Abolition a Sedition Part 7

The Quakers have generally received credit for being a peace-loving and peace-making Society of Christians; and we are compelled to admit, and have great pleasure in doing so, that they have always sustained the character. They have always been known as the opponents of slavery; but their modes of protest and remonstrance have been conducted in the spirit of Christianity. They have never broken the public peace, directly or indirectly, in this conflict of principle; they have never outraged public feeling by obtruding their opinions in a violent way; they have not sought to raise mobs against themselves, and thus get the advantage of a cry of persecution; but they have published their principles in a quiet, and in that way, most influential manner. All the world has known, that the Society of Friends have been opposed to slavery, as well as to war; but society has never been battered by their artillery, by violent and uncharitable denunciation, by defamation, by exaggerated and fict.i.tious stories, by inflammatory appeals, by threatening to overthrow a fabric which they cannot conscientiously support, by undermining the authority of Government and proclaiming it forfeited, and by sowing the seeds of servile insurrection and popular violence.

It is known, that a Quaker will not eat sugar or mola.s.ses made by a slave; that is a fact that tells--sets people to thinking. It is the silent, insinuating action of principle on society and into the minds of men. The Quakers will do nothing, directly or indirectly, to countenance and support slavery, so far as they can avoid it. Their precepts are known, and their example is seen. They are a living epistle before the world, on this and some other subjects. They use freedom of speech and of the press; they employ persuasion and remonstrance in a Christian like way; they give "line upon line, precept upon precept, here a little, and there a little;" but they do no violence. They are faithful and true to their principles, and consistent in practising as well as preaching them; but they a.s.sume not the responsibility of disturbing others in the use of a privilege which is so important and dear to themselves. They seem to understand the rule: "Do unto others, as ye would that others should do unto you." Hence the Quakers never disturb the peace of society. They are good neighbours, good citizens, good, we presume, in domestic and private life, and as we hope, good Christians.

Such is the legitimate action of Christianity, and such is the strongest possible proof, that a man is actuated by Christian principle. Such was the example of Christ and his Apostles. There is not a single intimation, nor fair inference from any fact, that they ever made war upon the existing fabric of society, any farther than the silent action of their principles would _gradually_ operate a change in the social state and in social inst.i.tutions. Such is the Divine superiority of Christianity: silent, but effective and irresistable in its march--irresistable, _because_ it is never violent--because, veritas valebit, truth will prevail.

But, alas! how utterly opposed to all this are the measures and movements of the Abolitionists! They seem as if they would take heaven and earth by storm; but if they happen to raise a storm over their own heads, they demand impunity from its effects. Stirrers-up of mischief, they deny the right of its re-action on themselves. It is ridiculous, absolutely. If a man will be a fool, he must _reap_ his folly; if "he sows the wind," he must be content, if the elements in their natural workings should so decree, "to reap the whirlwind."

If, indeed, we have given more credit to the Quakers than they deserve, we hope, if any of them have got out of the way into the Abolition ranks under their present flag, they will see the propriety of getting back again as fast as they can, for the good reputation of their own Society, that hereafter there may be no exception among them as a good example worthy of imitation in all such matters.

CHAPTER XX.

THE SOUTH HAVE DONE WITH ARGUMENT.

"Yea, doubtless," saith the Abolitionist, "for reason fails them." And so we have all done with argument; for we shall not stop to reply to this. "The South know their rights," said a Southern gentleman the other day on the floor of Congress, very significantly, and in relation to this subject. This, we believe, is the present common feeling of the slaveholding States. They have made up their minds; and we think they will have the sympathy of the reasonable part of mankind. Their present att.i.tude is that of pointing the people of this country to the bulwark of the Federal Const.i.tution; and if that will not protect them, "they know their rights." We do not quote this language to expose the Southerners to the charge of holding up a menace; for we do not accept it as such, and think it would be unfair for any body to do so. They stand on the defensive; they have been a.s.sailed, and are yet a.s.sailed; they have felt themselves insulted on the floor of Congress by indirect attempts to invade their rights of State sovereignty; they have been compelled to special legislation and other public action to defend their own territories from violation; they have dreamed of seeing their wives and children butchered, and their houses pillaged and burned; they have seen, in imagination, and as a natural consequence of the Abolition movement unresisted and unchecked, all these and many other horrors of a like kind, enacted before their eyes; they have seen the Government upturned, society dissolved, and anarchy stalking amid the triumphs of its own desolation over their fields; and with such prospects before them, as the result of a foreign interference, organized in open violation of the laws of the land, and in the face of a solemn national compact forbidding such aggression, and engaging to protect and defend them against it, are they not ent.i.tled to say--"We know our rights?" How long must they suffer--how long must they be menaced by such invasion, before they may say, we will suffer it no longer? A day of anxiety is as a year of torment; a year of such suspense, is as an age of agony.

And what will they do? Why, clearly, break loose from the Union, to which, generally, they have already made up their minds, in case of necessity, they being judges--if the straws in the wind are any sure indication of its career--"Necessity needs no law." If the Government of the country will not protect them, they must protect themselves, or try to do so. They may fail, and prove impotent; but when men are insulted and outraged, especially the men of the South, they are not nice calculators of consequences; and it is for us of the North to determine, whether we are willing to see our brethren of the South driven to such a resort, by the continued action of an unlawful combination, that exists and has grown up among ourselves; whether, indeed, we are willing to see the Government of this proud Republic rent asunder by such a cause, and to hazard the consequences.

If any body thinks these remarks are not well founded, we are sorry they are not better observers of the symptomatic phenomena of our own society. If they should think them unreasonable and out of place, we are sorry for that also, as we have judged otherwise, and take leave to invite their attention to the next chapter.

CHAPTER XXI.

REASONS WHY THE ABOLITION MOVEMENT, UNDER ITS PRESENT ORGANIZATION, MUST SUCCEED IN OVERTHROWING THE GOVERNMENT.

We do not believe, after what has taken place, that the Abolitionists will be able to carry _emanc.i.p.ation_. Their imprudent and rash modes of action seem to have barred the door effectually against that event for the present. We think it reasonable to say, that without the concurrence of the slave States, such an event is impossible. But such is the character, effectiveness, and irresistible sweep of their organization, that it cannot fail to break down something; and that something, we fear, will be the Federal Union. We now propose to give our reasons for this apprehension. Those reasons are embodied in the unconst.i.tutional and illegal character of the a.s.sociation.

The political structure of our Government cannot be too much admired for the balance of power which is every where to be found in its Const.i.tutional modes of action. The theory seems to be a perfect one.

But the moment there is a departure from the rules, or a violation of the principles of Const.i.tutional law, the machinery is embarra.s.sed, and danger threatens. In the same manner as the action of the Government demands a strict adherence to these rules, so also does the action of the people. We have seen in the second chapter what rules the Federal Const.i.tution and those of the States prescribe to individual and popular action for political purposes, independent of and in addition to the privilege of the elective franchise: freedom of speech and of the press, and the right of pet.i.tion, address, and remonstrance to the Government. It was there stated, that the license given to these proscribed forms const.i.tuted equally a law of prohibition to all _other_ forms, as it would be absurd to suppose, that a written law of this kind is not a law of limitation; in other words, that it is no law at all. It was also shown, as is manifest at first sight, that this license is all sufficient, as the people always have their remedy in the elective franchise, if the Government do not regard their wishes, as expressed in these modes. No occasions can be expected to occur, that would require to transcend these salutary rules; and we believe the existence and action of the American Anti-Slavery Society, as an independent political body, is the first instance, in the history of our country, by which they have been transcended.

It is true, indeed, that a popular charge has been brought against the Masonic Inst.i.tution, as having been perverted into political action, and as being dangerous to the liberties of the country on that account. How far this charge is just, it is impossible for us to know, as we have never been a member of that Society. It is sufficient to observe, that the very suspicion of such action has operated, as is well known, almost entirely to suppress that Inst.i.tution, and wind up its history in the country. Had the truth of this charge been obvious, and as susceptible of proof, as in the case of the American Anti-Slavery Society, we need not say what would have been its fate.

The legislation of the country would have settled the matter soon. We believe it to be a self-evident proposition, that the genius of a Const.i.tutional Government, or of any government whatever, does not admit of a rival independent political organization on the same territory; that it cannot tolerate _any permanent_ political organization _at all_ independent of itself; much less one of unlimited powers. It would not be very acceptable, even if it were to come in as an auxiliary, but would rather be regarded as an insult.

There is no point of view in which we can conceive it would be welcome.

It would be ridiculous and impotent to say, that the action of the American Anti-Slavery Society cannot be liable to objection, since it is open, and not secret, like the Masonic Inst.i.tution, admitting that the latter is fairly accused by popular suspicion. Such a plea would justify the acts of fraud, theft, felony, and crime of any description, if they be done openly. It is only the more astonis.h.i.+ng, that it should be endured. But the reason of that we have already stated: It is a new thing under the Sun; the public have been taken by surprise; and have not even yet recovered from the shock. It was taken for granted, that religion could not find its way into the State over such Const.i.tutional barriers erected to intercept the trespa.s.s; and yet it is there--the religion of a _Sect_--of a great, powerful, fanatical, religioso-political sect--which, having leaped the wall, has carried with it a great and powerful political machinery from another region, and is well at work, as if it were perfectly at home.

It may be said, that the political world has never yet had such a fellow worker before, and looks at it askance as a strange companion, not knowing what to make of it. Doubtless, after a little reflection, a more definite opinion will be formed of its unwelcome character and awkward position.

But, it is proper to exhibit more distinctly the beautiful and symmetrical action of the Const.i.tutional law of this land, when scrupulously observed in regard to such matters, and how a departure from it leads to difficulty. It will be seen, that freedom of speech and of the press, and the right of pet.i.tion, address, and remonstrance to Government, as guaranteed, are important safety valves, through which to give scope to individual opinion, and vent to popular fermentations. The regular action of these powers in the Const.i.tutional modes, and through the Const.i.tutional channels, are always balanced by each other. That same freedom of speech and of the press which is guaranteed to one individual or party, is guaranteed to another; and the inordinate excesses of each are sure to be counteracted by the ordinary sway of these Const.i.tutional principles; at least, so far as the imperfect state of society will allow. It seems to be the highest attainment of a practical political sagacity.

In the same manner, the action of a.s.sociated popular movements, when they aim to affect and influence the Government, is always balanced by the counteraction of one party as opposed to the other, so long as both keep within the prescribed forms of the Const.i.tution and laws, and connect themselves regularly with the Government in the recognized modes of pet.i.tion, address, or remonstrance. In this way it is impossible that one party should gain a sudden, undue, and overwhelming advantage, to which they are not fairly ent.i.tled by the merits of their cause, and by a fair hearing before the public.

But the moment that one party, or any new party, is permitted to set up an independent, permanent, and unconst.i.tutional political machinery, having no connexion with the Government, but acting under a polity of its own, as much and as truly as an independent empire, and thus inst.i.tuting a mode of action unknown to the Const.i.tution and laws, this salutary equipoise of influence is lost, in the same manner as by throwing an ounce weight into one of two scales equally balanced, the other is made to kick the beam. Such is the character, and such the overbearing power of the American Anti-slavery Society in the political condition of our country. There is, there can be, no balance of influence, apart from the interference of authority, except by setting up another unconst.i.tutional organization, to put aside the Const.i.tutional Government, to carry on the war between themselves, and settle the questions in dispute, as best they might; in other words, to establish the reign of anarchy.

So long as the American Anti-slavery Society is permitted to exist, and to carry on its operations under its present form, it is not the reason of their cause that prevails, but the power of their machinery in its action on the public mind. All opposing influences, so long as the Government is inactive, are like the scattering, random, and over-shoulder shot of a routed and retreating host that is flying in the field before the well-formed, steady, and disciplined march of a triumphant army--triumphant, because there is no corresponding agency to oppose them, not because they have the right. Such, precisely, is the effect of all the newspaper squibs that are fired off on the Abolitionists, and such the effect of the unorganized remonstrances of the public. The Abolitionists are in the field with a disciplined army, officered, paid, with a full staff, and an adequate Commissariat. In other words, they are a regularly organized and permanent political body, acting under a complete State machinery in all that their exigences require, adding to it at pleasure, with ever active and industrious agents, with money at command and the power of the press, and as independent of the Government of this country as the throne of the Sultan at Constantinople--and yet doing the business of the country!

There are most obvious reasons, why such a power, once recognized as suitable and proper, will carry all before it, till it shall have dissolved the Government of this country. The Abolitionists have all the native and long cherished feeling of the North on their side, as being opposed to slavery in principle; they have all the advantage of the sympathies of our nature, when we consider the _manner_ in which they represent the case; they have the common and prevailing popular ignorance of the nature of our political fabric to aid them--for it is not to be supposed, that the people generally will have clear and uniform views on a question upon which Statesmen differ; and to the effect of all these natural and social auxiliaries, they superadd the power of their immense, combined, and variously ramified machinery, which steals every where upon the public, catching every man, woman, and child, whose benevolent sympathies are naturally open to their appeals, and when once they are indoctrinated after the manner and in the school of the Abolitionists, and become possessed of their spirit, there is little chance for the sway of those principles on which our political society is based. It is not the fair argument of the cause, but the power of this political combination, that bears such sway.

There is no chance for a candid hearing before the public, and for the due influence of all the considerations which appertain to this momentous and complicated question, because the const.i.tutional balance of power, designed for such exigences, has been prostrated by an usurpation, and every thing is made to give way to isolated and abstract opinions, and to the dictations of political quackery.

Fanaticism rules, and not reason; and the natural and inevitable consequence will be, that the gradual acc.u.mulation of this moral power, thus acquired, will swell to a magnitude, and urge on a momentum, before the pressure of which the Union will be compelled to yield and break down. The people of the South will be annoyed and vexed, till they can be annoyed and vexed no longer. Then will be the beginning of the end.

Are we understood? Is it not clear, that it is this political usurpation of an unlawful power, that puts the country in peril? Let this irregularity, this transcending of law, be reduced again to the Const.i.tutional basis, and all this excitement, alarm, and danger, will die away, because the healthful Const.i.tutional balance of influence would be restored. Opinion would then encounter opinion on common ground, with no undue advantage of one party over another.

"But, then," say the Abolitionists, "we must give up our cause." It will have an equal chance with any other. "But," they add, "we have nine points of the law against the Const.i.tution: actual possession of the field, and do not choose to give it up." We are quite aware, that usurpation will always hold on to its unlawfully acquired power, as long as it can; and it is not to be expected, that the Abolitionists will readily concede, that they have been guilty of such a fault. It is a novel experiment in the history of our country; and as to its form, novel in the history of political society. Religion has often usurped political power, and the Const.i.tutional frame of our Government has taken great pains to guard against it; but, we will venture to say, that no human foresight ever antic.i.p.ated a trespa.s.s of this kind: that, by an independent organization of its own devising, religion should come armed into the field, to eject the previous occupants by force--not to divide power and the spoils, but to take sole possession, and set up a new order of things to its own will.

We shall be as stout an advocate for the political rights of religionists of all persuasions, as any body; at the same time we are not prepared to concede to them the right of an independent political organization, in violation of the law, to disturb the peace, endanger the Government, and overthrow the inst.i.tutions of the country. That the Abolitionists have been guilty of this trespa.s.s, we are sorry, because the country is the sufferer; that they should be compelled to tread back, and resign their ill gotten power, we shall be glad, because we believe, that law, propriety, and the good of the country, require it. We believe, too, that the good of the slaves, and the welfare of the free colored people, require it.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE ABOLITION ORGANIZATION DESTRUCTIVE OF REPUBLICAN LIBERTY.

If the main argument of this work is sound--and we are unable to see why it is not--the tables are fairly turned on the Abolitionists, who have been crying out for freedom, and the freedom of the Const.i.tution.

Enough, we trust, has been said, in the progress of these discussions, to show, that the action of the American Anti-Slavery Society, as a grand and permanent political organization, destroys that balance of individual and popular influence, which the Const.i.tutional law of this land was intended to establish, fortify, and secure; and which is, in truth, the grand palladium of our liberties. The chapter immediately preceding brings this matter to a point.

The freedom of speech and of the press, and the rights of popular action, as guaranteed by the Const.i.tution, or Const.i.tutions, are not worth a penny, so long as the agency of such an inst.i.tution as the American Anti-Slavery society is permitted to be brought into the field against them. For it is overwhelming by the force of its polity.

No matter what may be the prevailing feeling of the public, at any given time in regard to it; no matter how many single voices may be raised in remonstrance against the Abolition movement; no matter how many newspapers may blaze away at the common enemy; no matter how many resolutions of rebuke may be pa.s.sed by the Senate of the Nation; no matter what other forms of action, by whom soever or where soever, may be inst.i.tuted, within the prescribed forms of the Const.i.tution, to encounter this foe; yet, so long as the Government, which is the only agency that can treat with such an unconst.i.tutional usurpation on equal terms, remains inactive, they will avail nothing. They are all crippled and rendered nugatory by the moral power and irresistible momentum of this regular system of means, under a State machinery, that is brought into the field. The Abolitionists know their power, under such an advantage, and laugh their enemies to scorn. By the influence of their organization, by its constant, systematic, and all pervading action, they expect, and not without reason, to carry all before them in the free States.

All the freedom guaranteed by the Const.i.tution to their opponents is worth nothing in the scale against such a power; it is annihilated.

There is no equality of privilege between the parties.

The reason why the public generally have not understood the character of this enemy, is because it came by a sudden leap, by a sort of somerset, from the religious world, with the operations of which the public, as a body, have not concerned themselves. It is in fact a foreign organized power, that has stolen a march on the territories of the Republic, obtained a footing, and gained an alarming ascendancy, before the public were apprized of the fact, or had any true knowledge of the character of the invaders; and such is their overpowering influence, by virtue of a political polity, that the privileges secured by the Const.i.tution and laws, as a means of opposing them, are rendered utterly valueless, in any thing short of the interposition of authority.

How can the private action of individuals, how can the press in its customary forms, how can the resolutions of popular a.s.semblies, of legislative bodies, of Congress itself, counteract the movements of such on organization? They are utterly impotent. Their influence expires with their acts; while that of this Society, on account of its systematic and efficient organization is untiring, a.s.siduous, is every where, lives forever, and is forever augmenting its forces. The American Anti-Slavery Society can command all the money it wants, and money will command agencies of every description; money is the animating soul of every political body.

It is of no use, therefore, that the Const.i.tutional law of this land has secured these sacred privileges, so long and so highly valued, while the same law is transcended and trampled under foot by this antagonist power. All the imagined advantages of this boasted freedom are annihilated by the sweeping claims and prerogatives of this usurpation. All our liberties are but a name, if such an organization may come in, expunge them from the Charter, and abolish their sway, by setting up a power which the Const.i.tution itself cannot contend with, without calling to its aid the arm of authority, because the rules of the Const.i.tution are violated.

Having discharged this duty--a sincere and conscientious duty, as we profess--to the country, to the cause of humanity, and above all, to that G.o.d whom we desire to wors.h.i.+p and serve, we are content to submit the question to the public, and await their decision, whether, a new DYNASTY, under the form of a RELIGIOSO-POLITICAL ORGANIZATION, shall be permitted to take the field; or whether, the OLD AND CONSt.i.tUTIONAL GOVERNMENT shall stand?

THE END.