A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Viii Part 32

Continuing our course for England, after losing all hope of rejoining the Hector and Thomas, we descried, on the 11th September, the coast of Wales to windward, and that of Ireland to leeward, and finding the winds so adverse that I could not make Milford Haven, and our wants allowing no long deliberation, I determined to go to Waterford. The 13th in the morning we descried the tower of _Whooke_, some three leagues from us, the only land-mark for Waterford river. At eight o'clock a.m. we saw a small boat coming out of the river, for which we made a waft, and it came to us, being a Frenchman bound to Wexford. I hired this boat to go again into the river, to give notice of our coming to the lieutenant of the port of Dungannon, to prevent delay, as owing to the narrowness of the channel it might endanger our s.h.i.+p at anchor in winding round. At noon we got up the river as high as the pa.s.sage.

I here found Mr Stephen Bonner of Lime with his bark, who had come here a-fis.h.i.+ng; and who, laying aside his own business, used the utmost diligence in doing the best he could for the ease and relief of our weak and sick people. The 18th I dispatched Mr Bonner for London with letters for the company, to give notice of our arrival and wants, that we might be supplied. The 21st, Doctor Lancaster, bishop of Waterford, very kindly came to visit me, bringing good cheer along with him, and gave us a sermon aboard, offering me the communion, which, being unprepared, I declined, yet thanked him for his good-will. The 10th,[368] Captain John Burrell came to visit me, and offered me money to supply my wants, if I would send one along with him for it to Cork; wherefore I sent away Mr Mullineux with Captain Burrell to Cork for the money.

[Footnote 368: From this date to the 6th October, there is some inexplicable error in the dates of the text.--E.]

On the 12th, Anthony Stratford, lieutenant of the fort at Waterford, having hired a villainous fellow, whom I had caused to be kept in prison at Waterford for misdemeanors, to swear any thing that suited his purpose to bring us under the predicament of piracy, and having obtained a warrant from the Earl of Ormond, came to the pa.s.sage, whence he sent a message desiring me to send my boat ash.o.r.e well manned, to fetch him and other gentlemen aboard to see my s.h.i.+p. But immediately on my boat coming aland, he apprehended my men, and coming himself on board, arrested me and my s.h.i.+p for piracy, and committed me to prison in the fort of Dungannon, giving strict charges that no person should be allowed to come near me without a warrant from him; and such as did come to me, he would have put to their oaths to say what conversation pa.s.sed between them and me. My man was sworn to carry no letters from me to any one, nor any to me; and several of my people were that night examined on oath, omitting no means to draw from them matter of accusation against me. I continued in prison till the morning of the 16th, when Stratford brought me a letter from his captain, Sir Lawrence Esmond, inviting me to meet him at the pa.s.sage. At that place I met Sir Lawrence and the Bishop of Waterford, who were come from the Earl of Ormond to replace me in my charge, and which at their earnest entreaty I again undertook.

The 23d, Master Mullineux, who had sent off letters to the company with notice of this troublesome affair, returned from Cork with money to supply my wants. The 25th, Mr Benjamin Joseph came to me in a small s.h.i.+p from Bristol, bringing men, money, and provisions for my supply, which we took in, making all haste to be gone. The 6th October we set sail from Waterford river. The 12th in the morning we were abreast of Beechy head, and at eight p.m. we anch.o.r.ed in Dover roads. The 13th we anch.o.r.ed in the Downs at ten a.m. near H.M.S. a.s.surance, saluting her with five pieces of cannon. Mr c.o.c.ket her master came immediately aboard, and again arrested my s.h.i.+p till farther orders from the lord high admiral; upon which I immediately sent off Mr Mullineux to London with letters to the company, informing them of my situation.

The 17th, Mr Adersley came down from the company, bringing me a letter from the directors, an order for the release of my s.h.i.+p, and Mr Punniat, a pilot, to take charge of her from the Downs. The 18th in the morning we set sail, and at six p.m. came to anchor in the road of _Gerend._ The 19th we got up to Tilbury, where we again anch.o.r.ed, and at ten a.m. next day came to anchor at Blackwall; where, in the afternoon, came down Mr Deputy and several members of the committee, to whom I delivered up my charge.

SECTION XIII.

_The Seventh Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, commanded by Captain Anthony Hippon_.[369]

INTRODUCTION.

"Purchas has given us two accounts of this voyage, one written by Nathaniel Marten, master's mate of the Globe, which was the only s.h.i.+p employed in this expedition, and the other by Mr Peter Williamson Floris, who went _cape merchant_, or chief factor, on this voyage. This account by Marten is chiefly filled with nautical remarks, and observations of the lat.i.tude and variation, which may make it very acceptable to navigators and geographers, while we are sensible it may appear dry to many others. For this reason, Purchas retrenched much of the journal, and to make amends subjoined that by Floris. As it is our design to give a complete body of English voyages, intermixed with those of other nations, we presume that our readers will not be displeased for meeting sometimes with relations that do not afford much entertainment, especially considering that though these may not be so acceptable to some, they may yet be very useful to others. In effect, some of the most valuable voyages are those which afford least pleasure in reading. The first navigators of every nation to foreign countries, were chiefly employed in discovering the untried coasts, and wrote for the instruction of those who were to visit the same places afterwards, till they became sufficiently known. For this reason it is, that the farther we advance the relations become the more agreeable; so that in a little time those who read only for pleasure will have no reason to complain."--_Astley_.

[Footnote 369: Purch. Pilgr. I. 314. Astl. I. 429.]

At the close of this voyage, Purchas makes the following remark: "I think these mere marine relations, though profitable to some, are to most readers tedious. For which cause, I have abridged this, to make way for the next, written by Mr Floris, a merchant of long Indian experience, out of whose journal I have taken the most remarkable actions of this voyage, being full of pleasant variety." But, as well observed by the editor of Astley's Collection, Purchas has rather curtailed than abridged, often leaving out whole paragraphs and inserting others in an abrupt and unconnected manner, pa.s.sing over places without any mention, and speaking of them afterwards as if they had been mentioned before. We have therefore used the farther liberty of still farther abridging his confused abridgment, yet so as not to omit any information that appeared at all interesting or useful.--E.

We weighed from Blackwell, in the good s.h.i.+p the Globe, on the 3d January, 1611, bound for the East Indies, and arrived at Saldanha the 21st May. Sailing thence on the 6th June, we pa.s.sed not far from Mozambique, Comora, and Pemba, and on the 31st July pa.s.sed before Point de Galle, in Ceylon. The 6th August we saw land from the topmast-head, and at 3 p.m. saw a tower or paG.o.da, and a s.h.i.+p bearing N.W. and came into eight fathoms about three leagues off sh.o.r.e, near Negapatam.

Continuing our course N. by E. we took on the 8th a boat belonging to San Thome. The 9th, at noon, the town of Meliapore bore N.N.W. two leagues off. The best mark by which to know this place is a high hill up the country. There is a shoal about two leagues south of Pullicatt, and about a mile or more from the sh.o.r.e, the N.E. end of it being about a league off. We went over the end of it in three fathoms; but if you keep in ten or twelve fathoms, you will always be safe. The 9th we anch.o.r.ed off Pullicatt, which bore from us W. by N. There is a cross to the north of the town, which may be seen between two and three miles offsh.o.r.e, but you cannot see the town. Not liking our situation, we weighed on the 10th, and stood farther north, and anch.o.r.ed again in eight fathoms, the cross now bearing W. by S. the western point W. by N.

and the northernmost point N.W. The 10th, at noon, the governor sent off a boat for our gentlemen, when Mr Brown and Mr Floris went on sh.o.r.e in our skiff which sunk when going over the bar; but, blessed be G.o.d, none of our men were drowned. Pullicatt is in 13 30',[370] the variation being 1 15'. The 15th Captain Hippon went ash.o.r.e to speak with the _governess_, and returned aboard with all the merchants on the 16th, as they could have no trade.

[Footnote 370: More correctly lat. 13 26' N. and long, 80 24' E. from Greenwich.--E]

We set sail the same day for Petepoly [_Pattapilly_,] and on the 18th, at five p.m. we made a tuft of trees near that place, bearing from us N.E. by E. six leagues off; and at seven p.m. we came to anchor in nine fathoms, the tuft being then N. by W. five leagues. The 19th we weighed early, and came to anchor again in five fathoms, two leagues from the tuft, which then bore E.N.E. Presently there came off to us two _gingathas_, or boats, by which our merchants sent a letter on sh.o.r.e; and, in the afternoon, another boat brought off a messenger from the sabandar, who sent off two boats next day for our merchants, when Messrs Floris, Essington, and Lucas went ash.o.r.e, together with Adam Dounton, the purser's mate, and one named Lemon. The 21st, our merchants sent off a letter, saying they were kindly entertained. The 28th, Mr Floris and Simon Evans came aboard, when we weighed for Masulipatam, in the road of which place we arrived on the 30th, anchoring in three fathoms and a foot; the great tree, which is the mark for the road, bearing from us W.N.W. the southermost land S.W. by S. and the northermost N.E. by E.

The 31st, Mr Floris, Mr Essington, Simon Evans, Cuthbert Whitfield, and Arthur Smith, went ash.o.r.e in our skiff to remain. I made the lat.i.tude to be 15 57' and that of Pattapilly 15 49'.[371]

[Footnote 371: The lat.i.tude of Masulipatam is 16 5' N. but that mentioned in the text seems to apply to some point not well defined, to the southwards. The lat.i.tude of Pattapilly appears to have been taken with sufficient accuracy.--E.]

We weighed from Pattapilly road on the 11th February, 1612, intending to proceed for Bantam, and came to anchor in the road of that place on the 26th April, about four p.m. in three and a half fathoms; Pulo-ponian bearing N. Pulo-tando N.W. by N. Polo-duo E.S.E. the western point of Pulo-range N.W. by N. northerly, and its uttermost point E, by N.

northerly; the eastermost island, called Pulo-lima, joining to the western point of Java. Immediately after anchoring, Mr Spalding and two others came aboard. Our merchants came on board on the 31st May, about four p.m. and we set sail that night about nine, steering N.N.E. with the wind at S. In the morning of the 1st June, the wind veered to eastwards, and then to the north, with foul gusty weather, when we bore up and anch.o.r.ed under Pulo-tando, in nineteen fathoms, half a league from the sh.o.r.e. Between five and six next morning we again weighed, with the wind at S.E. steering N.N.W. the nearest land being S.W. six leagues off, which was a woody island about four miles long, off which was a ledge of rocks, or a sand-bank. About eight a.m. I espied from the topmast-head Lucapara, eight leagues off. The 7th, about ten a.m. we raised the hill of Mompyne N.E. eight leagues off, after which we never had less than ten fathoms. The 11th we were in lat. 1 N. and next morning from the topmast-head I espied the high land of Bintam, W. by N.

some twelve leagues off.

The 4th August, at night, we weighed from Patane roads,[372] with the wind at S.S.W. and steered away N.W. by W. for Siam, where we arrived on the 14th, and anch.o.r.ed in five fathoms, having the southermost island S.

by E. of us, the eastermost E. by S. and the river's mouth N. by W. The 3d November we weighed out of the bay, where we left our men, and graved our s.h.i.+p, and hauled off from the west to S.S.E. to get clear of the island, and so steered away. The 4th, at noon, I made the s.h.i.+p to be in the lat. of 12 30', having run in twenty-three hours only twenty-five leagues, making our course S. by W. with the wind northerly. We arrived at Patane on the 11th.

[Footnote 372: By careless abridgement, Purchas omits their arrival here; and, owing to his inconclusive narrative of the navigation, we have here omitted a good deal of the nautical remarks, which are quite unconnected in the Pilgrims, and therefore of no utility.--E.]

"He was after this at Siam again, and again at Patane, and made a second voyage from Masulipatam to Bantam in 1614, and thence to England in 1615. But his journal is so large that I dare not express it. They arrived at the Lizard on the 20th August, 1615, having spent four years and nearly eight months in this voyage."[373]

[Footnote 373: This concluding sentence is the apology of Purchas for abbreviating the narrative of Marten, which he has done in so confused a manner, that we have been under the necessity of abridging it still farther.--E.]

SECTION XIV.

_Notices of the preceding Voyage, by Peter Williamson Floris._[374]

INTRODUCTION.

"As the preceding journal of Nathaniel Marten is almost wholly nautical, this narrative of Floris is chiefly confined to the transactions, occurrences, and adventures that happened on land, in the several countries at which they touched in this voyage. Purchas tells us, in the t.i.tle of this article, that it was translated out of Dutch; but whether by himself or some other, and whether from print or ma.n.u.script, he is silent. He informs us likewise, that Floris was cape merchant, or chief factor, in this voyage, and that he died in London in 1615, two months after his arrival from the expedition. This author is remarkable for several notable particulars respecting the affairs of the countries which he visited, which shews that he was curious, and for the freedom with which he censures the actions of his own countrymen, the Hollanders, which may pa.s.s for a proof of his sincerity."--_Astley._

[Footnote 374: Purch. Pilgr. I. 319. Astl. I. 435.]

-- 1. _The Voyage to Pullicatt, Patapilly, Bantam, Patane, and Siam_.

Having covenanted and agreed with the right wors.h.i.+pful governor and deputy of the English East India Company, we embarked in the Globe, on the 5th January, 1610, according to the English style, being actually of the year 1611, and set sail for Gravesend. Sailing from the Downs on the 5th February, we came to Saldanha bay the 21st May, where we found three s.h.i.+ps. Two boats came aboard of us, one from Isaac le Maire, and the other from Henrick Brouwer. Much refres.h.i.+ng was not here to be had at this season, by reason of heavy rains, being now their winter, and the mountains covered with snow. We used great diligence in searching for a root called _ningim_, for which purpose two of three Holland s.h.i.+ps had come here, one being from j.a.pan, that first discovered the secret. At this time the new leaf only began to peep forth, so that we could not have known it, if we had not received instructions. Its proper time of ripeness is in December, January, and February; and it is called _kanna_ by the inhabitants.[375]

[Footnote 375: This _kanna_, or _ningim_, is supposed to be the same with the Ginseng, so highly prized in China for its restorative virtues.

The Hottentots set the same value on it, and it is as rare to be met with in the country at the Cape of Good Hope as in Eastern Tartary.--Astl. I. 436. b.]

Having filled our water-casks, and refreshed ourselves with eight sheep and twenty cattle, we set sail from the bay, leaving there the boat of Isaac le Maire, commanded by his son Jacob, who was to continue there till December, bartering for hides and skins, and making train-oil. To him we gave letters for England. Near _Tierra de Natal_, on the 10th June, we were in great danger, a violent storm of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain, having almost thrown us ash.o.r.e; but G.o.d mercifully and powerfully gave us unexpected deliverance.

The 1st of August we fell in with the island of Ceylon at Punta de Galle. The 6th we came before Negapatam, being twenty-eight Dutch miles or leagues wrong in our reckoning, the maps, in regard to that place, being very false, which might occasion great danger in the night, the like happening to the Hollanders. Neither found we the island so broad as it is there laid down. Mr Mullineux lays down Punta de Galle in 4, whereas it is 6.[376] Towards evening we pa.s.sed before the road, and could see the houses very plainly. The 7th, we pa.s.sed _Langapatam_, where the Hollanders have a factory of which they are very weary, having very little trade. The 8th, we came before San Thome, and on the 9th, before Pullicatt, pa.s.sing over the shallows above a musket-shot, where we had only three fathoms water. At this place two boats came aboard of us, one from the sabandar, and another from the Hollanders.

The 10th, the sabandar's men brought us a _caul_, or safe conduct, allowing us to come safely ash.o.r.e; on which Mr Brown and I went ash.o.r.e, but, by the roughness of the sea, our boat upset, yet, G.o.d be thanked, none of our men were drowned. The sabandar met us, compa.s.sionating our mischance, and appointed us a house, promising to procure us a letter from the king to the governess _Konda Maa_.

[Footnote 376: The truth lies between, as Point de Galle is in 5 51' N.

lat.i.tude.--E.]

On the 11th, Jan Van Wersicke, the Dutch president on the coast of Coromandel, shewed us a _caul_ from _Wencapati Rajah_, the king of Narsinga, by which it was made unlawful for any one from Europe to trade there, unless with a patent or licence from Prince Maurice, and wherefore he desired us to depart. We made answer, that we had a commission from the King of England authorizing us to trade here, and were therefore determined to do so if we could. Upon this there arose high words between us, but which the sabandar soon ended, by informing us that the governess would be here in three days, by whose determination we must be regulated. She came on the 17th, and Captain Hippon coming then ash.o.r.e, we made ready to wait upon her, but were delayed, and informed that she would send for us next day. We strongly suspected the Hollanders of underhand dealings; and as no one came for us the next day, we sent to the sabandar, who made answer, that as the king had granted an exclusive privilege to the Hollanders, it was necessary for us to apply to his majesty for liberty to trade; but as this would have required a delay of two months, which must lose us the monsoon for Patane, and as the Hollanders had prepared to send a present of two elephants to the king, we resolved to proceed to Patapilly and Masulipatam, towards which places we set sail.

Arriving on the 20th at Patapilly, the governor sent us a _caul_, or licence to land, which we did accordingly, and agreed with him for three per cent[377] custom, and sent goods on sh.o.r.e, it being determined that Mr Lucas and Mr Brown should remain there, while I went on with the s.h.i.+p to Masulipatam, the roadstead of which place was better. We got there on the 31st, when Zaldechar Khan sent us a licence. We agreed to send a present to Mir Sumela, a great officer under the king at Condapoli, and farmer of his revenues, that we might be secured against the chicanery of the inferior officers.

[Footnote 377: In Purchas it is called _three-thirds_ per cent. which, in the text, we have changed to _three;_ yet a little farther on it would appear that _four_ per cent. had been agreed for.--E].

The 20th January, 1612, _Cotobara,_ king of _Badaya,_ or _Lollingana,_[378] and Masulipatam, died, and great disturbances were apprehended; but Mir Masunim wisely prevented any troubles, by immediately proclaiming Mahmud Unim Cotobara, a young man of great hopes, son to a brother of the deceased king, who had left no sons. His uncle had submitted to the authority of the Persians,[379] but the new king evinced a spirit of independence, and disgraced Mir Sumela, the fountain of tyranny and oppression.

[Footnote 378: These t.i.tles are inexplicable, but in the sequel he appears to have been king of Golconda.--E.]

[Footnote 379: The Moguls are probably here meant, named Persians by Floris, because they used the Persian language.--E.]

The governor dealt fraudulently with me in regard to a bargain of cloth and lead, pretending that he had agreed with me only for 4000 paG.o.das, meaning by this dishonesty to have increased the customs from four per cent. which had been settled, to twelve: and when I insisted upon our agreed terms, he told me roundly, that he, being a _mir_, or descendant of Mahomet, would be believed before any Christian. Being at a loss how to deal with this dishonest rogue, and not having time to send to the new king at Golconda for redress, I had at one time resolved to right myself by force, as there seemed no means of bringing him to reason in a friendly manner; but, at last, by the intervention of some others of the Moors at Masulipatam, we came to a kind of an agreement.

Having thus concluded our affairs at Masulipatam, and those at Pattapilly being likewise ended, and the monsoon being favourable, we departed for Bantam, where we arrived on the 26th April, 1612. We there found the Dutch about to remove to Jacatra, in consequence of new and heavy exactions established by the governor of Bantam, with whom, as we had no factory there at this time, we made an agreement to pay three per centum for customs, yet not without some contest. By order of Captain David Middleton, a factory had been established at Succadania, on the coast of Borneo, which was continued by Mr Spalding; but, as matters were carried on there, it seemed more calculated for private interest than the public advantage of the company. The 1st of June we set sail from Bantam, and came into the road of Patane on the 22d, where we found the Bantam, a s.h.i.+p of Enkhusen; from the people of which we were informed of the manners and customs of the country. We landed on the 26th in great state, taking with us a present to the value of 600 dollars, to accompany our king's letter. We were well received, according to the customs of the country, the letter being laid in a basin of gold, and carried by an elephant, accompanied by a band of music, a numerous guard of lances, and many small flags. The queen's court was very sumptuous. The letter was read, and a free trade allowed us on payment of the same duties with the Hollanders; and we left the court without seeing the queen. We were then conducted by Daton Lachmanna, the sabaudar and officer appointed for entertaining strangers, to a place where a banquet of fruits was presented to us.

From thence we were led to the house of the Oran-caya Sirnona, where we had another banquet. Next day the queen sent us meat and fruits aboard.

The 3d July there departed from hence a Dutch pinnace called the Greyhound, for j.a.pan. The master's mate of this vessel had brought a letter from William Adams, an Englishman residing in j.a.pan, directed to the English at Bantam; and by him we sent the company's letters to Mr Adams, which he promised to deliver with his own hands. We had no other means of transmitting this letter, as the j.a.panese were at enmity with the government of Patane, and had even burnt that place twice within five or six years.

We had much ado to get leave to build a fire-proof warehouse at this place, but were at length a.s.signed a place close by the Dutch house, thirty fathoms long by twenty in breadth, on which we built a house forty-eight feet long by twenty-four feet wide. Their exactions were very unreasonable, amounting, besides the charges agreed upon, to 4000 dollars; which, however, we submitted to pay in hope of future advantages. We were sore afflicted here with sickness, even as if the plague had raged in our s.h.i.+p. Captain Hippon died on the 9th of July; and on opening the box marked No. 1, Mr Brown was found his appointed successor, but as he was already dead, No. 2 was opened, by which Mr Thomas Essington was nominated, who accordingly a.s.sumed the command. At this place we suffered much injury from thieves, some of which came into our house one night, where we always had a lamp burning, and stole 283 dollars out of my chest, besides other goods; though there wore fifteen persons sleeping in the house, besides a large black dog, and a watch kept in our yard. These circ.u.mstances occasioned suspicions against some of our own people, but we could never come to any certainty.