appointing the vicar-general Michael Vaz as first rector. He sent his brother Christopher de Gama, to attend to the repair of the s.h.i.+ps at Cochin, and gave notice to several commanders to hold themselves in readiness to oppose the _Rumes_ or Turks, whose fleet was reported to be again proceeding towards the western coast of India. But being afterwards credibly informed that the Turks would not set out this year, he attended to other affairs.

SECTION II.

_Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-al-Mandab_.[262]

Having expedited all the affairs of his government, and collected an armament of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes, on board which 2000 soldiers were embarked, besides mariners and rowers. Don Stefano de Gama set sail from the bar of Goa, at sunrise of the 31st December 1540, on his expedition to Suez. The wind was easterly, blowing from the land, and they advanced under an easy sail, coming to anchor about ten o'clock at the mouth of the river _Chaparoa_. Proceeding on their voyage till the 13th of January 1541, they saw in the morning of that day great quant.i.ties of weeds which grow on the rocks of the sea coast, and soon afterwards a sea-snake, being indications of the neighbourhood of land; and when the sun was completely risen, they descried the island of Socotora, whither they were bound in the first place, bearing due south.

[Footnote 262: We now take up the Rutter or Journal of Don Juan de Castro, but Purchas has chosen to omit the navigation from the Malabar coast to the Island of Socotora, _to avoid prolixity_.--E.]

After coming to anchor at this island, I inquired at the princ.i.p.al pilots of the fleet how far they had reckoned themselves from the land when we first came in sight. The chief pilot was 90 leagues short; the pilot of the _Bufora_ galleon 100 and odd; those who made the least were 70 leagues short; and my own pilot, being only 65 leagues, was nearest in his reckoning. They were all astonished at this difference, and all affirmed in excuse for their short reckoning, that the way was actually shorter than was expressed on the charts; with them the Moorish pilots concurred in opinion, affirming that it was only 300 leagues from Goa to Socotora[263]. The island of Socotora is 20 leagues in length from east to west, and 9 leagues broad, being in lat. 12 40' N. on its north side. This northern side runs east and west, somewhat inclined towards the north-west and south-east The coast is all very clear without rocks and shoals, or any other hinderance to navigation. The anchoring ground in the road is sand, stony in some places, but not of such a nature as to cut the cables. On this side the north wind blows with such force as to raise up great heaps of sand over the hills, even beyond their highest craggy summits. In the whole circuit of the island there is no other place or harbour where a s.h.i.+p may winter in safety. The sea coast all around is very high, and girt with great and high mountains, having many pyramidal peaks, and having a grand appearance. The tides on the coast of this island are quite contrary to those on the opposite sh.o.r.e of India, being flood when the moon rises in the horizon, and as the moon ascends the tide of ebb begins, and it is dead low water when the moon comes to the meridian of the island; after which, as the moon descends, the tide begins to flow; and when set it is full sea. I made this observation for many days by the sea side, and always found it thus.

[Footnote 263: The real distance is 430 marine leagues, and the difference may be easily accounted for by the operation of an eastern current, not observed or not sufficiently allowed for.--E.]

If I am not deceived, this island of Socotora was in ancient times named _Dioscorides_, and had a city of the same name, as appears in the _sixth_ table of Asia by Ptolemy: But by the situation which he has given it, he appears to have had bad information from navigators[264].

The Socotorians are Christians, their ancestors as they say having been converted by the holy apostle Thomas. The island has many churches, in which there is _no oracle_[265] except the cross of Christ. They pray in the _Chaldean_ tongue; and are very ignorant, but as I was informed they are desirous of being instructed in the doctrines and ceremonies of the Romish church, which they confess to be alone good and worthy of being followed. The men have names like us, as John, Peter, Andrew, &c. that of the women being generally Mary. The manner of life of these people is singular, as they have no king, governor, prelate, or other person in authority, but live in a manner like wild beasts, without any rule, or order of justice or policy[266].

[Footnote 264: Don Juan omits all mention of the island of _Abdal Kuria_, about nine leagues E.S.E. of Socotora, with two intersposed small islands, called _Las Duas Hermanas_ or the Two Sisters.--E.]

[Footnote 265: Probably meaning no images or Christian idols.--E.]

[Footnote 266: Since then they have been subdued by the Arabs.--Astl.]

In the whole island there is no city or great town, and most of the people dwell in caves, though some have small thatched cottages, separated from each other, more savage than pastoral. Their food is flesh and wild dates, and their drink chiefly milk, as they taste water but seldom. They are much devoted to the cross, and you will hardly meet a single individual without one hanging from the neck. Their dispositions are good; their persons tall and straight, their faces comely but swarthy, the women being somewhat fairer, and of very honest behaviour. They have no arms either of defence or offence, except very short swords of dead iron. The men go entirely naked, except a clout of a certain cloth called _Cambolis_, a considerable quant.i.ty of which is manufactured in the island. The country is very poor, and produces no other merchandise than _verdigris_[267] and _sanguis draconis_; but the _verdigris_ is in great abundance, and is esteemed above all. All the island is mountainous, and breeds abundance of all kinds of cattle like those of Europe. There is no wheat or rice or other provisions of that kind, which I believe is not the fault of the ground, but owing to want of skill and industry in the people; as the land within the external mountains is fresh, and hath many vallies and plains, very convenient for culture. They have no manner of navigation, neither do they catch any fish, though the sea around their coast has an infinite quant.i.ty.

They have very few fruit trees, among which the palm tree is chiefly esteemed, and produces a princ.i.p.al part of their food. The land produces all kind of garden and medicinal plants, and the mountains are covered with the herb _Basil_ and other odoriferous herbs.