A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Vii Part 15

On the east side of Africa, to the west of the Red Sea, are the dominions of the great and mighty Christian king or emperor Prester John, well known to the Portuguese in their voyages to Calicut. His dominions reach very far on every side, and he has many other kings under his authority who pay him tribute, both Christian and Pagan. This mighty prince is named David emperor of Ethiopia, and it is said that the Portuguese send him every year eight s.h.i.+ps laden with merchandise.

His dominions are bounded on one side by the Red Sea, and stretch far into Africa towards Egypt and Barbary. To the southwards they adjoin with the great sea or ocean towards the Cape of Good Hope, and to the north are bounded by the great and dangerous _Sea of Sand_, lying between the great city of Cairo in Egypt and the country of Ethiopia; in which are many uninhabitable deserts continuing for the s.p.a.ce of five days journey. It is affirmed, if the Christian emperor were not hindered by the deserts, in which there is great want of provisions and especially of water, that he would ere now have invaded Egypt. The chief city of Ethiopia, in which this great emperor resides, is called _Amacaiz_, being a city of some importance, the inhabitants of which are of an olive complexion. There are many other cities, such as the city of _Sava_ on the Nile, where the emperor ordinarily resides during the summer. There is likewise a great city named _Barbaregaf_ and _Ascon_, whence the queen of Saba is supposed to have gone for Jerusalem to hear the wisdom of Solomon[193]. This last city though little is very fair, and one of the princ.i.p.al cities of Ethiopia. In this province there are many very high mountains, on which the terrestrial paradise is supposed to have been situated; and some say that the trees of the sun and moon which are mentioned by the ancients, are to be found there, but no one has ever been able to go to them, on account of great deserts extending to an hundred days journey. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Good Hope.

[Footnote 193: The names of places are so corruptly given as hardly even to be guessed at. Amacaiz may possibly be meant for Amba Keshem, Sava for Shoa, Barbaregaf for the Baharnagash, and Ascon for a.s.sab.--E.]

_Journal of the Voyage_.

On the 12th of August 1553, there sailed from Portsmouth two goodly s.h.i.+ps, the Primrose and the Lion, with a pinnace called the Moon, all well furnished with 140 able bodied men, and with ordnance and victuals fitting for the voyage. They were commanded by two captains; one of whom was a foreigner named Antonio Anes Pinteado, a native of Oporto in Portugal, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who, for his skill in navigation both as an experienced pilot and prudent commander, was at one time in such favour with the king of Portugal, that the coasts of Brazil and Guinea were committed to his care against the French, to whom he was a terror in these seas. He had been likewise a gentleman of the household to the king. But as fortune ever flatters when it favours, ever deceives when it promises, and ever casts down whom it raises, so great wealth and high favour are always accompanied by emulation and envy; in like manner was he, after many adversities and malicious accusations, forced to take refuge in England. In this golden voyage Pinteado was ill-matched with an evil companion, his own various good qualities being coupled with one who had few or no virtues. Thus did these n.o.ble s.h.i.+ps depart on their voyage; but previously captain Windham put out of his s.h.i.+p at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head merchants, shewing in this a sample of the bad intention of his mind, which grew from this small beginning to a monstrous enormity; yet happy was that young man for being left behind.

Arriving at the island of Madeira, they took in some wine for the use of the s.h.i.+ps. At this island was a great galleon belonging to the king of Portugal, full of men and ordnance, which had been expressly fitted out to interrupt our s.h.i.+ps in their intended voyage, or any others that might intend a similar expedition; for the king of Portugal had been secretly informed that our s.h.i.+ps were armed to attack his castle of Mina, though no such thing was intended; yet did not that galleon attempt to stay our s.h.i.+ps, nor could she have been able to withstand them if that had been tried.

After their departure from Madeira the worthy captain Pinteado began to experience affliction from Captain Windham, who had hitherto carried a fair appearance of good will, but now a.s.sumed to himself the sole command, setting both captain Pinteado and the merchants factors at nought, giving them opprobrious words and sometimes abusing them most shamefully with threats of personal ill-treatment. He even proceeded to deprive captain Pinteado of the service of the boys and others who had been a.s.signed him by order of the merchant adventurers, reducing him to the rank of a common mariner, which is the greatest affront that can be put upon a Portuguese or Spaniard, who prize their honour above all things. Pa.s.sing the Canaries, they came to the island of St Nicholas, one of the Cape Verds, where they procured abundance of the flesh of wild goats, being almost its only produce. Following their voyage from thence, they tarried by the way at certain desert islands, not willing to arrive too early on the coast of Guinea on account of the heat. But being under an arbitrary rule, they tarried too long, and came at length to the first land of Guinea at the river _Cesto_[194], where they might have exchanged their merchandise for a full lading of the _grains_, or spice of that country, which is a very hot fruit and much like figs; the fruit being full of grains which are loose within the pod[195]. This kind of spice is much used in cold countries, and may be sold there to great advantage in exchange for other commodities. But, by the persuasion or command rather of our tyrannical captain, our people made light of this commodity in comparison with the fine gold for which they thirsted, wherefore they made sail an hundred leagues farther till they came to the golden land or gold coast.

[Footnote 194: Or Sestre, a river on the Grain coast or Malaguette.--E.]

[Footnote 195: This is the Guinea pepper, called grains of Paradise by the Italians, whence this part of Guinea was named the grain coast. The text describes the pods as having a hole on each side, which, it was afterwards learnt, were for putting thongs, strings or twigs on which to dry the pods. These pods grow on a humble plant, not above a foot and a half or two feet from the ground, and are bright red when first gathered,--Astl.]

At this part of the coast, not venturing to come near the castle of St George del Mina belonging to the king of Portugal, they made sale of their goods only on this side and beyond that place, receiving the gold of the country in exchange to the extent of 150 pounds weight[196], and they might have bartered all their merchandise for gold at that place, if the pride of Windham had allowed him to listen to the counsel and experience of Pinteado: but not satisfied with what he had got or might still have procured, if he had remained in the neighbourhood of Mina, he commanded Pinteado to navigate the s.h.i.+ps to Benin under the equinoctial, 150 leagues beyond the Mina, where he expected to have laden the s.h.i.+ps with pepper. When Pinteado urged the lateness of the season, and advised that instead of going farther they should continue to dispose of their wares for gold, by which great profit would have been gained, Windham flew into a pa.s.sion, called Pinteado a Jew, and gave him much opprobrious language, saying, "This rascally Jew promised to conduct us to places that either do not exist or to which he knows not the way, but if he does not I will cut off his ears and nail them to the mast." The advice given by Pinteado, not to go farther, was for the safety of the mens lives, which would have been in great danger at that late season, during their winter or _rossia_, not so called on account of cold, but from the heat accompanied with close and cloudy air, alternating with great tempests, during which the air was of so putrifying a quality as to rot the clothes on their backs. He had formerly lingered by the way, to prevent them arriving too soon on the coast, when the heat of the sun is scorching and unbearable.

Thus constrained contrary to his wish, he brought the s.h.i.+ps to anchor off the mouth of the river Benin, whence the pinnace was sent 50 or 60 leagues up the river. They then landed, and Pinteado, with Francisco another Portuguese, Nicholas Lambert a gentleman, and other merchants were conducted to the kings court, ten leagues from the river, where they were brought into the kings presence by a great company. The king was a _black Moor_ or negro, though not quite so black as the rest, and sat in a long wide hall having earthen walls without windows, roofed with thin planks open in many parts to let in air. These people give wonderful reverence to their king, even the highest of his officers when in his presence never daring to look him in the face, but sit cowering on their b.u.t.tocks with their elbows on their knees, and their hands on their faces, never looking up till the king commands them. When coming towards the king they shew him the utmost reverence from as far off as they can see him; and when they depart they never turn their backs towards him. In the communication of our men with the king, he used the Portuguese language, which he had learnt when a child.

Commanding our men to stand up, he inquired the reason of their coming into his country; on which he was answered by Pinteado, that we were merchants who had come from a distant country into his dominions, to procure the commodities of the country in exchange for wares which we had brought from our own country, to the mutual convenience of both countries. The king had then 30 or 40 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, which had long lain in a store-house, which he desired our people to look at, and that they should exhibit to him such commodities as they had brought for sale. He likewise sent some of his officers to conduct our people to the water-side, and to carry our wares from the pinnace to his residence. These things being done, the king engaged to our merchants that in 30 days he would provide a sufficiency of pepper to load all our s.h.i.+ps, and in case our merchandise might not amount to the whole value of the pepper, he promised to give credit till next season, and immediately sent orders over all the country to gather pepper, so that in 30 days 80 tons of pepper were procured.

[Footnote 196: Or 1800 ounces, which at L.3, 17s. 6d. per ounce, is equal to L.6975 sterling, a large sum in those days.--E.]

In the meantime our men lived without any rule, eating without measure of the fruit of the country, drinking the palm wine which runs in the night from the cut branches of that tree, and continually running into the water to a.s.suage the extreme heat of the season; and not being used to these sudden transitions, which are excessively dangerous, they fell into swellings and agues, by which about the end of the year they were dying sometimes 3, 4, or 5 in a day. When the 30 days were expired, and Windham saw his men dying so fast, he sent orders to Pinteado and the rest to come away without any more delay. Pinteado and the others wrote back to inform him of the large quant.i.ty of pepper already gathered, and that they looked daily for more, desiring him to consider the great praise they would all get on their return if the voyage turned out profitable, and the shame that must attend returning without a full loading. Not satisfied with this answer, more especially as the men continued to die in great numbers, Windham sent a second message ordering them to return immediately, or that he would go away and leave them. Thinking to prevail upon him by reasonable means, Pinteado returned to the s.h.i.+ps under an escort provided by the negro king.

In the mean time Windham, enraged at Pinteado, broke open his cabin and all his chests, spoiled all the cordials and sweetmeats he had provided for his health, and left him nothing either of his cloaths or nautical instruments; after which strange procedure he fell sick and died. When he came on board, Pinteado lamented as much for the death of Windham as if he had been his dearest friend; but several of the mariners and officers spit in his face, calling him Jew, and a.s.serted that he had brought them to this place on purpose that they should die; and some even drew their swords, threatening to slay him. They insisted that he should leave the coast immediately, and though he only requested them to wait till those who were left at the court of the king of Benin could be sent for, they would by no means consent. He then prayed them to give him a boat, and as much of an old sail as might serve to fit her out, in which he proposed to bring Nicholas Lambert[197] and the rest to England, but even this they would not consent to. Finding all his representations in vain, he wrote a letter to the merchants at court, informing them of all that had happened at the s.h.i.+ps, promising, if G.o.d spared his life, that he would return as soon as possible for them.

[Footnote 197: This Lambert was a Londoner born, his father having been Lord Mayor of London.--Hakluyt.]

Pinteado, thus kept on board against his will, was thrust among the cabin-boys, and worse used than any of them, insomuch that he was forced to depend on the favour of the cook for subsistence. Having sunk one of their s.h.i.+ps for want of hands to navigate her, the people departed from the coast with the other. Within six or seven days, Pinteado died broken-hearted, from the cruel and undeserved usage he had met with,--a man worthy to have served any prince, and most vilely used. Of 140 men who had sailed originally from Portsmouth on this unfortunate and ill-conducted voyage, scarcely 40 got back to Plymouth, and many even of those died soon afterwards.

That no one may suspect that I have written in commendation of Pinteado from partiality or favour, otherwise than as warranted by truth, I have thought good to add copies of the letters which the king of Portugal and the infant his brother wrote to induce him to return to Portugal, at the time when, by the king's displeasure, and not owing to any crime or offence, he was enforced by poverty to come to England, where he first induced our merchants to engage in voyages to Guinea. All these writings I saw under seal in the house of my friend Nicholas Lieze, with whom Pinteado left them when he departed on his unfortunate voyage to Guinea.

But, notwithstanding these friendly letters and fair promises, Pinteado durst not venture to return to Portugal, neither indeed durst he trust himself in company with any of his own countrymen, unless in the presence of other persons, as he had secret intimation that they meant to have a.s.sa.s.sinated him, when time and place might serve their wicked purpose.

The papers alluded to in this concluding paragraph by Richard Eden, do not seem necessary to be inserted. They consist of, a commission or patent dated 22d September 1551, appointing Pinteado one of the knights of the royal household, with 700 _rees_, or ten s.h.i.+llings a month, and half a bushel of barley every day so long as he should keep a horse; but with an injunction not to marry for six years, lest he might have children to succeed in this allowance. The second doc.u.ment is merely a certificate of registration of the first. The third is a letter from the infant, Don Luis, brother to the king of Portugal, dated 8th December 1552, urging Pinteado to return to Lisbon, and intimating that Peter Gonzalvo, the bearer of the letter, had a safe conduct for him in due form. From the introduction to these papers, it appears that Pinteado had suffered long disgrace and imprisonment, proceeding upon false charges, and had been at last set free by means of the king's confessor, a grey friar, who had manifested his innocence.--E.

SECTION III.

_Voyage to Guinea, in 1554, by Captain John Lok_[198].

As in the first voyage of the English to Guinea, I have given rather the order of the history than the course of navigation, of which I had then no perfect information; so in this second voyage my chief purpose has been to shew the course pursued, according to the ordinary custom and observation of mariners, and as I received it from the hands of an expert pilot, who was one of the chiefest in this voyage[199], who with his own hand wrote a brief journal of the whole, as he had found and tried in all things, not conjecturally, but by the art of navigation, and by means of instruments fitted for nautical use[200]. Not a.s.suming therefore to myself the commendations due to another, neither having presumed in any part to change the substance or order of this journal, so well observed by art and experience, I have thought fit to publish it in the language commonly used by mariners, exactly as I received it from that pilot[201].

[Footnote 198: Hakluyt, II. 470. Astl 1.114. In the first edition of Hakluyt's collection, this voyage is given under the name of Robert Gainsh, who was master of the John Evangelist, as we learn by a marginal note at the beginning of the voyage in both editions.--Astl. I. 144. a.]

[Footnote 199: Perhaps this might be Robert Gainsh, in whose name the voyage was first published.--Astl. I. 144. b.]

[Footnote 200: Yet the lat.i.tudes he gives, if observed, are by no means exact.--Astl.

In this version we have added the true lat.i.tudes and longitudes in the text between brackets; the longitude from Greenwich always understood.--E.]

[Footnote 201: This is the exordium, written by Richard Eden, from whose work it was adopted by Hakluyt, yet without acknowledgement. In the t.i.tle, it appears that this expedition was fitted out as the joint adventure of Sir George Barne, Sir John York, Thomas Lok, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin.--E.]

On the 11th October 1554, we departed from the river Thames with three good s.h.i.+ps. One of these named the Trinity, was of 140 tons burden; the second, called the Bartholomew, was 90 tons; and the third, called the John Evangelist, was 140 tons. With these three s.h.i.+ps and two pinnaces, one of which was lost on the coast of England, we staid fourteen days at Dover, and three or four days at Rye, and lastly we touched at Dartmouth. Departing on the 1st November, at 9 o'clock at night, from the coast of England, off the Start point, and steering due south-west all that night, all next day, and the next night after, till noon of the 3d, we made our way good, running 60 leagues. The morning of the 17th we had sight of the island of Madeira, which to those who approach from N.N.E. seems to rise very high, and almost perpendicular in the west. To the S.S.E. is a long low land, and a long point with a saddle through the midst of it, standing in 32 N. [lat. 32 30' N. long. 16 12' W.]

And in the west part are many springs of water running down from the mountain, with many white fields like fields of corn, and some white houses in the S.E. part. Also in this part is a rock at a small distance from the sh.o.r.e, over which a great gap or opening is seen in the mountain.

The 19th at noon we had sight of the isles of Palma, Teneriffe, and Grand Canarea. The isle of Palma rises round, and stretches from S.E. to N.W. the north-west part being lowest. In the south is a round hill over the head-land, with another round hill behind and farther inland.

Between the S.E. end of Madeira and the N.W. part of the island of Palma, the distance is 57 leagues[202], Palma being in 28. [lat. 28 45' N. long 17 45' W.] Our course between the S.E. end of Madeira and the N.W. part of Palma was S. and S. by W. so that we had sight of Teneriffe and the Grand Canary. The S.E. part of Palma and N.N.E. of Teneriffe lie S.E. and N.W. [rather E. and W.] distance 20 leagues [33 leagues.] Teneriffe and Grand Canarea, with the west part of Fuertaventura, stand in 27 30'[203]. Gomera is a fair island, but very rugged, W.S.W. from Teneriffe, the pa.s.sage between running from N. by W.

to S. by E. In the south part of Gomera is a town and good road-stead, in lat. 28 N. Teneriffe is a mountainous island, with a great high peak like a sugar-loaf, on which there is snow all the year, and by that peak it may be known from all other islands. On the 20th November we were there becalmed from six in the morning till four in the afternoon. On the 22d November, being then under the tropic of Cancer, the sun set W.

and by S. On the coast of Barbary, 25 leagues N. of Cape Blanco, at 3 leagues from sh.o.r.e, we had 15 fathoms water on a good sh.e.l.ly bottom mixed with sand, and no currents, having two small islands in lat. 22 20' N.[7] From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is 100 leagues, [116] the course being S. by E. That cape is in lat. 22 30, [22 15'] all the coast thereabout being flat, and having 16 and 17 fathoms off sh.o.r.e. All the way from the river del Oro to Cape Barbas, at 7 or 8 leagues off sh.o.r.e, many Spaniards and Portuguese employ themselves in fis.h.i.+ng during the month of November, the whole of that coast consisting of very low lands. From Cape Barbas we held a course S.S.W. and S.W. by S. till we came into lat. 20 30', reckoning ourselves 7 leagues off sh.o.r.e, and we there came to the least shoals of Cape Blanco. We then sailed to the lat. of 13 N. reckoning ourselves 20 leagues off; and in 15 _we did rear the crossiers_, or cross stars, and might have done so sooner if we had looked for them. They are not right across in the month of November, as the nights are short there, but we had sight of them on the 29th of that month at night. The 1st of December, being in lat. 13 N. we set our course S. by E. till the 4th at noon, when we were in 9 20'

reckoning ourselves 30 leagues W.S.W. from the shoals of the Rio Grande, which extend for 30 leagues. On the 4th, being in 6 30', we set our course S.E. The 9th we changed our course E.S.E. The 14th, being in lat.

5 30' and reckoning ourselves 36 leagues from the coast of Guinea, we set our course due E. The 19th, reckoning ourselves 17 leagues from Cape Mensurado, we set our course E. by N. the said cape being E.N.E. of us, and the river Sesto E. The 20th we fell in with Cape Mensurado or Mesurado, which bore S.E. 2 leagues distant. This cape may be easily known, as it rises into a hummock like the head of a porpoise. Also towards the S.E. there are three trees, the eastmost being the highest, the middle one resembling a hay-stack, and that to the southward like a gibbet. Likewise on the main there are four or five high hills, one after the other, like round hummocks. The south-east of the three trees is _brandiernaure?_ and all the coast is a white sand. The said cape stands within a little of six degrees [lat. 6 20' N. long. 10 30' W.]

The 22d we came to the river Sesto or Sesters, where we remained till the 29th, and we thought it best to send our pinnace before us to the Rio Dulce, that they might begin the market before the arrival of the John Evangelist. At the river Sesto, which is in six degrees less one terce, or 5 40', we got a ton of grains[205]. From Rio Sesto to Rio Dulce the distance is 25 leagues, Rio Dulce being in 5 30' N. The Rio Sesto is easily known by a ledge of rocks to the S.E. of the road[206], and at the mouth of the river are five or six trees without leaves. It is a good harbour, but the entrance of the river is very narrow, and has a rock right in the mouth. All that coast, between Cape Mount and Cape Palmas, lies S.E. by E. and N.W. by N. being three leagues offsh.o.r.e[207], and there are rocks in some places two leagues off, especially between the river Sesto and Cape Palmas.

[Footnote 202: The real distance is 84 marine leagues, 20 to the degree.--E.]

[Footnote 203: The parallel of lat. 28 N. goes through the centre of Grand Canarea, touching the southern point of Teneriffe, and just keeping free of the S.W. point of Fuertaventura.--E.]

[204][Footnote 204: 7 Cape Blanco is in lat. 20 50' N. 25 leagues to the north, would only reach to lat. 22 5'; exactly almost in 22 is the small island of Pedro de Agale.--E.]

[Footnote 205: In the preceding voyage grains have been explained as Guinea pepper, a species of capsic.u.m.--E.]

[Footnote 206: Rock Sesters is in long. 9 20' W.]

[Footnote 207: This is not intelligible, unless meant that s.h.i.+ps may anchor for three leagues from the sh.o.r.e.--E.]

Between the river Sesto and the river Dulce are 25 leagues. Between them and 8 leagues from Sesto river is a high land called _Cakeado_, and S.E.

from it a place called _Shawgro_, and another called _Shyawe_ or _Shavo_, where fresh water may be had. Off Shyawe lies a ledge of rocks, and to the S.E. is a headland named _Croke_, which is 9 or 10 leagues from Cakeado. To the S.E. is a harbour called St Vincent, right over against which is a rock under water, two and a half leagues from sh.o.r.e.

To the S.E. of this rock is an island 3 or 4 leagues off, and not above a league from sh.o.r.e, and to the S.E. of the island is a rock above water, and past that rock is the entrance of the river Dulce, which may be known by that rock. The N.W. side of the haven is flat sand, and the S.E. side is like an island, being a bare spot without any trees, which is not the case in any other place. In the road s.h.i.+ps ride in 13 or 14 fathoms, the bottom good ouse and sand. The marks for entering this road are to bring the island and the north-east land in one. We anch.o.r.ed there on the last day of December 1554, and on the 3d of January 1555 we came from the Rio Dulce. _Cape Palmas_ is a fair high land, some low parts of which by the waterside seem red cliffs, with white streaks like highways, a cables length each, which is on the east side of the Cape.

This is the most southerly land on the coast of Guinea, and is in lat.

4 25' N. From Cape Palmas to Cape _Three-points_ or _Tres puntas_, the whole coast is perfectly safe and clear, without rock or other danger.

About 25 leagues to the eastward of Cape Palmas the land is higher than in any other place till we come to Cape Three-points, and about ten leagues westward from that Cape the land begins to rise, and grows higher all the way to the point. Also about 5 leagues west from that Cape there is some broken ground with two great rocks, within which, in the bight of a bay, there is a castle called _Arra_ belonging to the king of Portugal, which is readily known by these rocks, as there are none other between Cape Palmas and Cape Three-points. The coast trends E. by N. and W. by S. From Cape Palmas to Arra castle is 95 leagues, and from thence to the western point of Cape Three-points it is S.E. by S.

and N.W. by N. This western point of Cape Three-points is low land, stretching half a mile out to sea, and on the neck nearest the land is a tuft of trees.

We arrived at Cape Three-points on the 11th January, and came next day to a town called _Samma_ or _Samua_, 8 leagues beyond, towards E.N.E.

there being a great ledge of rocks a great way out to sea between Cape Three-points and that town. We remained four days off that town, the captain of which desired to have a pledge on sh.o.r.e, but on receiving one he kept him, and refused to continue trade, even shooting his ordnance at us, of which he only had two or three pieces[208]. On the 16th of the month we came to a place called Cape _Corea_[209], where dwelt Don John, and where we were well received by his people. This Cape Corea is 4 leagues eastward from the castle of _Mina_. We arrived there on the 18th of the month, making sale of all our cloth except two or three packs. On the 26th we weighed anchor and went to join the Trinity, which was 7 leagues to the eastwards of us, and had sold most of her wares. Then the people of the Trinity willed us to go 8 or 9 leagues farther to the east, to sell part of their wares at a place called _Perecow_, and another called _Perecow-grande_, still farther east, which is known by a great hill near it called _Monte Rodondo_ lying to the westwards, and many palm trees by the water side. From thence we began our voyage homewards on the 13th of February, and plied along the coast till we came within 7 or 8 leagues of Cape Three-points. About 8 in the afternoon of the 15th we cast about to seawards. Whoever shall come from the coast of Mina homewards, ought to beware of the currents, and should be sure of making his way good as far west as Cape Palmas, where the current sets always to the eastwards. About 20 leagues east of Cape Palmas is a river called _De los Potos_, where abundance of fresh water and ballast may be had, and plenty of ivory or elephants teeth, which river is in four degrees and almost two terces, or 4 40' N. When you reckon to be as far west as Cape Palmas, being in lat. 1 or 1 30' N.

you may then stand W. or W. by N. till in lat. 3 N. Then you may go W.

or N.W. by W. till in lat. 5 N. and then N.W. In lat. 6 N. we met northerly winds and great ruffling tides, and as far as we could judge the current set N.N.W. Likewise between Cape Mount and Cape Verd there are great currents, which are very apt to deceive.

[Footnote 208: The pledge was nephew to Sir John Yorke.--_Eden_.]

[Footnote 209: From the context, this seems to have been the place now called Cape Coast.--E.]

On the 22d of April we were in lat. 8 40' N. and continued our course to the north-west, having the wind at N.E. and E.N.E. sometimes at E.