Cuba Part 17

It was too late now to speak of reforms or of home rule in any shape.

The Cubans were not willing to nurse illusions. They were resolved on absolute freedom or nothing.

Any form of Spanish rule would mean the entire subjection of the Cubans, and, had they accepted the proposed autonomy, there is no doubt but that the future would have been as bad, if not worse, than the past.

Public opinion in the United States was never so deeply aroused as it was now. Citizens in all ranks of life were calling loudly for interference, which, in the name of civilization and humanity, should end the horrible state of affairs in Cuba.

The United States was Cuba's natural defender and protector, and now, both press and public declared, was the time to act.

The president was fully aware of the gravity of the situation, but with rare discretion, for which future historians will give him due credit, he bided his time, preferring, if possible, peace with honor.

In his first message relating to the Cuban situation, President McKinley said:

"If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity, to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part, and only because the necessity of such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world."

General Stewart L. Woodford, our minister to Spain, behaved with the utmost courtesy and did everything in the power of mortal man to avoid hostilities.

One cause of the American people's irritability, and in all justice there was much reason for it, was Spain's pretence that the Cuban war had been prolonged because of America's inability or non desire to maintain neutrality. Nothing could be falser or more absurd, for the United States had invariably, whenever possible, stopped all filibustering expeditions to Cuba. The records will bear out this statement, without any possibility of refutation. More than two millions of dollars had been expended by the United States in Spain's interest.

Certainly, grat.i.tude or its equivalent is a word that does not appear in the Spanish lexicon.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE LAST DAYS OF PEACE.

Then came the De Lome incident which served to inflame further pa.s.sions already aroused.

Senor Enrique Depuy De Lome was the Spanish minister to this country.

He wrote a letter, strongly denunciatory of the president's message, and of the president himself; with the worst taste possible, he alluded to Mr. McKinley as a low politician, one who catered, for political purposes, to the rabble.

This letter was intercepted and a copy given to the press. The original was sent to the State Department. Of course De Lome at once became persona non grata, which the Spanish government recognized, and even before Minister Woodford could make a "representation," De Lome was recalled from his position and Senor Polo appointed in his place.

President McKinley showed the most admirable self-poise through all this affair, evincing outwardly no resentment for what was a personal insult to himself.

It was declared that we ought to have a s.h.i.+p of war in Havana harbor to protect American citizens, and for that purpose, the Maine was sent there.

It was the visit of a friendly s.h.i.+p to, at that time, a friendly country.

The Maine was received by the Spanish officials with every outward show of respect, the firing of salutes and the raising of the American and Spanish flags on the vessels of different nationalities.

And yet what was the result? Once more came an exhibition of Spain's perfidy. We know it is very much like the Scotch verdict of "non proven," but still there is no doubt among fair-minded men.

A tragedy ensued, a tragedy in which Spain played the part of the villain, and such an unconscionable villain as has never been seen upon the boards of any stage.

On the night of Tuesday, February 19, 1898, the United States battles.h.i.+p Maine, presumably in friendly waters, was lying calmly anch.o.r.ed in the harbor of Havana. Suddenly, with no warning whatever, for there was no suspicion on the part of either officers or men, the magnificent battles.h.i.+p was blown up. Two officers and two hundred and sixty of the crew perished, but their names and memories will ever be cherished affectionately and gratefully by the American people.

All on board behaved in the most heroic manner, Captain Charles D.

Sigsbee, the commander being the last to leave the fated s.h.i.+p. The famous naval historian, Captain Mahan, says:

"The self-control shown in the midst of a sudden and terrible danger, of which not one of the men on board knew, showed that in battle with known dangers about them, and expecting every minute the fate that might overtake them, the fellow sailors of the men of the Maine would stand to their guns and their s.h.i.+p to the last. It was evident that the old naval spirit existed, and that the sailors of the new navy were as good as those who manned the old-time s.h.i.+ps."

The Maine was one of the very best vessels in the American navy; with her stores and ammunition, she represented an expenditure of close upon five millions of dollars.

The blowing up of the Maine and the loss of our brave men aroused the most intense excitement throughout the United States, but the request of Captain Sigsbee that public opinion should be suspended until thorough investigation had been made, was followed, and the people behaved with admirable and remarkable control.

A naval board of inquiry was at once organized by the United States government. This board consisted of experienced officers, who were greatly a.s.sisted in their labors by a strong force of experts, wreckers and divers.

The investigation was most searching. The 21st of March, 1898, the board presented a unanimous verdict. The report was most voluminous, embracing some twelve thousand pages.

The verdict was practically that "the loss of the Maine was not in any respect due to fault or negligence on the part of any of the officers or members of her crew; that the s.h.i.+p was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine, which caused the partial explosion of two or more of her forward magazines; and that no evidence has been obtainable fixing the responsibility of the destruction of the Maine upon any person or persons."

Although it was not possible to obtain evidence which should convict the guilty parties, there was not and never has been the faintest doubt in the mind of any fair-minded person as to who was responsible for the tragedy. When Congress afterward spoke of the crime or the criminal negligence of the Spanish officials, the words found an ardent response in the heart of every true American.

There is no doubt but that the destruction of the Maine was the lever that started the machinery of war.

Like "Remember the Alamo!" "Remember the Maine!" is a clarion cry of battle that will go echoing down the centuries.

In Cuba we were most fortunate in having a superb representative in the person of General Fitz Hugh Lee, a man of rare intellectual ability, ever courteous but ever firm, a fine specimen of Southern chivalry.

The Spaniards, as was but natural, hated him, but when his withdrawal was suggested by the Spanish government President McKinley cabled to Minister Woodford at Madrid that the services of General Lee at Havana were indispensable and his removal could not be considered.

The relations between Spain and the United States became every day more and more strained. Every effort was made by the President to bring about a peaceable solution of the Cuban question, but Spain, stiff necked and suicidal, refused to cooperate with him.

On April 11, the president sent his famous message to Congress.

In it, he alluded to the way in which we had been forced to police our own waters and watch our own seaports in prevention of any unlawful act in aid of Cuba.

He spoke of how our trade had suffered, how the capital invested by our citizens in Cuba had been largely lost, and how the temperance and forbearance of our own people had been so sorely tried as to beget a perilous unrest among our own citizens.

The President, also, made some strong arguments against both belligerency and recognition, especially against the latter.

He quoted Jackson's argument, on the subject of the recognition of Texas, concluding as follows:

"Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should stand aloof, and maintain our present att.i.tude, if not until Mexico itself or one of the great foreign powers shall recognize the independence of the new government; at least until the lapse of time or the course of events should have proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of that country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to uphold the government const.i.tuted by them. Neither of the contending parties can justly complain of this course. By pursuing it we are but carrying out the long established policy of our government, a policy which has secured us respect and influence abroad and inspired confidence at home."

It is necessary to quote still further from President McKinley's message, a message so fine, so just and so true, that we are sure it will go down into history praised by all future historians, as it well deserves to be.

He says:

"The spirit of all our acts. .h.i.therto has been an earnest, unselfish desire for peace and prosperity in Cuba, untarnished by differences between us and Spain, and unstained by the blood of American citizens.

"The forcible intervention of the United States as a neutral to stop the war, according to the large dictates of humanity and following many historical precedents where neighboring states have interfered to check the hopeless sacrifice of life by internecine conflicts beyond their borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. It involves, however, hostile constraint upon both parties to the contest, as well as to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual settlement. The grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized as follows:

"1. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed, starvation and horrible miseries now existing there, and which the parties to the conflict are either unable or unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say that this is all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is, therefore, none of our business. It is specially our duty, for it is right at our doors.