Voyages of Samuel De Champlain Volume I Part 12

111. The following extracts will show that the chapel was erected in 1633, that it was built by Champlain, and that it was called Notre Dame de Recouvrance.

Nous les menasmes en nostre pet.i.te chapelle, qui a commence ceste annee l'embellir.--_Vide Relations des Jesuites_. Quebec ed. 1633, p. 30.

La sage conduitte et la prudence de Monsieur de Champlain Gouuerneur de Kebec et du fleuve sainct Laurens, qui nous honore de sa bien- veillance, retenant vn chacun dans son devoir, a fait que nos paroles et nos predications ayent este bien receuens, et la Chapelle qu'il a fait dresser proche du fort a l'honneur de nostre Dame, &c.--_Idem_, 1634, p. 2.

La troisieme, que nous allons habiter cette Autome, la Residence de Nostre-dame de Recouvrance, Kebec proche du Fort.--_Idem_, 1635, p.

3.

112. According to Pere Le Jeune, from five to seven hundred Hurons had a.s.sembled at Quebec in July, 1633, bringing their canoes loaded with merchandise.--_Vide Relations des Jesuites_, Quebec ed. 1633, p. 34.

113. This letter was printed in oeuvres de Champlain, Quebec ed. Vol. VI.

_Pieces Justificatives_, p 35. The original is at Paris, in the Archives of Foreign Affairs.

114. _Vide Relations des Jesuites_, Quebec ed. 1636, p. 56. _Creuxius, Historia Canadensis_, pp. 183-4.

115. Monsieur le Gouverneur, qui estimoit sa vertu, desira qu'il fust enterre pres du corps de feu Monsieur de Champlain, qui est dans vn sepulchre particulier, erige expres pour honorer la memoire de ce signale personnage qui a tant oblige la Nouuelle France.--_Vide Relations des Jesuites_, Quebec ed. 1643, p. 3.

116. The exact spot where Champlain was buried is at this time unknown.

Historians and antiquaries have been much interested in its discovery.

In 1866, the Abbes Laverdiere and Casgrain were encouraged to believe that their searches had been crowned with success. They published a statement of their discovery. Their views were controverted in several critical pamphlets that followed. In the mean time, additional researches have been made. The theory then broached that his burial was in the Lower Town, and in the Recollect chapel built in 1615, has been abandoned. The Abbe Casgrain, in an able discussion of this subject, in which he cites doc.u.ments. .h.i.therto unpublished, shows that Champlain was buried in a tomb within the walls of a chapel erected by his successor in the Upper Town, and that this chapel was situated somewhere within the court-yard of the present post-office. Pere Le Jeune, who records the death of Champlain in his Relation of 1636, does not mention the place of his burial; but the Pere Vimont, in his Relation of 1643, in speaking of the burial of Pere Charles Raymbault, says, the "Governor desired that he should be buried near the _body of the late Monsieur de Champlain_, which is in a particular tomb erected expressly to honor the memory of that distinguished personage, who had placed New France under such great obligation." In the Parish Register of Notre Dame de Quebec, is the following entry: "The 22d of October (1642), was interred _in the Chapel of M. De Champlain_ the Pere Charles Rimbault." It is plain, therefore, that Champlain was buried in what was then commonly known as _the Chapel of M. de Champlain_. By reference to ancient doc.u.ments or deeds (one bearing date Feb. 10, 1649, and another 22d April, 1652, and in one of which the Chapel of Champlain is mentioned as contiguous to a piece of land therein described), the Abbe Casgrain proves that the _Chapel of M. de Champlain_ was within the square where is situated the present post-office at Quebec, and, as the tomb of Champlain was within the chapel, it follows that Champlain was buried somewhere within the post-office square above mentioned.

Excavations in this square have been made, but no traces of the walls or foundations of the chapel have been found. In the excavations for cellars of the houses constructed along the square, the foundations of the chapel may have been removed. It is possible that when the chapel was destroyed, which was at a very early period, as no reference to its existence is found subsequent to 1649, the body of Champlain and the others buried there may have been removed, and no record made of the removal. The Abbe Casgrain expresses the hope that other discoveries may hereafter be made that shall place this interesting question beyond all doubt.--_Vide Doc.u.ments Inedits Relatifs au Tombeau de Champlain_, par l'Abbe H. R. Casgrain, _L'Opinion Publique_, Montreal, 4 Nov. 1875.

CHAPTER XII.

CHAMPLAIN'S RELIGION.--HIS WAR POLICY.--HIS DOMESTIC AND SOCIAL LIFE.-- CHAMPLAIN AS AN EXPLORER.--HIS LITERARY LABORS.--THE RESULTS OF HIS CAREER.

As Champlain had lived, so he died, a firm and consistent member of the Roman church. In harmony with his general character, his religious views were always moderate, never betraying him into excesses, or into any merely partisan zeal. Born during the profligate, cruel, and perfidious reign of Charles IX., he was, perhaps, too young to be greatly affected by the evils characteristic of that period, the ma.s.sacre of St. Bartholomew's and the numberless vices that swept along in its train. His youth and early manhood, covering the plastic and formative period, stretched through the reign of Henry III., in which the standards of virtue and religion were little if in any degree improved. Early in the reign of Henry IV., when he had fairly entered upon his manhood, we find him closely a.s.sociated with the moderate party, which encouraged and sustained the broad, generous, and catholic principles of that distinguished sovereign.

When Champlain became lieutenant-governor of New France, his attention was naturally turned to the religious wants of his distant domain. Proceeding cautiously, after patient and prolonged inquiry, he selected missionaries who were earnest, zealous, and fully consecrated to their work. And all whom he subsequently invited into the field were men of character and learning, whose brave endurance of hards.h.i.+p, and manly courage amid numberless perils, shed glory and l.u.s.tre upon their holy calling.

Champlain's sympathies were always with his missionaries in their pious labors. Whether the enterprise were the establishment of a mission among the distant Hurons, among the Algonquins on the upper St. Lawrence, or for the enlargement of their accommodations at Quebec, the printing of a catechism in the language of the aborigines, or if the foundations of a college were to be laid for the education of the savages, his heart and hand were ready for the work.

On the establishment of the Company of New France, or the Hundred a.s.sociates, Protestants were entirely excluded. By its const.i.tution no Huguenots were allowed to settle within the domain of the company. If this rule was not suggested by Champlain, it undoubtedly existed by his decided and hearty concurrence. The mingling of Catholics and Huguenots in the early history of the colony had brought with it numberless annoyances. By sifting the wheat before it was sown, it was hoped to get rid of an otherwise inevitable cause of irritation and trouble. The correctness of the principle of Christian toleration was not admitted by the Roman church then any more than it is now. Nor did the Protestants of that period believe in it, or practise it, whenever they possessed the power to do otherwise. Even the Puritans of Ma.s.sachusetts Bay held that their charter conferred upon them the right and power of exclusion. It was not easy, it is true, to carry out this view by square legal enactment without coming into conflict with the laws of England; but they were adroit and skilful, endowed with a marvellous talent for finding some indirect method of laying a heavy hand upon Friend or Churchman, or the more independent thinkers among their own numbers, who desired to make their abode within the precincts of the bay. In the earlier years of the colony at Quebec, when Protestant and Catholic were there on equal terms, Champlain's religious a.s.sociations led him to swerve neither to the right hand nor to the left.

His administration was characterized by justice, firmness, and gentleness, and was deservedly satisfactory to all parties.

In his later years, the little colony upon whose welfare and Christian culture he had bestowed so much cheerful labor and anxious thought, became every day more and more dear to his heart. Within the ample folds of his charity were likewise encircled the numerous tribes of savages, spread over the vast domains of New France. He earnestly desired that all of them, far and near, friend and foe, might be instructed in the doctrines of the Christian faith, and brought into willing and loving obedience to the cross.

In its personal application to his own heart, the religion of Champlain was distinguished by a natural and gradual progress. His warmth, tenderness, and zeal grew deeper and stronger with advancing years. In his religious life there was a clearly marked seed-time, growth, and ripening for the harvest. After his return to Quebec, during the last three years of his life, his time was especially systematized and appropriated for intellectual and spiritual improvement. Some portion was given every morning by himself and those who const.i.tuted his family to a course of historical reading, and in the evening to the memoirs of the saintly dead whose lives he regarded as suitable for the imitation of the living, and each night for himself he devoted more or less time to private meditation and prayer.

Such were the devout habits of Champlain's life in his later years. We are not, therefore, surprised that the historian of Canada, twenty-five years after his death, should place upon record the following concise but comprehensive eulogy:--

"His surpa.s.sing love of justice, piety, fidelity to G.o.d, his king, and the Society of New France, had always been conspicuous. But in his death he gave such ill.u.s.trious proofs of his goodness as to fill every one with admiration." [117]

The reader of these memoirs has doubtless observed with surprise and perhaps with disappointment, the readiness with which Champlain took part in the wars of the savages. On his first visit to the valley of the St Lawrence, he found the Indians dwelling on the northern sh.o.r.es of the river and the lakes engaged in a deadly warfare with those on the southern, the Iroquois tribes occupying the northern limits of the present State of New York, generally known as the Five Nations. The hostile relations between these savages were not of recent date. They reached back to a very early but indefinite period. They may have existed for several centuries. When Champlain planted his colony at Quebec, in 1608, he at once entered into friendly relations with all the tribes which were his immediate neighbors.

This was eminently a suitable thing to do, and was, moreover, necessary for his safety and protection.

But a permanent and effective alliance with these tribes carried with it of necessity a solemn a.s.surance of aid against their enemies. This Champlain promptly promised without hesitation, and the next year he fulfilled his promise by leading them to battle on the sh.o.r.es of Lake Champlain. At all subsequent periods he regarded himself as committed to aid his allies in their hostile expeditions against the Iroquois. In his printed journal, he offers no apology for his conduct in this respect, nor does he intimate that his views could be questioned either in morals or sound policy. He rarely a.s.signs any reason whatever for engaging in these wars. In one or two instances he states that it seemed to him necessary to do so in order to facilitate the discoveries which he wished to make, and that he hoped it might in the end be the means of leading the savages to embrace Christianity. But he nowhere enters upon a full discussion of this point.

It is enough to say, in explanation of this silence, that a private journal like that published by Champlain, was not the place in which to foreshadow a policy, especially as it might in the future be subject to change, and its success might depend upon its being known only to those who had the power to shape and direct it. But nevertheless the silence of Champlain has doubtless led some historians to infer that he had no good reasons to give, and unfavorable criticisms have been bestowed upon his conduct by those, who did not understand the circ.u.mstances which influenced him, or the motives which controlled his action.

The war-policy of Champlain was undoubtedly very plainly set forth in his correspondence and interviews with the viceroys and several companies under whose authority he acted. But these discussions, whether oral or written, do not appear in general to have been preserved. Fortunately a single doc.u.ment of this character is still extant, in which his views are clearly unfolded. In Champlain's remarkable letter to Cardinal de Richelieu, which we have introduced a few pages back, his policy is fully stated. It is undoubtedly the same that he had acted upon from the beginning, and explains the frankness and readiness with which, first and last, as a faithful ally, he had professed himself willing to aid the friendly tribes in their wars against the Iroquois. The object which he wished to accomplish by this tribal war was, as fully stated in the letter to which we have referred, first, to conquer the Iroquois or Five Nations; to introduce peaceful relations between them and the other surrounding tribes; and, secondly, to establish a grand alliance of all the savage tribes, far and near, with the French. This could only be done in the order here stated. No peace could be secured from the Iroquois, except by their conquest, the utter breaking down of their power. They were not susceptible to the influence of reason. They were implacable, and had been brutalized by long-inherited habits of cruelty. In the total annihilation of their power was the only hope of peace. This being accomplished, the surviving remnant would, according to the usual custom among the Indians, readily amalgamate with the victorious tribes, and then a general alliance with the French could be easily secured. This was what Champlain wished to accomplish. The pacification of all the tribes occupying both sides of the St. Lawrence and the chain of northern lakes would place the whole domain of the American continent, or as much of it as it would be desirable to hold, under the easy and absolute control of the French nation.

Such a pacification as this would secure two objects; objects eminently important, appealing strongly to all who desired the aggrandizement of France and the progress and supremacy of the Catholic faith. It would secure for ever to the French the fur-trade of the Indians, a commerce then important and capable of vast expansion. The chief strength and resources of the savages allied with the French, the Montagnais, Algonquins, and Hurons, were at that period expended in their wars. On the cessation of hostilities, their whole force would naturally and inevitably be given to the chase. A grand field lay open to them for this exciting occupation. The fur-bearing country embraced not only the region of the St. Lawrence and the lakes, but the vast and unlimited expanse of territory stretching out indefinitely in every direction. The whole northern half of the continent of North America, filled with the most valuable fur-producing mammalia, would be open to the enterprise of the French, and could not fail to pour into their treasury an incredible amount of wealth. This Champlain was far-sighted enough to see, and his patriotic zeal lead him to desire that France should avail herself of this opportunity. [118]

But the conquest of the Iroquois would not only open to France the prospect of exhaustless wealth, but it would render accessible a broad, extensive, and inviting field of missionary labor. It would remove all external and physical obstacles to the speedy transmission and offer of the Christian faith to the numberless tribes that would thus be brought within their reach.

The desire to bring about these two great ulterior purposes, the augmentation of the commerce of France in the full development of the fur-trade, and the gathering into the Catholic church the savage tribes of the wilderness, explains the readiness with which, from the beginning, Champlain encouraged his Indian allies and took part with them in their wars against the Five Nations. In the very last year of his life, he demanded of Richelieu the requisite military force to carry on this war, reminding him that the cost would be trifling to his Majesty, while the enterprise would be the most n.o.ble that could be imagined.

In regard to the domestic and social life of Champlain, scarcely any doc.u.ments remain that can throw light upon the subject. Of his parents we have little information beyond that of their respectable calling and standing. He was probably an only child, as no others are on any occasion mentioned or referred to. He married, as we have seen, the daughter of the Secretary of the King's Chamber, and his wife, Helene Boulle, accompanied him to Canada in 1620, where she remained four years. They do not appear to have had children, as the names of none are found in the records at Quebec, and, at his death, the only claimant as an heir, was a cousin, Marie Cameret, who, in 1639, resided at Roch.e.l.le, and whose husband was Jacques Hersant, controller of duties and imposts. After Champlain's decease, his wife, Helene Boulle, became a novice in an Ursuline convent in the faubourg of St. Jacques in Paris. Subsequently, in 1648, she founded a religious house of the same order in the city of Meaux, contributing for the purpose the sum of twenty thousand livres and some part of the furnis.h.i.+ng. She entered the house that she had founded, as a nun, under the name of Sister _Helene de St. Augustin_, where, as the foundress, certain privileges were granted to her, such as a superior quality of food for herself, exemption from attendance upon some of the longer services, the reception into the convent, on her recommendation, of a young maiden to be a nun of the choir, with such pecuniary a.s.sistance as she might need, and the letters of her brother, the Father Eustache Boulle, were to be exempted from the usual inspection. She died at Meaux, on the 20th day of December, 1654, in the convent which she had founded. [119]

As an explorer, Champlain was unsurpa.s.sed by any who visited the northern coasts of America anterior to its permanent settlement He was by nature endowed with a love of useful adventure, and for the discovery of new countries he had an insatiable thirst. It began with him as a child, and was fresh and irrepressible in his latest years. Among the arts, he a.s.signed to navigation the highest importance. His broad appreciation of it and his strong attachment to it, are finely stated in his own compact and comprehensive description.

"Of all the most useful and excellent arts, that of navigation has always seemed to me to occupy the first place. For the more hazardous it is, and the more numerous the perils and losses by which it is attended, so much the more is it esteemed and exalted above all others, being wholly unsuited to the timid and irresolute. By this art we obtain a knowledge of different countries, regions, and realms. By it we attract and bring to our own land all kinds of riches; by it the idolatry of paganism is overthrown and Christianity proclaimed throughout all the regions of the earth. This is the art which won my love in my early years, and induced me to expose myself almost all my life to the impetuous waves of the ocean, and led me to explore the coasts of a part of America, especially those of New France, where I have always desired to see the Lily flourish, together with the only religion, catholic, apostolic, and Roman."

In addition to his natural love for discovery, Champlain had a combination of other qualities which rendered his explorations pre-eminently valuable.

His interest did not vanish with seeing what was new. It was by no means a mere fancy for simple sight-seeing. Restlessness and volatility did not belong to his temperament. His investigations were never made as an end, but always as a means. His undertakings in this direction were for the most part shaped and colored by his Christian principle and his patriotic love of France. Sometimes one and sometimes the other was more prominent.

His voyage to the West Indies was undertaken under a twofold impulse. It gratified his love of exploration and brought back rare and valuable information to France. Spain at that time did not open her island-ports to the commerce of the world. She was drawing from them vast revenues in pearls and the precious metals. It was her policy to keep this whole domain, this rich archipelago, hermetically sealed, and any foreign vessel approached at the risk of capture and confiscation. Champlain could not, therefore, explore this region under a commission from France. He accordingly sought and obtained permission to visit these Spanish possessions under the authority of Spain herself. He entered and personally examined all the important ports that surround and encircle the Caribbean Sea, from the pearl-bearing Margarita on the south, Deseada on the east, to Cuba on the west, together with the city of Mexico, and the Isthmus of Panama on the mainland. As the fruit of these journeyings, he brought back a report minute in description, rich in details, and luminous with ill.u.s.trations. This little brochure, from the circ.u.mstances attendant upon its origin, is unsurpa.s.sed in historical importance by any similar or competing doc.u.ment of that period. It must always remain of the highest value as a trustworthy, original authority, without which it is probable that the history of those islands, for that period, could not be accurately and truthfully written.

Champlain was a pioneer in the exploration of the Atlantic coast of New England and the eastern provinces of Canada, From the Strait of Canseau, at the northeastern extremity of Nova Scotia, to the Vineyard Sound, on the southern limits of Ma.s.sachusetts, he made a thorough survey of the coast in 1605 and 1606, personally examining its most important harbors, bays, and rivers, mounting its headlands, penetrating its forests, carefully observing and elaborately describing its soil, its products, and its native inhabitants. Besides lucid and definite descriptions of the coast, he executed topographical drawings of numerous points of interest along our sh.o.r.es, as Plymouth harbor, Nauset Bay, Stage Harbor at Chatham, Gloucester Bay, the Bay of Baco, with the long stretch of Old Orchard Beach and its interspersed islands, the mouth of the Kennebec, and as many more on the coast of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. To these he added descriptions, more or less definite, of the harbors of Barnstable, Wellfleet, Boston, of the headland of Cape Anne, Merrimac Bay, the Isles of Shoals, Cape Porpoise, Richmond's Island, Mount Desert, Isle Haute, Seguin, and the numberless other islands that adorn the exquisite sea-coast of Maine, as jewels that add a new l.u.s.tre to the beauty of a peerless G.o.ddess.

Other navigators had coasted along our sh.o.r.es. Some of them had touched at single points, of which they made meagre and unsatisfactory surveys.

Gosnold had, in 1602, discovered Savage Rock, but it was so indefinitely located and described that it cannot even at this day be identified.

Resolving to make a settlement on one of the barren islands forming the group named in honor of Queen Elizabeth and still bearing her name; after some weeks spent in erecting a storehouse, and in collecting a cargo of "furrs, skyns, saxafras, and other commodities," the project of a settlement was abandoned and he returned to England, leaving, however, two permanent memorials of his voyage, in the names which he gave respectively to Martha's Vineyard and to the headland of Cape Cod.

Captain Martin Pring came to our sh.o.r.es in 1603, in search of a cargo of sa.s.safras. There are indications that he entered the Pen.o.bscot. He afterward paid his respects to Savage Rock, the undefined _bonanza_ of his predecessor. He soon found his desired cargo on the Vineyard Islands, and hastily returned to England.

Captain George Weymouth, in 1605, was on the coast of Maine concurrently, or nearly so, with Champlain, where he pa.s.sed a month, explored a river, set up a cross, and took possession of the country in the name of the king.

But where these transactions took place is still in dispute, so indefinitely does his journalist describe them.

Captain John Smith, eight years later than Champlain, surveyed the coast of New England while his men were collecting a cargo of furs and fish. He wrote a description of it from memory, part or all of it while a prisoner on board a French s.h.i.+p of war off Fayall, and executed a map, both valuable, but nevertheless exceedingly indefinite and general in their character.

These flying visits to our sh.o.r.es were not unimportant, and must not be undervalued. They were necessary steps in the progress of the grand historical events that followed. But they were meagre and hasty and superficial, when compared to the careful, deliberate, extensive, and thorough, not to say exhaustive, explorations made by Champlain.

In the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Cartier had preceded Champlain by a period of more than sixty years. During this long, dreary half-century the stillness of the primeval forest had not been disturbed by the woodman's axe. When Champlain's eyes fell upon it, it was still the same wild, unfrequented, unredeemed region that it had been to its first discoverer. The rivers, bays, and islands described by Cartier were identified by Champlain, and the names they had already received were permanently fixed by his added authority. The whole gulf and river were re-examined and described anew in his journal. The exploration of the Richelieu and of Lake Champlain was pushed into the interior three hundred miles from his base at Quebec. It reached into a wilderness and along gentle waters never before seen by any civilized race. It was at once fascinating and hazardous, environed as it was by vigilant and ferocious savages, who guarded its gates with the sleepless watchfulness of the fabled Cerberus.

The courage, endurance, and heroism of Champlain were tested in the still greater-exploration of 1615. It extended from Montreal, the whole length of the Ottawa, to Lake Nip.i.s.sing, the Georgian Bay, Simcoe, the system of small lakes on the south, across the Ontario, and finally ending in the interior of the State of New York, a journey through tangled forests and broken water-courses of more than a thousand miles, occupying nearly a year, executed in the face of physical suffering and hards.h.i.+p before which a nature less intrepid and determined, less loyal to his great purpose, less generous and unselfish, would have yielded at the outset. These journeys into the interior, along the courses of navigable rivers and lakes, and through the primitive forests, laid open to the knowledge of the French a domain vast and indefinite in extent, on which an empire broader and far richer in resources than the old Gallic France might have been successfully reared.

The personal explorations of Champlain in the West Indies, on the Atlantic coast, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in the State of New York and of Vermont, and among the lakes in Canada and those that divide the Dominion from the United States, including the full, explicit, and detailed journals which he wrote concerning them, place Champlain undeniably not merely in the front rank, but at the head of the long list of explorers and navigators, who early visited this part of the continent of North America.

Champlain's literary labors are interesting and important. They were not professional, but incidental, and the natural outgrowth of the career to which he devoted his life He had the sagacity to see that the fields which he entered as an explorer were new and important, that the aspect of every thing which he then saw would, under the influence and progress of civilization, soon be changed, and that it was historically important that a portrait Sketched by an eyewitness should be handed down to other generations. It was likewise necessary for the immediate and successful planting of colonies, that those who engaged in the undertaking should have before them full information of all the conditions on which they were to build their hopes of final success.

Inspired by such motives as these, Champlain wrote out an accurate journal of the events that transpired about him, of what he personally saw, and of the observations of others, authenticated by the best tests which, under the circ.u.mstances, he was able to apply. His natural endowments for this work were of the highest order. As an observer he was sagacious, discriminating, and careful. His judgment was cool, comprehensive, and judicious. His style is in general clear, logical, and compact. His acquired ability was not, however, extraordinary. He was a scholar neither by education nor by profession. His life was too full of active duties, or too remote from the centres of knowledge for acquisitions in the departments of elegant and refined learning. The period in which he lived was little distinguished for literary culture. A more brilliant day was approaching, but it had not yet appeared. The French language was still crude and unpolished. It had not been disciplined and moulded into the excellence to which it soon after arose in the reign of Louis XIV. We cannot in reason look for a grace, refinement, and flexibility which the French language had not at that time generally attained. But it is easy to see under the rude, antique, and now obsolete forms which characterize Champlain's narratives, the elements of a style which, under, early discipline, nicer culture, and a richer vocabulary, might have made it a model for all times. There are, here and there, some involved, unfinished, and obscure pa.s.sages, which seem, indeed, to be the offspring of haste, or perhaps of careless and inadequate proof-reading. But in general his style is without ornament, simple, dignified, concise, and clear. While he was not a diffusive writer, his works are by no means limited in extent, as they occupy in the late erudite Laverdiere's edition, six quarto volumes, containing fourteen hundred pages. In them are three large maps, delineating the whole northeastern part of the continent, executed with great care and labor by his own hand, together with numerous local drawings, picturing not only bays and harbors, Indian canoes, wigwams, and fortresses, but several battle scenes, conveying a clear idea, not possible by a mere verbal description, of the savage implements and mode of warfare.

[120] His works include, likewise, a treatise on navigation, full of excellent suggestions to the practical seaman of that day, drawn from his own experience, stretching over a period of more than forty years.

The Voyages of Champlain, as an authority, must always stand in the front rank. In trustworthiness, in richness and fullness of detail, they have no compet.i.tor in the field of which they treat. His observations upon the character, manners, customs, habits, and utensils of the aborigines, were made before they were modified or influenced in their mode of life by European civilization. The intercourse of the strolling fur-trader and fishermen with them was so infrequent and brief at that early period, that it made upon them little or no impression. Champlain consequently pictures the Indian in his original, primeval simplicity. This will always give to his narratives, in the eye of the historian, the ethnologist, and the antiquary, a peculiar and pre-eminent importance. The result of personal observation, eminently truthful and accurate, their testimony must in all future time be incomparably the best that can be obtained relating to the aborigines on this part of the American continent.