Abolition a Sedition Part 2

But as it happens, this Society is a nondescript organization, because it is an unlawful one. It has no territorial jurisdiction, and no political relations, apart from its own const.i.tuent elements; it is a parvenu and stranger among recognised republics and nations--a mere pirate, a brigand, that has broken loose from law, and invaded, from inaccessible ambushes, the peace of whole communities, putting in peril the lives of their citizens, and their inst.i.tutions. It cannot, therefore, be approached by the injured parties, under that _lex talionis_ of nations, which is customarily resorted to, when their honor has been insulted, their rights violated, or their interests impaired, by a foreign foe. This Society protects itself under the s.h.i.+eld of that Government, of the laws of which its very existence is a violation. That Government, therefore, is responsible for its action, and the injured parties have a claim upon it for indemnification and redress of the evils which they suffer. In existing circ.u.mstances, this is the only medium by which a remedy can be obtained. Nevertheless, the law of nations has been violated by foreign interference in the domestic condition of the slaveholding States--an interference, which, in any other case, would be regarded as a just occasion for retaliation by a resort to arms.

In the discussion of this point of the subject, we have nothing to do with the rights of the slave in relation to the authorities by which he is held in bondage, any more than with those of the serfs of Poland, or of Hungary, or of Prussia, in case the sympathies of this Society should happen to take that direction, and make war on the peace and social inst.i.tutions of those countries. The two cases are precisely parallel, and one is as justifiable as the other, by the law of nations, and of human society as it exists. The authorities of those countries would fairly hold the Government of the United States responsible for such an invasion, in the same manner, as we are bound by treaty with the British Government to maintain our obligations of neutrality on the Canadian frontier, and to prevent our citizens from invading the rights, and destroying the lives of British subjects in their own territory. Even though it could be shown, that the Canadians are oppressed, and deprived of their just rights, still it would be no justification or apology for the interference of our citizens. The same principle precisely applies to the action of the American Anti-Slavery Society on the Southern States.

But this Society is even more criminal than these invaders of Canada, because it has first violated the laws of the United States by the erection of a systematic and unlawful polity, an unconst.i.tutional and powerful machinery, the plans and scope of which, if not abandoned or suppressed, are adequate to protract, perpetuate, and forever to augment the illegal and destructive powers they have set in operation, till they shall upset the Government, and desolate the South; whereas the invasion of Canada is nothing more than the mad enterprise of a few deluded individuals. Had they followed the example of the American Anti-Slavery Society,--which, doubtless, they had an equal right to do--and set up a like political organization, under like immunities, and with like strength of preparation, they would inevitably have involved this country in a war with Great Britain. What sufferance, therefore, has been practised towards this Society! And what protracted injuries have the Southern States been compelled to endure!

As remarked in the previous chapter, it is the perfectly anomalous character of this enterprise, which has so long embarra.s.sed the public mind. All not engaged in it, have felt it to be wrong; the wide spread indignation, and the popular outbreaks it has occasioned in rebuke of its designs and operations, show that it involves some great and vitally important principle in our social fabric; but its distinct and definite character, and its exact political position and relations, have not heretofore been evolved and so exhibited, as to enable the public to see it clearly, and to know how to treat it. It was the suddenness and novelty of the movement, as a grand and unlawful political transaction, that astounded the public mind, and threw it from the balance of its wonted composure; but the agitation and disturbance it occasioned are prima facie evidence of its aberration from right principles--of its criminality. That cannot be regarded, by sober minds, other than a highly responsible operation in society, which breaks its peace, and puts in peril its political existence; and we dare to aver, that the common impression of its criminality cannot be without good reason. Even if no law had been violated, other than a common and implied obligation of all good citizens to keep the peace, and sustain the tranquil operation of our Const.i.tution and laws, that is enough to authorize a verdict of guilty against this Society on the _general_ charge of a public nuisance. But in all points of view we find there is recognised and written law for the case, and the common feeling of the public mind is honored and sustained by the investigation. We might fairly presume it impossible for this feeling to be wrong, as it springs up spontaneously in the bosom of a community where slavery is not only disapproved, but abhorred.

It is morally certain, therefore, that it is not a feeling of complacency in slavery, nor any desire, nor even willingness, to see it perpetuated, that has arrayed itself so generally in the North against the Abolition movement. But it is a conviction, that the supreme law of the land has been invaded, and the certain knowledge, that the public peace has been disturbed, and the stability and permanence of our social and political inst.i.tutions put in peril. It is a correct view of the nature of our political fabric, which leads the public mind, in such an exigency, to the conclusion, that the people of one State have no right to interfere with the domestic condition of another, unless that right has been _specified_ and conferred in the Federal compact; and that even then, it can be employed only in general concert by a representation of all the States in Congress a.s.sembled. The people know, as they are bound to know, so long as they claim the privilege of self-government, that the rights of the several States, not transferred or prohibited by the general Const.i.tution, are sacred in their own keeping, and ought to be sacred from foreign interference and invasion. And although they may not have discovered, and as would appear, have not, as a body, that the _organization_ of the American Anti-Slavery is an open and flagrant violation of law, yet they have felt and been convinced, that its _transactions_ are of this character. Hence the public feeling of remonstrance and indignation, that has been manifested. It is not unprovoked and wanton; it is not an opposition to the principle of Abolition in itself considered, for all the early and abiding prejudices of the North are on that side; it is not persecution, however such a clamour may be raised, for there is no adequate moral cause; but it is an attachment to the existing, and long tried, inst.i.tutions of the country, which, though they may not be perfect, are yet deemed too valuable to be suddenly and ruthlessly broken down by a faction--by an organized sedition. This feeling, therefore, is worthy of some respect--nay, of the greatest respect--for it proves to be based on sound Const.i.tutional principles. We hold it to be impossible, that a lawful enterprise could produce so great an excitement, under a Const.i.tution and Government so good, and so well approved, as ours.

But, having disposed of this subject, as a violation of the law of nations, which involves the highest criminality, because it is liable to work mischief on the largest scale, and of the deepest die, let us consider it as a violation of the Federal Compact, in an Article not yet introduced: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Const.i.tution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." This is the Tenth Article of the Const.i.tution of the United States; and although it involves precisely the same principle of international law, as that we have just been considering, it presents itself here in the character and with the sanction of a corporate element of our own political fabric.

It draws the line, in black and white, between the powers of the nation and those of the States respectively. It leaves the States in absolute and uncontrolled possession of all the sovereign powers, customarily a.s.serted and employed by sovereign States, which are not delegated or prohibited in the general Const.i.tution; and one of those powers is a sovereign right of legislation and control over the inst.i.tution of slavery. Another, of course, is the common and national right, universally recognized, of claiming the unrestricted scope and benefit of the law of noninterference in regard to this matter. This Article of the Federal Const.i.tution places every State precisely on the footing, and in the position, of nations entirely independent of each other, in all particulars not surrendered or prohibited by this instrument. Its language is, that all other powers--"the powers not delegated, &c. are _reserved_ to the States _respectively_, or to the people." Whatever may have been intended by this alternative of "_the people_," it cannot be construed to qualify or restrict the object of our present remarks. We suppose it points to the principle of general sovereignty, as appears to be recognized in the Ninth Article, as follows: "The enumeration, in the Const.i.tution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people;" that is--if we may be allowed the privilege of interpretation here--those general rights of sovereignty, which belong to all nations, acting in their Const.i.tutional modes, authorizing measures adapted to unforeseen exigencies. Certainly, this rule cannot be construed to authorize a minority, or a faction, to do what they please, or to depart from the const.i.tuted forms of law. And that is all the bar we have any occasion, for our present purpose, to introduce, whatever other interpretation may be given to it.

The sovereignty of the States, in and over their own respective jurisdictions, in all that is not taken out of their hands by the National Const.i.tution, is recognized and settled by the Tenth Article; and the power to claim the privilege of _noninterference_ from foreign quarters, as to their domestic condition, is a part of that sovereignty. Consequently, if the people, or any a.s.sociation of people, in one State, should interfere with the domestic concerns of another, they are guilty of sedition in and against the Republic; and on the principles of international law, if it be a seriously disturbing movement--of which the injured party is const.i.tuted judge--they have made war upon that State, and furnished a just occasion of resort to arms, if remedy and redress can be obtained in no other way. We speak not the language of advice, but of the law simply--of recognized and established principles of civilized and political society;--and so far as the question of sedition is concerned, we speak of the supreme law of this land. In the condition and relations of the members of our Confederacy, the remedy for such interference is doubtless to be sought through the medium, and by the action, of the General Government. If that Government should prove incompetent, or be unwilling, to perform the duty claimed by the injured party, and devolving upon it in such an exigency, the natural consequence would be a dissolution of the Union, and a probable resort to arms. And this is the result to which our country is now imminently exposed by the seditious and criminal interferences of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with the domestic condition of the slave-holding States. They have no more right to meddle with Southern slavery, than with that of the Irish peasantry, or of the miserable beings immured in British Manufactories, or of Hungarian, or Polish, or Russian boors, which, in each of these instances, is far more worthy of commiseration and relief, than the slavery of the Southern States, and calls louder for the offices of humanity, if any such interferences would be tolerated.

But the case is even stronger than has yet been stated. The General Government itself cannot interfere in this matter, except to keep the peace, and _prevent_ interference; and this they are bound to do. The Federal Const.i.tution has recognized the validity of slave property, and established a law to maintain and defend it, throughout the jurisdiction of the United States, as follows: "No person held to service, or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping to another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service, or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such labor or service may be due." Art. IV, Sect. II, Clause 3d. The Tenth Article of the Const.i.tution cuts off all interference of the General Government, in the matter of slavery, as it exists in any of the States. Next, it debars interference to all the States, in relation to each other. Much more does it debar such interference to private citizens, or to any combinations of citizens, in any State, or States, with the slavery of other States. For, surely, that right of property, which the public authorities may not infringe, may not be infringed by those who are not invested with authority. Neither can a private citizen, or any combinations of citizens, lawfully disturb or weaken the possession of property, which is sanctioned and upheld by the laws of the land.

Moreover, the General Government is bound by an express law of the Federal Const.i.tution to protect and defend this species of property against invasion, conspiracy, insurrection, and violence: "The United States shall protect every State in this Union _against invasion_; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive, when the legislature cannot be convened, _against domestic violence_." Of course, this is a general and comprehensive rule for all possible exigencies of the kind; but it is generally understood--the last clause, particularly, respecting "domestic violence"--to have been enacted in antic.i.p.ation of _servile_ insurrections, and such other disturbances as are liable to occur under a system of slavery. Any how, the rule applies to these cases, and comprehends them; and that is enough. The General Government is bound to keep the peace under its own laws; and whenever the slave-holding States shall have occasion for its services, in consequence of "domestic violence," or of "invasion," they have a right to demand them, under this law of the Const.i.tution; and they would no doubt be promptly afforded.

We see, therefore, that slavery is protected and defended at all points by the political fabric of this country. We profess, that we have no complacency in slavery, and never had: and that we have no gratification in coming to this conclusion, so far as it presents the prospect of the perpetuity of this acknowledged evil. But the time has come when a far greater evil, than that of slavery, threatens this land, in the unlawful measures which have been concerted, and which are being unlawfully urged, to do it away. The time has come, when it is important for the public to know what the law is, in relation to this movement; that they may know how to appreciate it, and how to act. The time has come, when it would be treason to the country wilfully to conceal the law, or to misinterpret it; for the law is the only power, that can settle this question in the public mind, on this side of that fearful resort, which brings despotism first, and barbarism last. Whatever the law is, we want to know it; the people of this country want to know it; and we believe they will abide by it, till, in peaceable times, they can make a better, if a better can be made.

The Abolitionists of this country are fast driving the people to the law--to a law, which has long been asleep and forgotten, because there was no demand for its authority; to a law, which we think, will a.s.suredly work against the Agitators; to a law, which may yet have occasion to say to the tempest they have raised--"Hitherto shalt thou come, but no further."

CHAPTER V.

VIOLENT REFORMS, AND THEIR CONNEXION WITH ABOLITIONISM.

It can hardly have escaped the attentive observer of the history of our country, that for a considerable period, and to a great extent, it has been characterised by _violent reforms_, both in religion and morals; and it would be impossible, in our judgment, to understand the causes of the Abolition movement, if we should leave out of view this important and prominent historical feature. All great movements in society have their moral causes, and it is by referring to them, that we are enabled to ascertain their true character.

Religion has always been a potent element in American society, and it is to the conservative power of Christianity, that we owe our greatest blessings. But it does not remain for us to prove what history has decided, that religion may be abused and perverted. In such a case, it becomes important to distinguish between Christianity and religious excesses, or corruptions, and to rescue the former from a responsibility which would dishonor and injure it. When religion is profaned and degraded by extravagant modes of action; when it becomes rude and violent, instead of maintaining the genuine character of Christian suavity and mildness; when it a.s.sumes an overbearing and despotic dictation to private and public conscience, instead of the kind and winning arts of persuasion, which s.h.i.+ne so conspicuously in the example of the Divine founder of Christianity, and of his Apostles;--and more especially, when it has leaped from its appropriate sphere of the moral, to the agitations of the political, world, seized on a stupendous political machinery in violation of the laws of the country, disturbed civil order to an alarming extent, threatened to overthrow the Government, and to deluge the land in the blood of a civil war--it is time to enquire into the causes of such a movement, how it originated, and how it may be checked, if checked it can be. These causes cannot be understood, without alluding to the facts and events of our religious history; for it is after all, and in truth, a religious movement, even by its own public and authoritative confession, as before seen. The Const.i.tutional law of this land has carefully excluded religion from a partic.i.p.ation in the authorities of State, and it cannot lawfully meddle with its affairs. It is a notable fact, however, notwithstanding these cautious provisions, that it has finally and suddenly overstepped these const.i.tutional barriers, and usurped the most important and most momentous State questions, that could possibly be taken in hand.

In the first place, we remark, as a simple matter of fact--the deductions from which will afterwards claim our attention--that certain very extraordinary and painful scenes, sufficiently well known, have been enacted in our religious history, bordering on fanaticism, in some of the means employed, and modes adopted, for the extension of the interests of religion, according to the particular views of those engaged in these measures. So long, however, as those excesses were confined to religious action, they have been tolerated and protected by the laws of the land. It is the spirit of our Government, and the general temper of the community, not to disturb religion, even when its measures, in the judgment of the more sober, are deemed very extravagant and fanatical. Hence the rather _forcing_ methods that have been so extensively adopted to gain and multiply converts, have been connived at, because they have been allowed to be sincere, and it was hoped they might be useful, as a conscientiously religious man is a better citizen than one whose sense of moral obligation is not founded in religious motives. This high stimulation of the moral world, however, has had the effect to produce an extensive and powerfully active leaven of a specific character, which seemed to require a wider scope of action, or an action the results of which might be somewhat more palpable in the common regions of society, than that which relates merely to the spiritual affections of mankind. In a word, instead of being satisfied with the religion of those "who declare plainly, that they _seek_ a country" not yet possessed, it has shown a disposition to take under its charge a country _already_ possessed. A religious faith, which ought to have maintained ulterior and higher aims, has degenerated somewhat into a religious patriotism; which still might have been well enough, as to any objections from general society, if it had not transcended the laws of the land. But it was perfectly natural, that a spirit which was violent, and addicted to forcing measures in one department of society, should also be violent, and employ like forcing measures in another, whenever its drift or inclinations should tempt it from its original and legitimate sphere of action.

It will be understood, of course, that we allude, in the first place, to the violence which has been so extensively manifested in religious reforms; and next, to the same spirit which afterwards took hold of Abolitionism. It was the breaking over of all religious order in the first instance, which prepared the way for the violation of civil order in the second. That boldness which trampled on custom in one case, was naturally schooled to set at defiance the law in the other.

But all breaches of propriety and of law, human or divine, are generally a work of degrees. Moral reforms came next to the religious--to neither of which, of course, do we take exception, any farther than as respects the violence that has been practised. But it is equally known, that the excesses which characterized one cla.s.s, have been carried into the other. That religious patriotism, if we may call it so--an honorable appellation, certainly--which began to trouble itself with the condition and affairs of the country, soon discovered, that the state of public and general morals required attention--a conclusion most natural and most worthy, and an object which could hardly fail to meet with general approbation. And accordingly it has been approved, and well sustained. It was a work, in its various forms, from which much good was expected, and by which, no doubt, much good has been done.

But, unfortunately, the same excesses and the same violence, which characterized the religious operations of the country so extensively, were transferred into the moral reforms which were undertaken, and became a princ.i.p.al ingredient, because it happened, that the most violent religionists had a princ.i.p.al hand and a controlling influence in these matters also. As in religion, they undertook to convert sinners by force, so they undertook to reclaim mankind from their vices by force; and as they had adopted various new inventions and machineries for the former operations, so they did for the latter. But _force_ was the dominant power in all--forcing opinions, forcing conscience, forcing the will--in the one case fulminating the terrors which come up from the future world to frighten mankind into religion; and in the other, arming themselves with all the power of an a.s.sociated influence to destroy the characters of those who differed from them in opinion, as to the best modes of moral reformation, or who did not fall in with all their extravagant and coercing measures.

The sanctuary of domestic and private life was not secure from their invasion; the thunders of authoritative anathemas pealed on the ears of the public, from the solemn decisions of imposing popular Conventions, to proscribe opposition and remonstrance, because it was _a.s.sumed_ to be wrong and criminal, by a judgment _ex cathedra_; the t.i.tle was claimed to examine every private citizen as to his private habits and opinions, and to denounce him, if heterodox; nor did they wait even for that; for they had the sagacity to discover what a man was by looking in his face. The character of no man was safe under such an inquisitorial, all pervading, self-const.i.tuted, and irresponsible tribunal, if he did not succ.u.mb at once to its authority.

Violent _moral_ reforms const.i.tuted the _second_ stage of advancement with this disturbing spirit of our land; and the impunity which it realized in its progress seemed to be a warrant for the still farther extension of its domain. And behold! the next step was an invasion of the political fabric of our country, by a crusade on the Southern States for the rescue of the slaves! By this time a mighty moral a.s.sociated power had been arrayed for any violent enterprise that should be set on foot. The entire ranks had been well schooled in a thorough contempt of all opinions except their own, and seemed to think, that the whole world were under a moral obligation to respect and yield to theirs. Custom and law seemed to have no respect in their eyes _because_ they were custom and law; but existing inst.i.tutions were rather a.s.sumed to be wrong _because_ they existed. They had found the religious world all wrong, and undertook to revolutionize it without scruple; they had found the conventional social state all wrong, and a.s.sumed the task of imposing new laws upon that; and now they have discovered that the political fabric of our country is wrong, and have begun to tear it down, without leave, and in open violation of the supreme law of the land. Before they had stepped foot upon this ground, they had nothing to oppose them, and success inspired confidence. Wrong themselves they could not be, in their own esteem; they have never dreamed of being wrong; it is not the nature of fanaticism. But this stepping out of the appropriate sphere of religious and moral reform, into the arena of political strife, under a vast and powerful political machinery of their own creation, puts them in a new position. The religious world, and the conventional social state, they might invade with impunity, and devastate at pleasure; there was no adequate power to withstand them; but a recognized and long established political fabric will not give way so easy.

Avaunt, ye infidels, and suspend your song of triumph, that religion is fallen, though it cannot be denied, that she is dishonored. She has been betrayed in her own house, and by her professed adherents: but their true character stands revealed. Christianity has never authorized such proceedings; but they are violations of her most sacred principles.

It requires but the slightest observation to justify the position we have a.s.sumed, as to the connexion between Abolitionism and other violent reforms. We do not, indeed, suppose it true, that all Abolitionists have been engaged in the other; or that all who may have taken part in the violences which came first, are engaged in the last.

We only mean to aver, that there is not only a natural and common sympathy in all these movements, but that the most prominent leaders in any one of them, are generally found in all; and that they are a flock which instinctively jump together over the same fence, when any one of them gives the lead. "We mean, moreover, to be understood as maintaining, that Abolitionism is only a new form of an old spirit, which, having found no great impediment in its former pranks, has thought fit to lay aside the comedy, and attempt the more grave enactment of a tragedy. This we regard as the philosophy of its history."

So far as Abolitionists themselves may turn their eyes upon these pages, we beg leave to a.s.sure them, that we mean nothing uncharitable by these remarks, or in our general treatment of this subject. They must be quite aware that the affluence of language has been exhausted, used up, and worn out, on their side, in epithets of censure on their opponents; and that they are the a.s.sailants in the most important particular. We believe, that the great majority of those, who have been drawn into the Abolition ranks, are honest, good people; but, that they are deceived. As we are convinced, that this business cannot go on much longer, in its present shape, without ruining the country, we therefore think the time has come, when the language of plainness is demanded, if, peradventure, the deluded may be undeceived; at least, that that portion of the public, not already committed to this cause, may clearly understand its character and position. It professes to be engaged in the cause of humanity and liberty; while in fact it leads directly to anarchy and bloodshed. It originated in violence, and has never lost its character--a violence which has been successively jumping from one line of movement, and from one object of a.s.sault, to another, acquiring strength in every stage of progress by the principle of organization. Finding, that its coercive measures did not answer all its purposes in the religious sphere, on account of certain obstacles existing in the state of public morals, it buckled on its armour for this new field, and applied the screw and lever to the dead weights found there. After working awhile with the same characteristic violence, and with some success, but on the whole, with a reasonable prospect of defeat, on account of its mode of operation, it jumped over into the political arena, where it now is, well at work with acc.u.mulated and acc.u.mulating powers; and what shall be the end thereof, heaven only knows; but it is, at least, a dangerous business.

Of course, in consequence of the division of its forces, it can only carry on its former enterprises with diminished vigor, while it is supremely bent upon this. But the immense machinery that has been in operation, which is continually augmenting in its parts and power, is growing more and more formidable, and more and more efficient.

Encountered it must be by the authorities of the nation, or else, in our opinion, it will soon force those authorities to resign their places.

CHAPTER VI.

THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION BORROWED FROM THE RELIGIOUS WORLD.

We have nothing to do with the merits of the Religious and Benevolent Society system of this country; it is only necessary for us to allude to the character, skill, operation, and efficiency of its framework, to ill.u.s.trate the fabric of the American Anti-Slavery Society, which has been constructed precisely after that model. To accomplish the various objects of the religious and benevolent public, they have thought it expedient and necessary to erect themselves, by a.s.sociation, into sundry bodies politic, or incorporations, which originally were small, but which have gradually grown to considerable importance. It has been found by experience, that by a skilful organization, and by an economical application of its means and agencies, a single Society, enjoying public favor, can operate upon the whole country, to secure interest, raise money, and carry on its designs. But the very necessities of the case have put in requisition a sort of State machinery, which, as is well known, has been erected, and in some instances extended, on a very large scale; and they are conducted with as much system, as the affairs of a Nation, not unfrequently with a superior tact and efficiency, as compared with the ordinary concerns of the political world. The fact, that rotation of office does not follow in these Societies, as in the State, gives them greater advantage in this particular. The various officers and agents become highly accomplished and skilled in their vocation, are supported by fixed and adequate salaries, and can devote themselves entirely to their work, from the day of their induction to the day of their death. They are at home in their several places and spheres, and know all about them. They understand by what means their objects can best be obtained, are always growing wiser by experience, and consequently more influential and powerful, in this particular. These Societies have always a Head; a Council Board; legislative, executive, and judicial departments of Government; Secretaries and Under-secretaries; a fiscal system; itinerating Agents; subsidiary organizations, multiplying in numbers, and increasing in influence; journals, periodicals, tracts, books, &c. &c.--all subserving their designs. These machineries are all the inventions of a single age, and const.i.tute a new era in human Society. They are, undeniably, inst.i.tutions of great influence and power. For religious and benevolent objects, they seem to have been welcomed by the Christian world generally, have been encouragingly sustained; and some of them are engaged in large schemes, as wide as the human family, and might vie, in the extent of their correspondence and responsibilities, with the ordinary operations of political Governments. Confining themselves to the objects and cares which they have a.s.sumed before the public, they have neither roused the jealousies, nor encountered the opposition, of the political world. Their powers are of a high order, of great scope, and of no inconsiderable importance in the social system.

Exactly according to this pattern is the American Anti-slavery Society. The simple fact, that it has borrowed this machinery from this quarter, proves, that the argument of the previous chapter, showing it to be a religious movement, is founded in truth. Such, beyond all question, is its character. Neither is it any the less political on that account. The sum of the matter is: IT IS RELIGION IN THE STATE; and so much _worse_ than a _Union of Church and State_, as that it is a _usurpation_, set up in defiance of the State's authority, and in open violation of its highest, strongest, most sacred law!

It is well for the Churches of this land, that they are not engaged in this business, that they have lifted their voices against it, and acquitted themselves of its responsibilities. It would be enough to sink Christianity amongst us to the lowest depths, to rise again, no one could tell when. But, fortunately, the public, the world will see, that this responsibility rests on a few, and only a few, designing, ambitious, turbulent spirits; that the great majority of those who have been drawn into this mad enterprise, are perfectly innocent of any evil designs, have never dreamed of violating law, have had their best feelings worked upon by exaggerated statements and false representations, have been made to believe that this was their proper business, and been const.i.tuted Judges of that which did not belong to them, and which they know little or nothing about. We are disposed to believe, to hope, certainly, that it will only be necessary for them to be enlightened in the knowledge of their position, as members and abettors of such an organization, to be induced to withdraw, and wash their hands of its responsibilities. It is the moral power which their numbers give to it, that const.i.tutes its importance and influence. It is in fact a vast and powerful machinery, from the very nature of its organization, and the methods of its operation, so long as it can hold its own; more especially, so long as it is in a state of actual growth, and in an advancing career. The Government of this country, and those States which are parties concerned, cannot be too much alive to this fact. The public generally ought to understand it; and if the knowledge and conviction should generally obtain, that this Society is a seditious organization, and engaged in a work of sedition, which, by continuance, may grow into treason, it is believed, that no more acquisitions to its numbers and power could be made, and that it would gradually die away, and cease to agitate the public mind, without the intervention of the public authorities.

We have shown, as we think, by the fairest argument, that this Society _is_ an _organized_ sedition. But even if there were any doubt upon the subject, that doubt ought to go in favour of public peace and safety--_Ne quid detrementi respublica capiat_--lest the republic receive damage.

If, in the judgment of the const.i.tuted authorities of this country, the public safety should require it, we have no more doubt of their competency to dissolve the American Anti-Slavery Society, and suppress its action as an organization, than of the power of a Court of Chancery to issue an injunction to arrest an alledged and apparent violation of law, till the case can be fairly tried. But whether, or when, it may be expedient, is for the proper authorities themselves, in their discretion, to decide. In such a case, the present component parts of this Society would be reduced to the Const.i.tutional basis, with all the license of the Const.i.tutional provisions; and on that ground they would be harmless. Whereas, as a _permanent_ and _independent_ political organization, they are an unconst.i.tutional, vast, formidable, and dangerous power. This Society is in fact a rival Empire on the territories of the Republic; and the simple question is, whether this usurpation, or the old and Const.i.tutional Government, shall stand. If this organization has _already_ attained sufficient strength and confidence in its power, to refuse submission to the claims of the Const.i.tution, and if it would _now_ resist the empire of the law, in case it should be a.s.serted, the very grave and portentious question arises, what is likely to be the state of things in this country, after the continued action and growth of this Society shall _compel_ the Government to take a stand against it? There is all the difference between the two cases, as between the strength of a bud, and the vigorous trunk and extended arms of a full grown tree.

CHAPTER VII.

THE ANARCHICAL PRINCIPLES OF ABOLITIONISM.

_Nous verrons_--Onward! seems to be alike the maxim and tendency of all violent reforms. It may be said, that Abolitionism has at last come to a fair and palpable _denoument_, in the formation of the _New England Non-resistence Society_, which was organized at Boston, in September, 1838, with William Lloyd Garrison, and such others, men and _women_, leaders. The fundamental principle of this new a.s.sociation is _identical_ with that of the Abolition movement. Both hinge upon the same pivot. Indeed, it will be found, that all the violent reforms of our country are based upon this. It is stated in the Const.i.tution of the Non-resistence Society in the following terms: "It appears to us a self-evident truth, that whatever the Gospel is designed to _destroy_ at any period of the world, being contrary to it, ought _now_ to be abandoned." The mischievous element of this proposition, as reduced to practice by the violent reformers, is _occult_, and would appear in its naked form by subst.i.tuting for the last word "_abandoned_," that of _destroyed_--"ought _now_ to be _destroyed_;" for these reformers do not admit, that those customs and laws, judged by their interpretation of the Gospel unlawful, may be retained till _persuasion_ shall produce reform, and simply preach, that they "_ought_ to be _abandoned_." But they clearly show their meaning is, that they "ought to be _destroyed_" and that it is not only lawful, but praiseworthy and a duty, to destroy them. _Destruction_ is the ruling power of the code; and society, the world, is to take its chances for the setting up of a better state of things.

Now, we maintain, that this is a fair statement of the principles of Abolitionism, and of all other of the violent movements. Their doctrine of _immediatism_--if we may invent a new term--is always one and the same, and always has been. Wherever they find an evil, or wrong--_Down with it_--is the rule. _Fiat Just.i.tia, ruat calum_--a sound principle, certainly; and a good maxim, in prudent hands; but a terrible one, in rash hands.

It is a good thing, and a very instructive result, that the principles of these Destructives have at last come out, and been openly published to the world, in the Const.i.tution and "Bill of sentiments," adopted by the New England Non-resistance Society. There is now no longer a disguise. They openly renounce allegiance to all government: "_We cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human government!_" Here, then, it is, fairly ushered into the light of day--_a condition of universal anarchy_, the proclaimed Jubilee of these reformers. We have only to say, that this new Society has come honestly and openly to the end, to which all the _Immediatists_ of whatever name, are rapidly advancing.

The maxim--_Down with it_--which governs them all, and which is the soul, body, and foundation of their enterprise--cannot stop short of anarchy. There is nothing of importance in the avowed principles of this new Society, revolting and shocking as they are, which is not a legitimate consequence of Abolitionism; or, by the remotest degree of relations.h.i.+p, cousin-german to it. In the first place, they renounce allegiance to human government; the Abolitionists, to be consistent, ought to do the same; for they have made open war against it. _They_ have announced the doctrine of _Immediatism_[1] as their fundamental principle; that also is the fundamental principle of the Abolitionists. _They_ have levelled all distinctions in society, of rank, color, caste, and _s.e.x_; and the doctrines of Abolitionism, carried out, have legitimately led them to this. _They_ have proclaimed the Agrarian principle, in all forms of application, and denied the right of defending property, or any civil inheritance, by human authority, or force of arms; and Abolitionism requires the sanction of this principle to affect its designs. _They_ recognise but one ruler--the King of heaven; it is equally necessary for the Abolitionists to set aside the authorities of earth. _They_ have no country but the world, and no countrymen but mankind; the Abolitionists seem to be equally devoid of patriotism. _They_ avow that neither nations, nor individuals, have a right to defend themselves against aggression; this will be convenient, and even necessary, to Abolitionists, in the execution of their plans. _They_ p.r.o.nounce the doctrine, that "the powers that be are ordained of G.o.d,"

"an absurd and impious dogma;" this, too, will be convenient to the Abolitionists, and it might be supposed, they had adopted it. _They_ declare against all military preparations; we presume the Abolitionists are equally unfriendly to them, as they might prove uncomfortable opponents in their career. "As every human government is upheld by physical strength, and its laws enforced virtually at the point of the bayonet," _they_ "repudiate all human politics" and legislation; the Abolitionists are equally averse to the "politics"

and legislation of the slave-holding States, and of course to the political fabric of the Union. _They_ deny the right of prosecution and indemnification for felony, which of course would be impossible, where there is no law; the Abolitionists deny the right of indemnification for the deprivation of property in slaves. _They_ deny the right of all punishment for crimes; this would be extremely convenient for Abolitionists. _They_ deny that their "doctrines are Jacobinical;" and why set up this defence before they are accused, except from the consciousness, that all the world will p.r.o.nounce them so? The Abolitionists, too, as we think, are somewhat involved in this predicament. The members of this new Society are advocates of Non-resistance, _on one side_; and so are the Abolitionists: both are averse to being _opposed_, except so far as it may afford them the opportunity and t.i.tle to plead the rights of the honest Connecticut negro's conscience, who, being asked by his master, what it said, replied, "Why, Ma.s.sa, it says, I _won't_." But the members of this Society are to be great fighters, after all, and that, too, in the way of _aggression_, as they claim the right and declare the purpose of making war "boldly, by the application of their principles, upon all existing civil, political, legal, and ecclesiastical inst.i.tutions;"

that is, as one, remarking well on their scheme, hath it, "to take the greatest possible pains to get mobbed, persecuted, imprisoned, hung, and murdered." And little pity would they get. They, of course, are the framers of their own conscience, and its interpreters; and that is the empire, the rights of which they claim, under their professions of _Non-resistance_. Allow any man that, and what, repudiating the restraints of law, could he ask more?

[Footnote 1: The abstract notion, that whatever is judged to be wrong in the customs or laws of society, _may_ and _must_ be broken down, or rooted out, _forthwith_, without any regard to consequences.]

But, notwithstanding the magisterial offices of society, they say, "We believe that the penal code of the old Covenant, '_An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth_,' has been abrogated by Jesus Christ," &c. In other words, we suppose, they mean to set aside the authority of the Old Testament Scriptures; of course, the Decalogue: and _in_ course, proceeding onward, the whole Bible. In this way, the Abolitionists would gain an important point, and procure the right of making a Bible to suit themselves. Thus endeth the career of violent reform--_in universal anarchy_. The New England Non-resistance Society is the climax; and it is remarkable, that there is scarcely a principle involved in the public declaration of their Creed, which, in some form of application, does not exactly suit the case and cause of the Abolitionists.--None, we apprehend, which does not very naturally and legitimately flow from it. _They were_ Abolitionists in the previous stage of their career, and one of them was the founder of Abolitionism.[2] It only happens, that he still keeps the lead; and he and his present a.s.sociates are only more consistent and more honest, in having opened the entire budget to the public gaze. There are, indeed, some few _outre_ peculiarities of this new a.s.sociation, ingeniously appended and incorporated, just enough to attract attention, and make it interesting as a curiosity. But there is nothing surprising in it, when we inquire into the causes which have generated the extravagant opinions, and set on foot the violent reforms, of our country. They may all be traced backward, through all their stages, and in all their connexions, under the broad and clear sun light of philosophical research.

[Footnote 2: Of Abolitionism in its modern garb of a violent reform--a totally, radically, and essentially, different thing from Emanc.i.p.ation in the sense attached to it before this agitation commenced.

Abolitionism is now identified with an unconst.i.tutional, and as we have proved, seditious interference of a combination of people in the free States, with the domestic condition of the slave States. It is shorn of the honors, both of a humane and patriotic enterprise, and merged in the responsibility of a political misdemeanor. This is the sense in which we use the term throughout this work; and we have supposed there was some foundation for ascribing the authors.h.i.+p of this movement to the gentleman above alluded to. Certainly, he was the most conspicuous actor, when it began to attract public attention. And behold! he is at the head, and we suppose at the bottom--(for we take for granted he must be the leader wherever he is)--of an a.s.sociation set up professedly and without disguise, to overthrow all Government.

This last stage--for we see not how it can go any further--is, in our esteem, an open and fair _denoument_ of the principles of Abolitionism. Not, indeed, that the Abolitionists, as a body, have any such designs--for we charitably suppose, and fully believe, they have not--but the action of their fundamental principle of _immediatism_, to gain, by a _coup de main_, a visionary state of _perfectionism_, cannot stop short of this.]

It is proper to remark, that, in the comprehensive picture given in this chapter, of the principles of the New England Non-resistance Society, we have taken the liberty to lay aside the garb in which they have presented them, except here and there a literal quotation, not only for brevity's sake, but to show them in their naked form. We think, however, that we have not misrepresented; and even if we have done so, in any slight shades, the moiety of this delicious _morceau_, is enough to show the _taste_ of those who have swallowed it, and how the _physic_ is likely to operate. As to the feature of _non-resistance_, it is what is vulgarly called a "fudge," they having reserved to themselves the privilege of conscience, according to their own interpretation of its prerogatives, and moreover declared their resolute and unflinching purpose to "_a.s.sail_ all existing inst.i.tutions." Besides, this _pretension_, to adopt their own language, is "a measure of sound policy;" for they could not otherwise be tolerated for a moment; and they hope to gain sympathy by _appearing_ not to resist, while they themselves are engaged in _open war_ on every thing that is valuable and dear to society. To show the connexion between this and things that had gone before, it is only necessary to quote one sentence from their own hand: "The triumphant progress of the cause of _Temperance_ and _Abolition_ in our land ...