A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Viii Part 28

He now gave me a letter to read from Captain Downton, dated long before at Aden, saying, that two of his merchants and his purser had been detained on sh.o.r.e,[326] and that they could not get them released, without landing merchandize, and paying 1500 Venetian chequins for anchorage. After I had read the letter, the aga desired to know its purport, which I told him. He then informed me that the s.h.i.+p, since the writing of that letter, had been cast away on a rock, and all her goods and men lost. He then commanded me to write a letter to the people in my large s.h.i.+p to know how many Turks were detained in the small one. I said that was needless, as he had already sent me word the small s.h.i.+p was taken. To this he replied, that she was once taken, but the large s.h.i.+p had rescued her. He then ordered me to write a letter, commanding all the people of the large s.h.i.+p to come ash.o.r.e, and to deliver the large s.h.i.+p and her goods into his hands, when he would give us the small s.h.i.+p to carry us home. I said it would be folly to write any such thing, as those who were aboard and at liberty would not be such fools as to forsake their s.h.i.+p and goods, and come ash.o.r.e to be slaves, merely for my writing them. He said he was sure if I wrote such a letter, they durst not disobey me. When I told him plainly I would write no such letter, he urged me again, threatening to cut off my head if I refused.

I bade him do so, in which he would give me pleasure, being weary of my life. He then asked what money we had in the s.h.i.+p, and what store of victuals and water? I said we had but little money, being only for purchasing victuals, not merchandize, and that we had enough of victuals and water for two years, which he would not believe.

[Footnote 326: Besides these, twenty more were treacherously betrayed at Aden, having leave given them to go onsh.o.r.e for business.--_Purch_.]

I was now taken out of my chain and collar, having a large pair of fetters put upon my legs, with manacles on my wrists; and being separated from the rest of my company, I was bestowed all that day in a dirty dog-kennel under a stair; but at night, at the entreaty of Shermall, consul of the Banians, I was taken to a better room, and allowed to have one of my men along with me who spoke Turkish; yet my bed was the hard ground, a stone my pillow, and my company to keep me awake were grief of heart and a mult.i.tude of rats. About midnight came the lieutenant of the aga with the _trugman_,[327] entreating me to write a letter on board to enquire how many Turks they had prisoners, and what were their names; but in no case to write any thing of the loss of our men, and the hard usage we had met with; but to say we were detained in the aga's house till orders came from the pacha, and that we wanted for nothing. This letter I wrote exactly as they wished; but commanded them to look well to their s.h.i.+ps and boats, and by no means to let any of their men come ash.o.r.e. Taking this letter with them, they examined two or three of my men apart as to its meaning.

[Footnote 327: Or interpreter, now commonly called dragoman, druggeman, or trucheman, all of which are corruptions from the Arabic _tarijman_.--Astl. I. 366. a.]

They could not at first get any one who would venture on board, so that my first letter was not sent. But at length a person, who was born at Tunis, in Barbary, and spoke good Italian, undertook to carry a letter, providing I would write to use him well. I wrote again as they desired, which was taken on board and answered, saying, that all the Turks were slain or drowned, save one, named _Russwan_, a common soldier; in this answer they expressed their satisfaction to hear that I was alive; as Russwan told them he believed I and all the rest were slain. We continued in this misery till the 15th December, never hearing any thing from the s.h.i.+ps nor they from us. The aga came several times to me, sometimes with threats and sometimes soothing, to have me write for all my people to come ash.o.r.e and deliver up the s.h.i.+ps; but I always answered him as before. He was in hopes our s.h.i.+ps would be forced, for want of water and provisions, to surrender to him, knowing they could not have a wind to get out of the straits till May, and would by no means believe me that they were provided for two years.

In the mean time they in the s.h.i.+ps were at their wits end, hearing nothing from us ash.o.r.e, and not knowing well what to do. They rode very insecurely in an open anchorage, the wind blowing continually hard at S.S.E. inclosed all round with shoals, and their water beginning to fail, as we had started fifty tons in our large s.h.i.+p to lighten her when we got aground. While in this perplexity, an honest true-hearted sailor, named John Chambers, offered to go ash.o.r.e and see what was become of us, putting his life and liberty at stake, rather than see the people so much at a loss. He effected this on the 15th December, being set ash.o.r.e upon a small island with a flag of truce, a little to windward of the town, having one of our Indians along with him as an interpreter. On being carried before the aga, who asked him how he durst come on sh.o.r.e without leave, he said he came with a flag of truce, and was only a messenger, which was permitted among enemies. Being asked what message he had to deliver, he said a letter for his general, and likewise, if allowed, to see and enquire how we all did. He and the Indian were strictly examined as to the store of provisions and water on board, when both answered as I had done, that there was enough of both for two years.

Chambers was then brought to my dark cell, and could not for some time see me on coming out of the light. He delivered me the letter with watery eyes, on seeing me so fettered, both hands and feet being in irons. When he had told me how he came ash.o.r.e, I told him I hardly thought they would let him off again; as, not many days before, a man who brought a letter for me from the Pepper-corn was detained a prisoner, being neither allowed to return nor to go aboard the s.h.i.+ps in the roads. His answer was, that before leaving the s.h.i.+p he had made up his mind to submit to the same hard fate as I did, if they were so villainous as to detain him who was only a messenger. The 16th I wrote an answer, and delivered it to Chambers, and, contrary to my expectation, they let him and the Indian return, with leave to come again next day if they had occasion. Next day accordingly, Chambers returned alone, for the Indian was so terrified that he durst not venture again. My man sent me various things by Chambers, but the aga was my receiver, thinking them too good for me.

While daily expecting orders from the pacha to put us to death, or to make us perpetual prisoners or slaves, on the 20th December an aga came down from Zenan, who was captain, or chief of the _chiauses_, with orders to bring us all up there. Being desirous to see me and my company, three chairs were brought into my prison, on which Regib aga, Ismael aga, the messenger, and Jaffer aga, seated themselves. Regib aga began by asking, how I dared to come into that country so near their holy city, without a pa.s.s from the Turkish emperor? I answered, that the king my master was in peace and amity with the Grand Turk, and that by the treaty between them, trade was allowed to us in all his dominions, of which this being a part, we needed no pa.s.s. He then said, that this place being the door, as it were, of their holy city, was not lawful for any Christians to enter; and then asked me if I did not know the grand signior had a long sword? I answered, we were not taken by the sword, but by treachery; and if I and my people were aboard, I would not care for the length of his sword, nor for all their swords. He then said, this was proudly spoken; and, as formerly, desired I would write, commanding all my people to come ash.o.r.e, and surrender themselves and s.h.i.+ps to the pacha, to which I answered as formerly. Ismael aga now broke off this idle discourse, by telling me, he came from the pacha with express orders to conduct me and all my people to Zenan, and therefore advised me to send aboard for warm clothing, as we should find it very cold in the mountains. I requested him that my poor men might be sent aboard s.h.i.+p, and that only I and a few more should go up to Zenan.

He said, it was not in his power to remedy this, as the pacha had ordered all to go; but Regib aga said I should have my wish, and that I and five more should go to Zenan, the rest remaining where they were till farther orders from the pacha. This same day, the 20th December, Captain Downton came in the Pepper-corn to Mokha roads from Aden; and learning this, I wrote him a letter, giving him my opinion of what was best for him to do, he being commander in my absence.

-- 3. _Journey of Sir Henry Middleton to Zenan, in the Interior of Yemen, or Arabia Felix, with some Description of the Country, and Occurrences till his Return to Mokha_.

The 22d December, our irons were all taken off our legs, except the carpenters and smiths, who were detained at Mokha to set up our pinnace, and some sick men who were unable to travel. I and thirty-four of my people were destined to go up to Zenan, the chief city of the kingdom,[328] where the pacha resided. About four p.m. of the 22d we left Mokha, myself and Mr Femell being on horseback, and all the rest of my people upon a.s.ses. About ten at night, when ten or twelve miles from Mokha, Mr Pemberton slipped away. We missed him immediately, but said not a word, aiding his escape with our prayers to G.o.d to speed him safe aboard. About one hour after midnight, we came to an inn or town, called _Mowssie_, when we were counted, but Pemberton was not missed. We remained here till four in the afternoon of the 23d, when, at our coming out to depart, we were again counted, and one was now found wanting. The aga asked me how many of us left Mokha, on which I answered, thirty-four, as I thought, but I was not certain. He insisted there certainly were thirty-five, and that one was now missing; on which I said that was more than I knew.

[Footnote 328: Zenan, or Sanaa, is a city in the interior of Yemen, or Yaman, in lat. 16 45' N. and long. 46 E. from Greenwich; being about 250 miles N.N.E. from Mokha, and about 150 miles N.N.W. from the nearest coast of the Indian ocean, situated on one of the very few rivers that are to be found in Arabia.--E.]

I ought to have mentioned, that, while a prisoner at Mokha, I found much kindness from one Hamet aga, who sent me various presents, encouraging me to be of good comfort, as my cause was good. He sent a supply of bread for me and my people on the journey, and gave me letters for the kiahya of the pacha. The consul likewise of the Banians came every day to visit me, and never empty handed; and Tookehar was our great friend all the time we were prisoners, sending every day to each man, fifty-one in all, two cakes of white bread, and a quant.i.ty of dates or plantains.

He went away from Mokha for Zenan two days before us, promising me to use his beat endeavours with the pacha for our good; and I believe he did what he said, for I was told by several persons at Zenan, that he laboured hard in our business, both with the pacha and the kiahya, which latter was a very discreet person, and governed the kingdom.

On Christmas day we arrived at the city of _Tyes_, four days journey from Mokha, where we were marshalled two and two together, as they do at _Stambol_[329] with captives taken in the wars, our aga riding in triumph, as a great conqueror. We were met a mile out of town by the chief men of the place on horseback, mult.i.tudes of people standing all the way gazing and wondering at us; and this was done at all the cities and towns through which we pa.s.sed. A youth belonging to Mr Pemberton fell sick at this town, and had to be left in charge of the governor, being unable to travel.

[Footnote 329: Stambola, Stamboli, Stamboul, vulgar names in the east for Constantinople, is a correction and corruption of [Greek] which the Greeks used to say when going to Constantinople, i.e. _to the city_, by way of especial eminence above all other cities.--_Purch_.]

I kept no journal all the way from Tyes to Zenan; but this I well remember, that it was exceedingly cold all that part of the journey, our lodging being the cold ground, and every morning the ground was covered with h.o.a.r frost. I would not believe at Mokha when I was told how cold was the upper country, but experience taught me, when too late, to wish I had come better provided. I bought fur gowns for most of my men, who were slenderly clothed, otherwise I think they would have starved. Zenan is, as I judge, about 180 miles N.N.W. from Mokha.[330] It is in lat.

16 15', as I observed by an instrument I made there. We were fifteen days between Mokha and Zenan. The 5th of January, 1611, two hours before day, we came within two miles of Zenan, where we had to sit on the bare ground till day-light, and were much pinched by the cold, and so benumbed that we could hardly stand. Every morning the ground was covered with h.o.a.r frost, and in Zenan we have had ice an inch thick in one night, which I could not have believed unless I had seen it.

[Footnote 330: See a former note, in which its geographical relation to Mokha is given on the authority of our latest and best maps.--E.]

About a mile from the town, we were met by the _subasha_, or sheriff, with at least 200 shot, accompanied by drums and trumpets. We were now drawn up in single file, or one behind the other, at some distance, to make the greater shew, our men having their gowns taken from them, and being forced to march on foot in their thin and ragged suits. The soldiers led the way, after whom went our men one by one, our trumpeters being next before me, and commanded by the aga to sound, but I forbade them. After our trumpeters, came Mr Femell and I on horseback; and lastly, came the aga riding in triumph, with a richly caparisoned spare horse led before him. In this order we were led through the heart of the city to the castle, all the way being so thronged with people that we could hardly get through them. At the first gate there was a good guard of armed soldiers; at the second were two great pieces of cannon on carriages. After pa.s.sing this gate, we came into a s.p.a.cious court yard, twice as long as the Exchange at London. The soldiers discharged their pieces at this gate, and placed themselves, among many others there before them, on the two sides, leaving a lane for us to walk through. Mr Femell and I alighted at this gate, and placed ourselves on one side along with our men, but he and I were soon ordered to attend upon the pacha, it being their _divan_ day, or meeting of the council. At the upper end of the court-yard, we went up a stair of some twelve steps, at the top of which two great men came and held me by the wrists, which they griped very hard, and led me in this manner to the pacha, who was seated in a long s.p.a.cious gallery, many great men standing on each side of him, and others stood on each side all along this gallery, making a good shew, the floor being all covered with Turkey carpets.

When I came within two yards of the pacha, we were commanded to stop.

The pacha then, with a frowning and angry countenance, demanded of what country I was, and what brought me into these parts? I answered, that I was an Englishman and a merchant, a friend to the grand signior, and came to seek trade. He then said, it was not lawful for any Christian to come into that country, and he had already given warning to Captain Sharpey for no more of our nation to come hither. I told him Captain Sharpey was cast away on the coast of India, and did not get to England to tell us so; which, if we had known, we had never put ourselves to the trouble we were now in; that Regib aga had imposed upon us, saying, we were welcome into the country, and that we should have as free trade as in any part of Turkey, with many other fair promises; and, contrary to his word, had a.s.saulted us with armed soldiers, had murdered several of my men, and made me and others prisoners. He said Regib aga was no more than his slave, and had no power to pa.s.s his word to me without his leave, and that what had befallen me and my people was by his orders to Regib aga; he having such orders from the grand signior so to chastise all Christians that dared to come into these parts. I told him we had already received great harm, and if it pleased him to let us return to our s.h.i.+ps, what we had suffered would be a sufficient warning for our nation never to return again into his country. He answered, that he would not allow us to depart, but that I should write to the amba.s.sador of our nation at Constantinople, and he would write to the grand signior, to know his pleasure as to what was to be done with us, or whether he chose to permit us to trade or no.

The pacha then dismissed me, desiring me to go to the lodging that was appointed for me, taking four or five of my people with me at my choice.

These men and I were conveyed to the jailor's house, while all the rest were committed to the common prison, where they were all heavily ironed.

At the time when I was taken before the pacha, one of our youths fainted, thinking I was led away to be beheaded, and that his turn would soon follow. He sickened immediately, and died shortly after. The 6th, I was sent for to breakfast with the kiabya, or lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and after breakfast, I gave him a particular account of the vile treachery that had been practised against me by Regib aga. He desired me to be of good cheer, not thinking of what was past, which could not be remedied, as he hoped all would go well in the end, for which his best endeavours to do me good should not be wanting. Shermall, the Banian at Mokha, had made this man my friend. The 7th, I was sent for again by the kiabya to his garden, where he feasted Mr Femell and me, telling me that I and my people should be soon set at liberty, and sent back to Mokha, where all my wrongs should be redressed, as he was resolved to stand my friend. This declaration was made before many of the princ.i.p.al persons, both Turks and Arabs, his only inducement being for G.o.d's sake, as he pretended, but I well knew it was in hopes of a reward. The letter of Hamet aga to this man did us much good.

At this time there came to Zenan a Moor of Cairo, who was an old acquaintance of the pacha, and had lent him large sums at his first coming from Constantinople very poor. This man was our next neighbour in Mokha at the time when we were betrayed, and had a s.h.i.+p in the road of Mokha, bound for India, which he feared our s.h.i.+ps would have taken in revenge of our injuries, but as she was allowed peaceably to depart, he became our great friend. He wrote a letter in our behalf to the pacha, blaming him for using us so ill, and saying he would destroy the trade of the country by such conduct. On coming now to the pacha, he repeated what he had written and much more, urging him to return me all my goods, and to send me and my people away contented. His influence prevailed much; as when the pacha sent for us, it was his intention to have put me to death, and to make slaves of all the rest. Of all this I was informed by Shermall and Hamet Waddy, who were both present when the letter was read, and at the conference between the pacha and him. This Hamet Waddy is a very rich Arabian merchant, residing in Zenan, and is called the pacha's merchant: He was much our friend, in persuading the pacha to use us kindly and permit us to depart.

The 8th January, I represented to the pacha, that at my coming away, from Mokha, I had ordered the commanders of my s.h.i.+ps to forbear hostilities for twenty-five days, and afterwards to use their discretion, unless they heard farther from me. And as the time was almost expired, I requested he would enable me to write them some encouraging news, to stay them from doing injury to Mokha. The 11th, I was sent for to the kiahya, who told me my business was ended satisfactorily, and that the only delay now was in waiting for the rest of my people coming from Aden, immediately after which we should be sent to Mokha. The 17th, Mr Fowler and eighteen more of the company of the Pepper-corn arrived at Zenan from Aden, and were carried before the pacha, who asked them the same question he had done me. Afterwards, Mr Fowler, John Williams, and Robert Mico were sent to keep me company, and all the rest to the common prison with my other men, where they were all put in irons. Their only allowance from the pacha was brown bread and water, and they had all died of hunger if I had not relieved them.

The 25th, I was sent for to the kiahya's garden, where we spent some hours in conference. He told me I was to accompany him to the pacha, and advised me to sooth him with fair words. The chief cause of this man being our friend was, that I had promised him 1500 sequins after we were delivered, which I had done through Shermall, the consul of the Banians, after a long negotiation. Mr Femell and I were brought to the pacha's garden, where we found him in a kiosk, or summer-house, sitting in a chair, the kiabya standing at his right hand, and five or six others behind him. The pacha asked me how I did, desiring me to be of good cheer, as I and my people should soon be sent to Mokha, where I and twenty-nine more were to remain till all the India s.h.i.+ps were come in, and the winds settled westerly, and then I and all my company should be allowed to embark and proceed on our voyage to India. I requested that he would not detain so many of us; but he answered, "Thirty have I said, and thirty shall remain." I then asked if our goods should be returned.

He answered no, for they were all put to the account of the grand signior. I asked if all my people should be allowed to depart at the time appointed. To which he answered, that not one should be detained, not even if I had a Turkish slave, and I might depend on his word.

Having given him thanks for his kindness, as counselled by the kiahya, he began to excuse himself; and to praise his own clemency, saying, it was happy for us we had fallen into his hands, as if it had been in the time of any of his predecessors, we had all suffered death for presuming to come so near their holy city. He said, what had been done was by order of the grand signior, proceeding upon the complaints of the pachas of Cairo and Swaken, and the sharif of Mecca, who represented that, when the Ascension and her pinnace were in the Red Sea, they had bought up all the choice goods of India, by which the Turkish customs were much diminished; and, if allowed to continue, it would ruin the trade of the Red Sea. Wherefore the grand signior had given orders, if any more Englishmen or other Christians came into these parts, to confiscate their s.h.i.+ps and goods, and to kill or reduce to slavery all their men they could get hold of.

In the mean time many of our people fell sick, and became weak through grief, cold, bad air, bad diet, wretched lodging, and heavy irons. I never ceased urging the kiahya, till he procured their liberations from the loathsome prison; so that on the 11th February they were freed from their irons, and had a house in the town to live in, with liberty to walk about. Next day the kiahya sent me six bullocks for my men, so that in a few days, with wholesome food and exercise, they recovered their former health and strength. The kiahya informed me, that Regib aga had written to the pacha to send us all down to Aden, to be there taken on board his s.h.i.+ps; by which means his town of Mokha, and the India s.h.i.+ps in pa.s.sing the _bab_[331] would be freed from the danger of suffering any harm from our s.h.i.+ps. This advice had nearly prevailed with the pacha, but was counteracted for our good by the kiahya.

[Footnote 331: This is the gate or straits of Bab-al-Mondub, or Babel Mandel, as corruptly called by Europeans.--Astl I. 372. a,]

Early in the morning of the 17th February, I and Mr Femell and others were sent for by the kiahya, and told that we were all to depart next morning for Mokha. After breakfast, he took us to the pacha to take leave. After again extolling his clemency and magnifying the power of the grand signior, he strictly enjoined me to come no more into those seas; saying, that no Christian or Lutheran should be allowed to come thither, even if they had the grand signior's pa.s.s. I requested, if any of our nation came there before I could give advice to England, that they might be permitted to depart quietly, and not betrayed as I had been: but this he positively refused to comply with. I then entreated him to write to Regib aga, to execute all that the pacha had promised me; for, being my mortal enemy, he would otherwise wrong me and my people. He answered with great pride, "Is not my word sufficient to overturn a city? If Kegib wrong you, I will pull his skin over his ears, and give you his head. Is he not my slave?" I then asked him for an answer to his majesty's letter, but he would give me none. On my departure, I told the kiahya that I had no weapon, and therefore desired leave to buy a sword, that I might not ride down like a prisoner. He acquainted the pacha with my request, who sent me one of his cast swords. The kiahya also gave me this morning an hundred pieces of gold of forty maydens, having before given me fifty. The 18th, I paid all the dues of the prison, and went to breakfast with the kiahya, where I received my dispatch, and a letter for the governor of Aden, to deliver the boat belonging to the Pepper-corn, I requested also his letter to the governor of Tyes, to restore Mr Pemberton's boy who was left sick there, and who, I had been informed, was forced to turn Mahometan. He wrote a letter and sealed it, but I know not its purport. I now took leave of the kiahya, and departed for Mokha; I, Mr Femell, and Mr Fowler, being mounted on horses, and alt the rest on a.s.ses or camels. We had two _chiautes_ to conduct us on the way, one a-horseback and the other a-foot.

The city of Zenan is somewhat larger than Bristol,[332] and is well built of stone and lime, having many churches or mosques. It is surrounded by a mud wall, with numerous battlements and towers. On the west side there is a great deal of spare ground enclosed within the walls, where the princ.i.p.al people have their gardens, orchards, and kiosks, or pleasure-houses. It stands in a barren stony valley, enclosed among high hills at no great distance, on one of which to the north, which overlooks the town, there is a small castle to keep off the mountaineers, who used from thence to offend the city. Its only water is from wells, which have to be dug to a great depth. Wood is very scarce and dear, being brought from a distance. The castle is at the east side of the city, and is enclosed with mudwalls, having many turrets, in which they place their watch every night, who keep such a continual hallooing to each other all night long, that one unaccustomed to the noise, can hardly sleep. The pacha and some other princ.i.p.al men dwell within the castle. The house of the keeper of the prison, in which I was confined, adjoins the wall, at the foot of which is a s.p.a.cious yard, where a great number of people, mostly women and children, are kept as pledges, to prevent their husbands, parents, and relations from rebelling. The boys while young run about loose in the yard, but when they come to any size, they are put in irons, and confined in a strong tower. The women and children dwell in little huts in the yard built on purpose, the children going mostly naked, unless when the weather is very cold, and then they have sheep-skin coats.

[Footnote 332: This is a most improper mode of description, as it is now impossible to say what size Bristol was then.--E.]

The first night of our journey we arrived at _Siam_, a small town, with a cattle, on the side of a hill, sixteen miles from Zenan, the country about being very barren. The 19th we came to _Surage_, a small village eighteen miles from Siam, in a very barren country. The people are very poor, and go almost naked, except a cloth round their middles reaching to their knees. The 20th, _Damare_, or _Dhamar_, a town built of stone and lime, but in five separate parts, like so many distinct villages. It stands in a s.p.a.cious plain or valley, abounding in water, and producing plenty of grain and other provisions. This town is twenty miles from Surage, and we remained here two days by order of Abdallah Chelabi, the Kiabys, who was governor of this province. The 22d we came to _Ermin_, a small village, about fifteen miles. The 23d, _Nakhil Sammar_, a common inn for travellers, called _Sensors_ by the Turks. There are many of these sensors between Mokha and Zenan, being built at the cost of the grand signior for the relief of travellers. This sensor stands in the middle of a very steep hill, called Nakhil Sammar, on the top of which is a great castle, in which the governor of the province resides, who is an Arabian; these craggy mountainous countries being mostly governed by Arabians, as the inhabitants of the mountains cannot brook the proud and insolent government of the Turks. No Turk may pa.s.s this way, either to or from Zenan, without a pa.s.sport from the governor of the province from which they come. This sensor is about fourteen miles from Ermin.

The 24th we came to _Mohader_, a small village at the foot of the great hill, thirteen miles from Nakhil Sammar. Our chiaus had a warrant from the pacha to take up a.s.ses for our men, and accordingly did so at this place over night; but next morning the Arabians lay in ambush in the way, and took back their a.s.ses, neither of our chiauses daring to give them one uncivil word. The 25th we came to _Rabattamaine_, a sensor, with a few small cottages and shops, on the side of a hill, sixteen miles. Here grow poppies, of which they make opium, but it is not good.

The 26th we came to a _coughe_[333] house, called _Merfadine_, in the middle of a plain, sixteen miles. The 27th, _Tayes,_ a city half as big as Zenan, surrounded by a mud wall. We staid here two days, in which time I did all I could to recover Mr Pemberton's boy, whom Hamet aga the governor had forced to become Mahometan, and would on no account part with him. Walter Talbot, who spoke the Turkish language, was allowed to converse with him in a chamber among other boys. He told Talbot that he was no Turk, but had been deluded by them, saying that I and all my people were put to death at Zenan, and that he must change his religion if he would save his life, but he refused: yet they carried him to a bagnio, where he was circ.u.mcised by force. Finding the aga would not deliver the boy, I gave him the kiahya's letter, desiring him to be given up if not turned; so he was refused. This city stands in a valley under very high hills, on the top of one of which is a fair strong castle. All kinds of provisions are here plentiful and cheap, and in the neighbourhood some indigo is made, but I could not learn what quant.i.ty or quality. This city is very populous, as indeed are all the cities and districts we pa.s.sed through.

[Footnote 333: It should rather be _Kahwah_ house, signifying a house where they sell coffee.--Astl. I. 373. c.]

The 1st March we came to _Eufras,_ sixteen miles through a mountainous and stony country. This is a small town on the side of a hill, to which many people resort from afar about the 5th of January, where they do some foolish ceremonies at the grave of one of their saints who is buried here, after which they all go on pilgrimage to Mecca. The governor of this town, though a Turk, used me very civilly on my going up to Zenan; and, on the present occasion, sent a person six miles to meet us at a place where two roads meet, to bring us to this town, where he used us kindly. The 2d we lodged at a sensor called _a.s.sambine,_ eleven miles, where were only a few poor cottages. The 3d to another sensor called _Accomoth,_ in a barren common, with a few cottages, thirteen miles. The 4th to _Mousa,_[334] seventeen miles, through a barren plain with few inhabitants. Mousa is a small unwalled town, but very populous, standing in a moderately fertile plain, in which some indigo is made. We departed from Mousa at midnight, and rested two or three hours at a church, or _coughe_ house,[335] called _Dabully_, built by a Dabull merchant Our stop was to avoid coming to Mokha before day.[336]

[Footnote 334: Probably the same place called _Mowssi_ on the journey inland.--E.]

[Footnote 335: It is not easy to reconcile this synonime of a _coughe_ house or church, with the explanation formerly given, that _coughe_ house means coffee-house; perhaps we ought to read in the text, a church or mosque, and a coughe or coffee-house.--E.]

[Footnote 336: The preceding journal gives fourteen stages, the estimated length of two of which are omitted. The amount of the twelve stages, of which the lengths are inserted, is 185 miles; and, adding thirty for the two others as the average, the whole estimated distance will be 215 miles. In these old times, the estimated or computed mile seems to have been about one and a half of our present statute mile, which would make the entire distance 322 statute miles; and allowing one quarter far deflexion and mountain road, reduces the inland distance of Zenau from Mokha to 242 miles, nearly the same already mentioned in a note, on the authority of our best modern maps.--E.]

We got there about eight in the morning, and were met a mile without the town by our carpenters and smiths, and some others who had remained at Mokha, all of whom had their irons taken off the day before, and were now at liberty to walk abroad. The first question I asked was, what was become of Mr Pemberton; when they told me, to my great satisfaction, that he contrived to get hold of a canoe, in which he got aboard. From the end of the town all the way to the aga's house, the people were very thick to see us pa.s.s, and welcomed us back to Mokha. On coming before the aga, I delivered the letters I brought from Zenan. He now received me in his original dissembled shew of kindness, bidding me welcome, and saying he was glad of my safe return, and sorry and ashamed for what was past, praying me to pardon him, as he had done nothing but as commanded by his master the pacha, and I might now a.s.sure myself of his friends.h.i.+p, and that all the commands of the pacha should be punctually obeyed. I soothed him with fair speech, but believed nothing of his promises. He called for breakfast, and made Mr Femell, Mr Fowler, and me sit down by him, desiring us to eat and be merry, for now we had eaten bread and salt with him, we need have no fear of harm.

After breakfast the aga appointed us a large fair house near the sea, in which we abode two days; but we were afterwards removed to a large strong house standing by itself in the court yard of a mosque in the middle of the town, where we were guarded by a captain and his company appointed for the charge. He watched himself all day, and at night our house was surrounded by his soldiers Mokha it a third part less than Tayes, situated close to the sea, in a salt barren sandy soil, and unwalled. The house of the governor is close to the sea, and beside it is a quay, or jetty; which advances a good way into the water, at which all boats from any s.h.i.+p are enjoined to land, lest they should defraud the customs. Close to the quay is a platform or battery, on which are about twelve bra.s.s cannon; and at the west end of the town is a fort with a similar number of ordnance. At our first coming, this fort was in ruins; but it had been since pulled down and new built. The Darling came into the roads this afternoon, and brought me news of the welfare of the rest, to my no small comfort after so many troubles.

The 6th March, Nakhada Malek Ambar, captain of a great s.h.i.+p of Dabul, came ash.o.r.e, accompanied by a great number of merchants, all of them being carried round the town in a kind of triumph, and were afterwards feasted by the aga. I likewise was sent for to this feast, and entertained with much seeming love and friends.h.i.+p. In presence of the whole company, the aga sent for the _Koran_, which he kissed, and voluntarily swore and protested that he had no ill will to me, but wished me all good, and would do every thing in his power to do me pleasure, being much grieved for the past, and his heart entirely free of malice or hatred. I returned him thanks, seemingly much satisfied with his protestations, though I gave no credit to them, but was forced to endure what I could not remedy, till G.o.d should please to provide better.

The 7th, the aga made a great feast at his garden-house for the Dabul merchants, to which I and Mr Femell were invited. The 8th we were all sent for by the aga, when thirty were selected to remain along with me a-land, and the rest, to the number of thirty-six, were sent on board the Darling. The 9th I had escaped, if I had not been more careful for those who had then been left behind than for myself. This day the Darling departed to the other s.h.i.+ps in an excellent road called _a.s.sab_, on the coast of Habash or Abyssinia, which they had found out during my absence, where they, were safe in all winds that blow in these seas, and where they had plenty of wood and water merely for the trouble of fetching. The water was indeed a little brackish, but it satisfied them who had been long in want on that necessary. The people of this country are as black as the Guinea negroes; those on the sea-coast being Mahometans, but those of the inland country are Christians, and subjects to Prester John. They go almost naked, having only a cloth round their waists and down to their knees. At the first coming of our people they were much afraid; but after becoming acquainted, and a mutual peace being sworn between them, they supplied our s.h.i.+ps with beeves, sheep, and goats, for money, at a reasonable rate; and, as they afterwards desired calico rather than money, I furnished them with it from Mokha, after which our s.h.i.+ps got refreshments much cheaper in truck than formerly for money, dealing faithfully and kindly with our people, though the Turks sought to make them inimical by means of barks, which pa.s.s to and fro. The king of this country on the sea-coast, who resides at a town on the coast called _Rahayta_, about forty miles south from _a.s.sab_, nearer the _bab_, sent some of his princ.i.p.al people with presents to the commanders of our s.h.i.+ps, who returned the compliment by sending him some presents by messengers of their own. He entertained these messengers very courteously, promising every thing his country afforded. The vulgar speech of this people is quite different from Arabic, but the better sort speak and write Arabic, in which language their law of Mahomet is written.

-- 4. _Sir Henry Middleton makes his Escape from the Turks, and forces them to make Satisfaction._

April 1st, 1611, the Darling departed from Mokha for a.s.sab, having permission of the aga to come over every ten days to see how I did. This unlooked-for kindness gave no hopes of being able to work my freedom.

Between and the fourth there came in two great s.h.i.+ps of Dabul, which, with the one here before, belonged to the governor of Dabul, who is a Persian, and a great merchant, having many slaves. Of these, Malek Ambar is one, who is in high credit with him, and had the management of all the goods in the three s.h.i.+ps. Ambar is a negro, born in _Habash_, and perhaps cost his master fifteen or twenty dollars; but now never goes out of doors without great troops of followers, like some great lord.[337]

[Footnote 337: We have here omitted the enumeration of many merchant s.h.i.+ps that arrived from various places, and of a caravan of merchants from Damascus, Sues, and Mecca, to make purchases from these s.h.i.+ps of India commodities.--E.]

The 11th, the aga and all the chief men of the town rode out at day-break to make merry at his garden-house, which gave me a fair opportunity of putting in practice what I had long projected, for Hamet aga and others had told me the pacha would not perform his promise unless for fear. I wrote, therefore, to Mr Pemberton, saying that I meant this day to make my escape on board, and that I would have myself conveyed to the boat in an empty cask; and desired, therefore, that he would send the boat in all speed manned with choice hands, and that he would send me some wine and spirits to make my keepers drunk, all which he punctually performed. Before I told Mr Femell of my intentions, I made him swear to be secret, and not to endeavour to persuade me from my intentions. I then gave him notice of what I meant to do, and that, if he and others would walk down to a certain place at the sea-side, I would not fail to take him and the rest in. I also told him that the carpenters were appointed to embark themselves at another place, where a boat lay on the beach, south from the town, with a mast and sail ready for the purpose, but were not to push off till they saw the Darling's boat away from the jetty.

All things fell out well for my purpose. The _subasha_, who was our guardian, and left in town only to look after me, fell to hard drinking at a _rack_ house. The boat being come, and my keepers all drunk, the subasha came home to our house about noon. I then sent away the carpenters, two and two only together to avoid suspicion, as if to walk, with orders to s.h.i.+ft for themselves in the appointed boat. Mr Femell, and those others I was to take in to leeward of the town, I ordered likewise to walk by twos at the sh.o.r.e, and to wait my coming for them.

Having given all these directions, I was put into my cask and safely carried to the boat, on which I gave immediate orders to bear up to leewards, where I took in Mr Fowler and ten more of our people. Mr Femell and others, being too late of coming out of town, were taken before they could get to the boat. Having got safe on board the Darling, we espied the boat with the carpenters coming towards us, in which four escaped, but a fifth was too long of coming to the boat, and, attempting to swim on board, was drowned.