A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Volume Viii Part 34

Though we wished to have kept this matter a close secret, it yet got to the ears of the Hollanders, who considered it a mere bravado, and did not therefore reveal it. The 21st November the Gentiles [Gentoos] held a solemn feast, which they celebrate three times a-year, always when the new moon happens on a Monday. At this time all the men and women wash themselves in the sea, thinking, thereby to merit indulgence. The Bramins and _Cometis_ do this likewise.

On the 24th I again demanded my money from the governor, and in very angry terms, he having already put me off seven months beyond our bargain. I also asked Mir Mahmud Rasa, why he did not help me, pursuant to the orders of the court; on which he laughingly answered, that we would talk of that at the custom-house, when my anger was over. To this I replied, that I would no longer be fooled, but would shew myself a captain under the king of England, as I had not been accustomed to such knavish dealing. Going thence to the custom-house, I found the governor's son there with a slender guard, the soldiers having set up their pikes against the custom-house, as I expected, and it was now high-water, so that every thing concurred to favour our project. I immediately therefore sent home for Mr Skinner and the rest of my men, who were waiting at the factory, as concerted, who presently came, leaving three only to take care of the house. They immediately laid hold of the pikes, and came into the custom-house, of which they shut the door. By this time I had seized _Wencatadra_ by the arms, and held him fast till two or three came forwards to my a.s.sistance, who carried him immediately into our boat, which waited at the sh.o.r.e, into which I and all the rest embarked as quickly as possible, pushed off, and rowed away, so that before his father and Mir Mahmud could get down to the custom-house, we were rowing off as hard as we could. Yet, as it blew hard against us, and as we were forced to keep within two cables length of the sh.o.r.e, on account of the channel, they came in all haste after us, some even coming very near our boat, but we out-rowed them all. Some met us in front, which put us in much danger of having our retreat intercepted; but by firing three muskets they were so intimidated that they gave way to us, and we carried off our prize in sight of at least 3000 people, being far past the bar before our pursuers could get to it, and at length got safe aboard with our prisoner.

I had given orders to George Chancey to remain at the factory with three of our men, to give notice of the reason of our procedure, and to receive our debts; but he, contrary to my instructions, having gone out of the house from curiosity, to see the success of our enterprize, was a.s.saulted by some unruly fellows, and heartily beaten. But on this coming to the knowledge of the governor, he took him under his protection, fearing lest his son might be made to pay for it. In the afternoon, Werner Van Bercham, the Hollander, came off to our s.h.i.+p, accompanied by the king's interpreter, to demand the reason of our violent procedure. My answer was, that they knew my reason already well enough, and that I had left my under-merchant on sh.o.r.e to explain every thing: and when I was informed of the severe treatment he had undergone, I pretended to be revenged on _Wencatadra_; but allowed myself to be prevailed upon by Van Bercham to overlook it for the present; yet threatened to hang him up at the yard-arm if any of my men were wronged, which he wrote to his father. I also gave strict injunctions, that no one should presume to come off to us in a boat without bringing me a letter from George Chancey, otherwise I should turn them all before the mast. Van Bercham and the secretary came off again on the 27th, offering me payment of the governor's own debt, which, and that of Callopas, for which he was surety, was all I demanded from him; but likewise that the governor should send me on board all others who refused to pay, which I said would satisfy me. Van Bercham made also a formal protest against me for all damages they had sustained, or might sustain, through my hostilities, to which protest I gave an answer in writing, shewing its nullity; and that very night the Dutch s.h.i.+p set sail for Patane.

In the meantime Wencatadra remained aboard our s.h.i.+p, without eating or drinking; for he, being a Bramin, might not eat or drink in any man's house, excepting what he himself dressed or made ready. Owing to this, I so pitied him that I offered to release him, if any two Moors of good quality would come aboard in his place; but none would undertake this for his release, so that he had to continue his fast. The governor at length paid his own debt, and that of Callopas, and made all the rest pay, except _Miriapeik_ and _Datapa_, who were in Golconda, on which I sent back my prisoner on the 30th of November.[394]

[Footnote 394: There must be some inaccuracy in the dates of the text, as Wencatadra could hardly have lasted from the 24th to the 30th, six entire days.--E.]

After all was settled, several of the princ.i.p.al Moors came off to visit me, promising to write a true statement of my proceedings to the king, and requesting me not to injure any of the s.h.i.+ps belonging to the Moors that I might meet with. I told them that I was satisfied for this time, but requested they would be careful in future not to give any such cause of dissatisfaction, and that they would listen more attentively to the complaints of the English. I also wrote letters for the king of Golconda to the same purpose, that we might hereafter have quicker justice. I then dispatched the amba.s.sadors of Narsinga to Velore, not having fit opportunity to essay the promised trade in that country, owing to my short stay, and in respect of the troubles consequent upon the succession: yet I left letters with them for the first English s.h.i.+ps that might come to the coast, giving them my best advice. The 7th December, Mr Chancey came aboard with the rest, and next night I put to sea, having first offered to come ash.o.r.e and take a friendly leave: but the governor, fearing I had written an account of his proceedings by the Moors, refused my proffered visit, pretending that he was ashamed to look me in the face, having of a good friend made me his enemy.

-- 4. _Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England_.

The 3d January, 1615, we arrived at Bantam, where we found the James, come from Patane, together with the Concord and Hosiander. I went ash.o.r.e, and received from Mr John Jordain, princ.i.p.al factor at Bantam, letters from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the company had joined in one.[395] I likewise had letters from Mr Cochin, at Maca.s.ser, saying he had received the cargo sent under the charge of William Ebert, with other circ.u.mstances; also from Adam Denton and Mr Gourney, complaining of the dead market, occasioned by the wars; and from Mr Lucas also, of his fears on the same subject; but as the Darling is now gone thither, I hope he may be comforted. We here agreed that the goods of the Hosiander should be trans-s.h.i.+pped into the Globe, of which Edward Christian was const.i.tuted captain by General Best, with Nathaniel Salmon as master, while Mr Skinner should go master in the Hosiander. Fifty men were appointed for the Globe, fifty-five for the James, and twenty for the Hosiander, which was to stay at Bantam, and three or four to keep the Concord.

[Footnote 395: Purchas has obviously here made large omissions, even marking the present place with an &c. We learn from the Annals of the Company, that at first each expedition was a separate adventure, proceeding on a subscription for the occasion among the members of the company, but that afterwards the whole was consolidated into a joint stock.--E.]

On the 30th the James set sail, to go on a month before, and to stay at the Cape or St Helena for us, that we might sail thence in company for England. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly be made ready, it was thought proper to send the Concord for Amboina, in which George Bale went, and George Chancey was to stay in Maca.s.ser. The Dutch s.h.i.+p Zelandia arrived from j.a.pan, bringing letters from Mr c.o.x, advising that Mr Peac.o.c.k and the Hollanders were slain in Cochin-china, and that Mr Adams, with four other Englishmen, were gone thence for Siam.

The 14th of February, Captain David Middleton arrived with the Samaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, all the crews being in health and good condition. On being informed of the death of his brother Sir Henry, and the loss of the Trades-increase, Captain David Middleton was much distressed, and resolved to go home. On which account he called a council, to consult and determine how best to station the s.h.i.+ps, and about manning the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to send home the Samaritan among the first; the Thomas to Sumatra; the Thomasin to Amboina, to aid the Concord; and the Hosiander to Patane and j.a.pan to visit the factories at these places, all of which was put in execution.

They set sail out of Bantam road on the 22d February.[396] They came into Saldanha bay on the 30th of April, where they found the James, which had only arrived the day before, though she left Bantam twenty-three days before them. The Advice and Attendant were here outward-bound. Weighing anchor from the road of Saldanha on the 17th of May, they came to St Helena on the 1st of June.

[Footnote 396: Purchas mentions, in a side-note, that the concluding paragraph of this article was supplied from the journal of Marten. But in this hurried conclusion, we are left to conjecture whether the Globe was the s.h.i.+p in which Floris returned to England.--E.]

_Note_. Following the narrative of Floris, in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. p. 328--332, is given "A Journal of a Voyage in 1612 by the Pearl to the East Indies, wherein went as Captain Mr Samuel Castleton of London, and Captain George Bathurst as Lieutenant; the Narrative written by John Tatton, Master." This s.h.i.+p was not fitted out by the Company; but Purchas observes in a side-note, that he had inserted it, "For the furtherance of marine knowledge," and that, though not directly belonging to the East India Company, _yet holding society with the East Indian society_. We suppose it to have been one of those Voyages of which the annalist of the Company, John Bruce, Esq. so much complains, as _licensed_ by King James I. in contradiction to the exclusive charter, which that first king of Great Britain had granted to the English East India Company.

This journal, as it is called, is so retrenched or abbreviated in many parts, as to be almost throughout inconsequential, and often so obscured by the unskilful abridgement of Purchas as to be nearly unintelligible.

We have not therefore deemed it necessary or proper to insert it in our Collection, as not tending to any useful purpose, nor containing any valuable or even amusing information. Almost the only circ.u.mstance it contains worth notice is, that they procured refreshments in a nameless bay on the western coast of Africa, to the north of the Cape of Good Hope, in which they bought calves and sheep very cheap, but could get no water. From many circ.u.mstances this appears to have been what is now called _Saldenha_ bay; which name however in this voyage, is still given to that now called _Table_ bay. The only water found in that nameless bay was a dirty puddle; and though the boat went a mile up a fine river at the bottom of the bay, they found it all salt, and the whole adjoining country very barren.--E.

SECTION XV.

_Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in_ 1611, _by Captain John Saris_.[397].

INTRODUCTION.

Purchas has chosen to place this, and the subsequent early voyages of the English to the East, in a separate division of his Pilgrims, which he ent.i.tles "English Voyages _beyond_ the East Indies, &c. In which their just commerce was n.o.bly vindicated against Turkish treachery; victoriously defended against Portuguese hostility; gloriously advanced against Moorish and Heathenish perfidy; hopefully recovering from Dutch malignity; and justly maintained against ignorant and malicious calumny."

[Footnote 397: Purch. Pilg. I. 884, Astl I. 451.]

The full t.i.tle of this voyage in the Pilgrims is, "The _Eighth_ Voyage set forth by the East Indian Society, wherein were employed three s.h.i.+ps, the Clove, the Hector, and the Thomas, under the Command of Captain John Saris: His Course and Acts to and in the Red Sea, Java, the Moluccas, and j.a.pan, by the Inhabitants called _Neffoon_, where also he first began and settled an English Trade and Factory; with other remarkable Rarities: The whole collected out of his own Journal." In the preface to the _4th_ book of his Pilgrims, Purchas makes the following observations respecting this voyage: "We here present the _East_ Indies made _westerly_, by the ill.u.s.trious voyage of Captain John Saris; who, having spent some years before in the Indies, by observations to rectify experience, and by experience to prepare for higher attempts, hath here left the known coasts of Europe, compa.s.sed those more unknown coasts of Africa from the Atlantic to the Erithrean Sea, and after commerce there, _tum Marte quam Merurio_, compa.s.seth the sh.o.r.es, and pierceth the seas, to and beyond all just names of India and Asia, penetrating by a long journey, the islands, cities, and court of the _j.a.ponian_ empire, there settleth an English factory; and after safe return, is ready to render to the readers the pleasure of his pain, and [_why stay I thee any longer_?] by a more pleasant discoursive way, to discover to thee the rarities of that discovery, and by hand, by the eyes, to lead thee along with him all the way: and then leave thee to those that shall tell thee of after accidents and later occurrences in the j.a.ponian, Indian, and Asian affairs."--_Purch_.

"What Purchas has called _collected out_ of the Journal of Captain Saris, means probably _abbreviated_ by himself from that source. Saris was factor at Bantam in 1608, at the time of the third voyage of the East India Company, and has given an account of occurrences there from the time Scott left off, as contained in _Section_ II. of this chapter of our Collection. In this voyage, he went farther eastwards than any English navigator had gone before, being the first of our nation that sailed to j.a.pan in an English s.h.i.+p. William Adams indeed had been there some years earlier, having been carried there in a Dutch s.h.i.+p, by a western course. The remarks of Captain Saris are generally curious, judicious, and full of variety. As already noticed in the extended t.i.tle by Purchas, Captain Saris had three s.h.i.+ps under his command, the Clove, in which he sailed as general, the Hector, and the Thomas."--_Astl_.

This journal occupies _fifty_ pages in the Pilgrims of Purchas, besides _eleven_ pages more of observations on various occurrences at Bantam, during the residence of Saris there from October 1605 to October 1609, and other circ.u.mstances respecting the English affairs in the East, which will be noticed in the sequel. In the present edition, while we scrupulously adhere to that of Purchas, we have used the freedom of abridging even his abridgement, particularly respecting the nautical remarks, courses, distances, winds, currents, &c. which are now much better understood by navigators, and which would be quite uninteresting and tedious to most of our readers.--E.

-- 1. _Incidents of the Voyage from England to Socotora_.

We sailed from the Downs on the 18th April, 1611, pa.s.sed the equator on the 6th June, and arrived at Saldanha bay on the 1st of August. Having well refreshed ourselves there for eight days, we set sail on the 9th August. The 3d September we made the land of Madagascar, near the bay of St Augustine. The 10th we made the island of Primeiras; and the 17th we made the islands of Angoza to the southwards of Mosambique. Finding a dangerous shoal and bad anchoring ground, with a lee sh.o.r.e and westerly current, we stood off on the 21st for Madagascar. In the chart we found these islands of Angoza laid down in lat. 15 40' S. but by our observation they are in 16 20' S.[398] The 24th, in lat. 16 16', our course being N.E. we unexpectedly saw land bearing N. by W. five leagues off, while expecting the island of Juan de Nova to the eastwards, and being becalmed, we feared the current might set us upon it in the night.

When day-light appeared next morning, we found it to be the northernmost island of Angoza, whence we had departed on the 21st, to the great amazement and discouragement of our mariners.

[Footnote 398: The town of Angoza is in lat. 15 50', and the most southerly island in the bay of that name is in 16 30' S.--E.]

The 3d October, after much trouble by currents, we came to anchor between Mosambique and Sofala, in lat. 16 32' S. and long. 76 10'

E.[399] Our anchorage was in thirteen and fourteen fathoms, under an island near the main, upon which were no people, neither could we find fresh water, though we dug very deep for it in the sand. We weighed on the 10th, and stood over E. by N. for Madagascar, in hopes of getting out of the currents, and on the 26th came to anchor under Moyella, [Mohilla] one of the Comoro islands, in lat. 12 13' S.[400] We here refreshed for eight days, procuring bullocks, goats, poultry, lemons, cocoas, pine-apples, pa.s.saws, plantains, pomgranates, sugar-canes, tamarinds, rice, milk, roots, eggs, and fish, in exchange for small haberdashery wares and some money, and had kind usage and plenty of fresh water, yet stood much on our guard for fear of any treachery. I invited the king of Moyella, being a Mahometan, aboard the Clove, and entertained him with a banquet, and with trumpets and other music; but he refused to eat, as it was then their Lent or Rammadan, yet he carried off the best part of the banquet for the queen his mother, saying that they would eat it after sunset. The name of the queen was _Sultana Mannungalla_, and the king's was _Sharif Abubekr_.[401] He requested me to give him a letter of recommendation for those who might come afterwards to his island, having formerly procured one to that effect from Stephen Verhagen, the admiral of twelve Dutch s.h.i.+ps, in 1604, which he shewed me. I complied with his desire, yet left this caution at the end, that they ought not to repose too much confidence in this people, but stand well on their guard, as oft-times weapons preserve peace.

[Footnote 399: The longitude of that part of the coast of Africa, in the lat.i.tude indicated in the text, is 38 30' E. from Greenwich. It does not appear what might have been the first meridian referred to by Saris.--E]

[Footnote 400: Mohilla is in 13 40'. The lat.i.tude in the text is nearly that of Johanna or Hinzuan.--E.]

[Footnote 401: In Purchas Sarriffoo b.o.o.boocarree, and afterwards Sharefoo b.o.o.backar, which comes near the true name.--Astl. I. 454. a.]

The inhabitants are negroes, having short curled hair, and wear painted cloths round their middles, some having white caps, and others turbans, by which we knew them to be Mahometans. The king wore a white cotton coat, with a turban on his head, and a painted calico of Guzerat about his middle, being little whiter than the rest. He was very lean, with a round thin black beard and large eyes. His stature was short, and he was a man of few words, having some knowledge of Arabic, which he had learnt when on a pilgrimage to Mecca, on which account he had the name or t.i.tle of _Sharif_.[402] At this place they chiefly desire money, or Spanish dollars, rather than commodities. Yet, for crimson broad-cloth, red caps, Cambaya, or Guzerat cloths, and sword-blades, you may purchase any commodities that the island produces, which indeed are only fit for refreshments, and not for traffic. He gave me a note of friends.h.i.+p under his hand.[403]

[Footnote 402: Haji is the t.i.tle acquired by the pilgrimage, while Sharif signifies n.o.ble, and denotes being of the posterity of Mahomet.--Astl. I. 454. c.]

[Footnote 403: This note, in Arabic characters, is inserted in Purchas, consisting only of two lines, under which the name of John Sarris is written in the same characters. By this writing, the name of the king appears to have been as we have put it in the text.--Astl. I. 454. d.]

We sailed from the island of Moyella on the 4th of November, and on the 17th in the morning made the main land of Africa on the coast of Melinda, the bay or gulf of _Formosa_ being N.W. four leagues distant.

The 29th, in lat. 4 44', being, as we supposed, twelve leagues off the shoals called _Baxos de Malhina_, we had a great rippling and over-fall of water, as if it had been a shoal, yet found no ground with 100 fathoms. The 1st December, in 3 40', we had a fearful rippling, much like the fall at London bridge, being then not in sight of land, and still had no ground with a line of 100 fathoms. When we stood in towards the land it left us, but standing off again, and when fifty leagues from the land, we found it very terrible. The 2d, in lat. 2 55', the rippling still continued. The 6th, in lat. 5 5', steering S.E. by E. we had at times still more fearful ripplings than before, and still no ground at 100 fathoms. These ripplings shewed like shelves or ledges of rocks, not being always alike, but sometimes more, sometimes less, occurring many times each day, making as great a noise by the s.h.i.+p's sides as if she ran at the rate of five leagues in a watch, even when she hardly made any way a-head. We were much alarmed by them, not knowing whence they proceeded, and seeing no land. We now supposed ourselves near the easternmost of the islands which are off the northern end of Madagascar.

[The Maha or Sech.e.l.les, to the eastwards of the Almirante islands.] We had here much rain, with thunder and lightening, and sudden gusts of wind, which did not continue long.

On the 25th of December, it was just a month and five days since we reached the equator, having been one minute north close to the sh.o.r.e, since which we have been forced back to 5 25' S. Wherefore, those bound for Socotora at this time of the year must hold 200 leagues to the eastwards of Pemba, which will enable them to get to the northward.

The 1st of January, 1612, in lat. 3 58' N. we made the land, being the main of Magadoxa, Cape das Baxas bearing N.N.E. eight leagues distant.[404] The whole coast seemed low, sandy, and barren. The 18th, in lat. 6 27' N. we again got sight of the main land of Africa called _Doara_, at about eight leagues distance, seemingly not high, but sandy and barren. The 1st February we made Cape _Dorfuy_[405] about seven leagues off, having soundings in twenty-seven and twenty-eight fathoms, soft sand. The land at this cape is very high and barren close to the sea. The 10th, in lat. 11 20', about eight leagues off the high land of Cape _Gardafui_,[406] we had ground in forty-five fathoms on small black sand, and found the current setting N. by E. Towards evening we had sight of Abdal Kuria, bearing E.N.E. about ten leagues off, being high land rising in two parts, so as to seem two islands at a distance. The 17th at night we came to anchor on the coast of Socotora, one and a half league to the westwards of the king's town called Tammarin, two miles from sh.o.r.e, in twenty fathoms water, small white sand. The 18th we came to anchor in nine fathoms on fine sand in the road of Tammarin, a league from sh.o.r.e, and right over against the king's house.

[Footnote 404: Cape das Baxas, on the coast of Samhar, is in lat. 5 N.

so that the lat.i.tude in the text must be too short by about thirty-eight minutes.--E.]

[Footnote 405: Cape Orfui is in lat. 11 N.]

[Footnote 406: Cape Guardafui is in lat. 12 24' N.]

-- 2. _Occurrences at Socotora and in the Red Sea._

I sent ash.o.r.e Mr Richard c.o.c.kes, our cape merchant, well accompanied, to wait upon the king of Socotora, to acquaint him who we were and the cause of our coming, and to procure cattle and fish to refresh our men.

Mr c.o.c.kes was received and entertained in a friendly manner, and came back with a present of fresh provisions, together with a letter left there by Sir Henry Middleton, dated 1st September, 1611, aboard the Trades-increase in Delisha road, the original of which I retained, and returned an accurate copy for the information of future s.h.i.+ps.[407] The 19th we went ash.o.r.e in state, and were welcomed by the king, who feasted the whole company. He was superbly dressed in crimson velvet, richly decorated with gold lace. His house was built of freestone, in the fas.h.i.+on of a castle, and he had above an hundred attendants, fifty of whom were well clothed according to the Moorish fas.h.i.+on, the rest being natives of the island. His name was _Sultan Amur Bensaid,_[408] being the son of the king of Cus.h.i.+n [Caixem, Caxem, Kushem, or Kessem] on the coast of Arabia. After many compliments and courtesies, we took our leave of him at night, and returned on board. At this place we paid for cattle twelve dollars each, three s.h.i.+llings for sheep, and a dollar for goats; which, though dear, were hardly fit for men's meat, being so vilely and in a more than beastly manner abused by the people, that they were quite loathsome to see when opened. For rice we paid three-pence a pound, and the same price for dates. Hens a s.h.i.+lling each. Tobacco 700 leaves for a dollar. Eggs a penny each. And the king, who is universal merchant, would only take Spanish dollars, refusing our English money.

[Footnote 407: This letter was a brief summary of the disadventures of Sir Henry in the Red Sea by Turkish perfidy; as in his own journal has already appeared, with a caveat to all English s.h.i.+ps, and notice of the road of a.s.sab.--_Purch._]

[Footnote 408: The editor of Astley's Collection, who appears to have been an orientalist, gives this name and t.i.tle, _Soltan Amor Ebensayd._--E.]

The 27th, I called a meeting of the merchandizing council, to whom I read the company's instructions, and the letter from Sir Henry Middleton, received from the king of Socotora. By the instructions, we were led to expect good store of aloes at this place, but the king was quite unprovided, and could not furnish any before next August. And as we were appointed to go from hence to Aden and Mokha, in the Red-sea, in case the monsoon did not serve for Surat, which we were now strongly dissuaded from by an account of the wrongs done there by treachery to Sir Henry, I represented that we should find it very chargeable to remain here or in Delisha roads for six months waiting the monsoon, as there was no getting to the coast of Guzerat until the end of September.