Memoirs of the Court of George IV. 1820-1830 Part 7

The evidence against the Queen seems already decisive, so far as to establish her criminality; but I understand that, in order to guard against a possibility of the contradiction of these facts, the whole crew of the _Vero Fidele_, &c. &c., are to be examined.

Wilberforce's notion of a Committee to be established by Act of Parliament for the trial of this particular case, seems to me too absurd for even him to persist in, since the obvious consequence must be a declaration that the same course must be followed in all subsequent trials, the two Houses being by their own confession as unfit to act judicially as the House of Commons was on election cases; and if that be the case, really the sooner Henry Hunt comes with his long brush to sweep us all out, the better.

Thus had proceeded the months of June, July, and August; in September, affairs looked worse. Libels against the Government abounded; the most violent language was indulged in by the democratic leaders; formidable riots became of frequent occurrence; in short, everything seemed to denote a revolution.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Brighton, Sept. 27, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

From all I hear, and from general conversation, I have no doubt if the Bill proceeds in the Commons we shall have a riot, and I doubt extremely whether the Divorce Bill can be carried. I dined yesterday with the Duke of York, who is here alone. His conversation was violent against the Queen, and fair and candid with regard to the state of the country. He spoke, however, with great confidence on the state and disposition of the army; in fact, after all that is said and done, it must eventually depend upon the troops, for sure I am they will be called upon. I took the opportunity of holding the language you suggested, and indeed it is what I really feel. He said it was not intended in the first instance to have troops to guard the avenues of the Commons, but they would be in the way; the whole arrangements would continue; and if the House found it necessary to call for them, there they would be. There has been, as you heard from the K----, a general quarrel between the K----, Duke of York, Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of Gloucester, none of them now speaking to the latter. He has acted like an obstinate ----. What an abominable thing it is the King not going ash.o.r.e, and not showing himself to any of his subjects! His conduct is an excitement to popular hatred. What can it mean? Lord King is here, and appears to me to chuckle quite at the thoughts of what is likely to happen. I fancy a great number of Peers, when it comes to the close, will avoid the vote.

Perry, the editor, who is here, tells me the cry, instead of diminis.h.i.+ng, increases in favour of the Queen; and he does not seem himself to favour her, or at least he does not speak in her praise.

Lord Bathurst is here, and from his language, and that of the Duke of B----, I should say the Government is confoundedly frightened; the latter certainly implied the necessity of strengthening it, and lamented once or twice the want of energy, and the whole line which had been adopted. He leaves this for town to-morrow.

Ever, &c.,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Six o'clock.

You have no idea of the state of the town: it is all confusion. The King and his Ministers are at issue on the question, as it is said, of the Queen; and the latter have sent in their resignation, unless the propositions they make are complied with. Lord Castlereagh was deputed yesterday to notify this decision to him, and he had a conference of _four_ hours. The King, however, was not to be persuaded, and was again to have a decision of the Cabinet to-day.

It is at this moment sitting at Carlton House. These are, as I am well informed, _facts_. The supposed cause is the Queen. The Council had prepared a Form of Prayer which the King positively refused to sign or sanction. The Funds fell to-day. As to the King forming a Government, after the resignation of all his present servants, with the avowed object of persecuting the Queen, it would be impossible; it would be making her the popular object, and throwing the country in a flame. However, be a.s.sured that the general belief is that the Government will be broken up. You may judge of this when I tell you that my authorities are Lord Conyngham, Lord Howden, and others in the interior of Carlton House. I hear you are at Dropmore, and send this to you. Be a.s.sured that the King on this subject is no less _than mad_ He has said he would rather die, or lose his crown, than submit to any compromise of any sort with the Queen.

Adieu. You shall hear to-morrow.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

In the months of October and November it became evident that the frenzy outside the Houses of Parliament was exerting an influence within its walls. Notwithstanding Lord Grenville's manly declaration in his place in the House of Lords, on the 6th of November, that the proceedings before that a.s.sembly had furnished a ma.s.s of evidence that, in nine hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a thousand, would have ensured a conviction, several influential members of the Whig party as boldly declared that nothing of the slightest importance had been brought forward against the Queen.

The proceedings were drawing on, but the aspect of affairs looked blacker every hour. "Matters here are in a critical state," writes Lord Sidmouth to Mr. Bathurst, on the 27th of October. "Fear and faction are actively and not unsuccessfully at work; and it is possible that we may be in a minority, and that the fate of the Government may be decided in a few days."[45] Plumer Ward, in his "Diary," has this entry under the date of November 2nd:--

[45] Dean Pellew's "Life of Lord Sidmouth," vol. iii p. 333.

"Called upon [Wellesley] Pole. He was at breakfast, and we had a long chat. He thought everything very bad--Ministers, Opposition, King, Queen, Country--and what was more, no prospect of getting right. All ties were loosened. Insolence and insubordination out of doors; weakness and wickedness within. The Whigs, he said, were already half Radicals, and would be entirely so if we did not give way. I said his brother, the Duke [of Wellington], felt this too, but would not give way, nevertheless. He replied that the issue would soon be tried, for the Queen's question must determine it; and asked how I calculated it would be. I said I could not hope for a majority of more than thirty--so many friends of Government were against us on the policy, though they had no doubt of the guilt."[46]

[46] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 70.

Under these untoward circ.u.mstances, sanguine members of the neutral party were, as usual, speculating on a change in the Government. His Majesty, according to some accounts, was taking the matter very pleasantly. "The King," said Wellesley Pole, "to use his expression, was as merry as a grig. At first he had been annoyed, but was now enjoying himself at Brighton. He wished he would show himself more."[47]

[47] Ibid. p. 73.

The same authority affords many other peeps behind the political curtain. We quote one:--

"On leaving Pole, I met Hammond, my quondam colleague when we were Under Secretaries of State together. He told me it was certain Lord Grenville would support the Bill, and then asked me, with much concern, whether the report was true that, if it did not pa.s.s, Ministers had resolved to resign? I answered, that what they had resolved in their own minds no one could tell, but that I thought I could answer that no such resolution had been made a Cabinet measure. He said he was very glad. I related this to ----, who said with some vehemence, there was no reason on earth why they should resign. They had been right and straightforward from the beginning, and for one, he never would consent to it. ---- said, Hammond being the mouthpiece of Canning, he had no doubt this was set on foot by his party. I thought this was going too far; nevertheless, it is surprising what industry they are showing against the Bill."[48]

[48] Phipps's "Memoirs of R. Plumer Ward," vol. ii. p. 73.

"Lord Grenville," adds the diarist, "voted for the second reading, and spoke very ably, but so as to make us regret he had not spoken earlier."[49]

[49] Ibid. p. 77.

The second reading of the Bill was carried, and this, according to Lord Grey, stamped the Queen with a verdict of guilty. Having done this, Ministers prepared to get rid of the proceedings as soon as possible.

How the affair terminated is well described in Plumer Ward's "Diary,"

under the date November 10th. We can only afford s.p.a.ce for a few lines:--

"The debate was now drawing to a close, and most of the peers who were speaking, whether for or against the third reading (the Duke of Northumberland very emphatically), were declaring their conviction that the Queen was guilty. At length the division was called, and Lord Gage enforced the standing order, that each peer should give his vote in his place, _seriatim_. The result was the small majority of 9; the numbers being 108 to 99. Lord Liverpool then got up and withdrew the Bill, resting it upon so small a majority _in the circ.u.mstances of the country_."[50]

[50] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 91.

The Opposition were, of course, in raptures with this conclusion of the contest; but Ministers were still more delighted, the Duke of Wellington especially. "Well," said he, "we have done exceedingly well, and have avoided all sort of mischief, I think, with safety and without dishonour. The votes put the question of guilt or innocence out of doubt; the withdrawing is grounded upon mere expediency, and has nothing to do with the verdict; had we given up before the third reading, it would have been different."[51]

[51] Ibid. p. 93.

The metropolis was illuminated in consequence of the Government having abandoned the prosecution.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Nov. 12, 1820.

Upon the whole, my dear B----, with the very imperfect means of information which, at the distance of a hundred and eighty miles from the scene of action, I possess, I am inclined to think the conclusion to which this business has been brought, the best that circ.u.mstances admitted of, and such as will afford the least triumph to the Radicals. Still, though the least, it is far too great for the safety of the country; and after the saturnalia which the shameful supineness and cowardice of Ministers have allowed, I know not how popular commotion is to be avoided. I feel as strongly as you do the claim of duty which the country possesses upon every man in such a conjuncture; yet I should most deeply regret if circ.u.mstances should oblige us to connect ourselves with men from whose previous conduct we could expect nothing but the s.h.i.+pwreck of our own character, and the loss of those means, which we may possibly possess by that character, of being of service hereafter.

After their inconsistency and vacillation upon so important a subject as the Divorce clause, and voting against their own declared opinion on a measure which they had themselves originated, what dependence could _we_, small as could be our power, place upon their support and co-operation in measures which we might think necessary, and which, on the faith of that support, we might pledge ourselves to?

At all events, I am most anxious that we should, for the present, stand aloof, when there has been so much to disgust us in the conduct of both parties, till we see what effect is produced by what has happened. Something certainly might depend upon the nature of the split which might take place in the Administration; but I fear that there could scarcely be any one which would not ensure the retirement of the only man whom it would be important to retain--Lord Liverpool. Castlereagh might, perhaps, try as Premier; but surely you would not think those encouraging auspices to start under, insisting as you must do absolutely on the dismissal of the Doctor and his whole train.

I had much rather myself if an opportunity offered of coming in with the Whigs, trust to the usual and never-failing effect of office in making them vehement anti-Radicals, in case we could make some conditions for immediate measures, or rather against immediate concessions; but I feel that this is, at the present moment, too visionary a speculation. On the whole, I should repeat that we must at present wait the course of events; and, above all, avoid courting any offer from either party. Place and power are not objects which you can be bound to seek, though it may be your duty to accept them at a moment so perilous.

I expect company here, which would make it difficult for me to join you at Stowe for some time. Of course, there will be a prorogation on the 23rd; and it should seem most probable that, unless the next three or four days should produce a general resignation, they will endeavour to wait over the first ferment produced by the abandonment of the Bill before they attempt any new arrangement.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

That the King was dissatisfied with his Ministers, is very apparent from the following communications:--