The Anti-Slavery Examiner Volume II Part 51

IMPORTANT TO THE UNITED STATES.

False prophets were never stiller about their time-detected impostures than are the pro-slavery presses of the United States about the results of West India Emanc.i.p.ation. Now and then, for the sake of appearances, they obscurely copy into their immense sheets an inch or two of complaints, from some snarling West India paper, that the emanc.i.p.ated are lazy and won't work. But they make no parade. They are more taciturn than grave-stones.

In the following closely printed columns, those who wish to know will find out precisely how the "_great experiment_" has worked. They will find,

1. The _safety_ of abolition demonstrated--its safety in the worst possible case.

2. That the colonies are prospering in their _agriculture_.

3. That the planters conferred freedom because they were _obliged to_ by public opinion abroad.

4. That freedom, even thus unwillingly conferred, was accepted as a precious boon by the slaves--they were grateful to G.o.d, and ready to work for their masters for fair pay.

5. That the ma.s.s of the planters have endeavoured, from the first, to get work out of the free laborers for as small wages as possible.

6. That many of the attorneys and managers have refused fair wages and practiced extortion, _to depreciate the price of property_, that they might profit thereby.

7. That all the indisposition to labor which has yet been exhibited is fully accounted for by these causes.

8. That in spite of all, the abolition is working well for the _honest_ of all parties.

WEST INDIA EMANc.i.p.aTION, IN 1838.

The immediate abolitionists hold that the change from slavery to freedom cannot be too sudden. They say that the first step in raising the slave from his degradation should be that of making him a proper subject of law, by putting him in possession of himself. This position they rest on the ground both of justice and expediency, which indeed they believe to be inseparable. With exceptions too trifling to affect the question, they believe the laborer who feels no stimulus but that of wages and no restraint but that of law, is the most _profitable_, not only to himself and society at large, but to any employer other than a brutal tyrant.

The benefit of this role they claim for every man and woman living within this republic, till on fair trial the proper tribunal shall have judged them unworthy of it. They deny both the justice and expediency of permitting any degree of ignorance or debas.e.m.e.nt to work the forfeiture of self-owners.h.i.+p, and p.r.o.nounce slavery continued for such a cause the worst of all, inasmuch as it is the _robbery of the poor because he is poor_.

What light was thrown upon this doctrine by the process of abolition in the British West Indies from the 1st of August 1834 to the 1st of June 1837, may be seen in the work of Messrs. Thome and Kimball ent.i.tled, "Emanc.i.p.ation in the West Indies." That light continues to s.h.i.+ne.

Bermuda and Antigua, in which the slaves pa.s.sed instantaneously out of absolute slavery into full freedom, are living witnesses of the blessing of heaven upon immediate emanc.i.p.ation. In Antigua, one of the old sugar colonies, where slavery had had its full sway there has been especially a fair test of immediatism, and the increasing prosperity of the island does the utmost honor to the principle. After the fullest inquiry on the point, Messrs. Thome and Kimball say of this island:--

"There is not a cla.s.s, or party, or sect, who do not esteem the abolition of slavery as a _special blessing to them_. The rich, because it relieved them of "property" which was fast becoming a disgrace, as it had always been a vexation and a tax, and because it has emanc.i.p.ated them from the terrors of insurrection, which kept them all their life-time subject to bondage. The poor whites--because it lifted from off them the yoke of civil oppression. The free colored population--because it gave the death blow to the prejudice that crushed them, and opened the prospect of social, civil, and political equality with the whites. The _slaves_--because it broke open their dungeons, led them out to liberty, and gave them, in one munificent donation, their wives, their children, their bodies, their souls--everything."

In the emphatic language of the Governor, "It was _universally admitted_ that emanc.i.p.ation had been a great blessing to the island."

In November 1837, Lord Brougham thus summed up the results of the Antigua experiment in a speech in the House of Lords:--

"It might be known to their lords.h.i.+ps that in one most important colony the experiment of instant and entire emanc.i.p.ation had been tried.

Infinitely to the honor of the island of Antigua was it, that it did not wait for the period fixed by the Legislature, but had at once converted the state of slavery into one of perfect liberty. On the 1st of August, 1834, the day fixed by act of Parliament for the commencement of a ten years' apprentices.h.i.+p, the Legislature of that colony, to the immortal honor of their wisdom, their justice, and their humanity, had abolished the system of apprentices.h.i.+p, and had absolutely and entirely struck the fetters off from 30,000 slaves. Their lords.h.i.+ps would naturally ask whether the experiment had succeeded; and whether this sudden emanc.i.p.ation had been wisely and politically done. He should move for some returns which he would venture to say would prove that the experiment had entirely succeeded. He would give their lords.h.i.+ps some proofs: First, property in that island had risen in value; secondly, with a very few exceptions, and those of not greater importance than occurred in England during harvest, there was no deficiency in the number of laborers to be obtained when laborers were wanted; thirdly, offences of all sorts, from capital offences downwards, had decreased; and this appeared from returns sent by the inspector of slaves to the governor of that colony, and by him transmitted to the proper authority here; and, fourthly, the exports of sugar had increased: during the three years ending 1834, the average yearly export was 165,000 cwts., and for the three subsequent years this average had increased to 189,000 cwts., being an increase of 21,000 cwts, or one clear seventh, produced by free labor. Nor were the last three years productive seasons; for in 1835 there was a very severe and destructive hurricane, and in the year 1836 there was such a drought that water was obliged to be imported from Barbados."

Of such sort, with regard to both the colonies that adopted the principle of immediate emanc.i.p.ation, have been the facts--and all the facts--up to the latest intelligence.

The rest of the colonies adopted the plan proposed by the British government, which contrary to the wishes of the great body of British abolitionists, made the slaves but partially free under the name of apprentices. In this mongrel condition they were to remain, the house servants four, and the field laborers six years. This apprentices.h.i.+p was the darling child of that expediency, which, holding the transaction from wrong to right to be dangerous and difficult, ill.u.s.trates its wisdom by lingering on the dividing line. Therefore any mischance that might have occurred in any part of this tardy process would have been justly attributable to _gradualism_ and not to _immediatism_. The force of this remark will be better seen by referring to the nature and working of the apprentices.h.i.+p as described in the book of Messrs. Thome and Kimball. We have only room to say that the masters universally regarded the system as a part of the compensation or bonus to the slaveholder and not as a preparatory school for the slave. By law they were granted a property in the uncompensated _labor_ of the slaves for six years; but the same law, by taking away the sole means of enforcing this labor, in fact threw the masters and slaves into a six years'

quarrel in which they stood on something like equal terms. It was surely not to be wondered if the parties should come out of this contest too hostile ever to maintain to each other the relation of employer and employed. This six years of vexatious swinging like a pendulum over the line between bondage and liberty was well calculated to spoil all the grat.i.tude and glory of getting across.

It was early discovered that the masters generally were disposed to abuse their power and get from their apprentices all that could by any means be extorted. The friends of humanity in Great Britain were aroused, Mr. Sturge, a distinguished philanthropist of Birmingham, accompanied by Messrs. Scohle, Harvey, and Lloyd, proceeded to the West Indies on a mission of inquiry, and prosecuted their investigation contemporaneously with Messrs. Thome and Kimball. Their Report produced a general conviction in England, that the planters had forfeited all claim to retain their authority over the apprentices, and the government was accordingly pet.i.tioned immediately to abolish the system. This it was loth to do. It caused inquiries to be inst.i.tuted in the colonies, especially in Jamaica, with the evident hope of overthrowing the charges of Mr. Sturge. The result more than confirmed those charges. The government still plead for delay, and brought in a bill for the _improvement_ of the apprentices.h.i.+p. In the progress of these proceedings, urged on as they were by the heaven-high enthusiasm of the British nation, many of the planters clearly perceived that their chance of power during the remaining two years of the apprentices.h.i.+p had become worth less to them than the good will which they might get by voluntarily giving it up. Whether it was this motive operating in good faith, or a hope to escape philanthropic interference for the future by yielding to its full claim, and thus gain a clear field to oppress under the new system of wages, one thing is certain the chartered colonies, suddenly, and to the surprise of many, put the finis.h.i.+ng stroke to the system and made their apprentices free from the 1st of August, 1838. The crown colonies have mostly imitated their example.

The following table exhibits the extent and population of these colonies.

Possessions. Date of Extent. Population acquisit. sq. m. White Slaves F. Col.

Anguilla[B], 1650 ... 365 2,388 327 Antigua[A], 1632 108 1,980 29,537 3,895 Bahamas[B], 1629 4,400 4,240 9,268 2,991 Barbados[B], 1625 166 14,959 82,807 5,146 Bermudas[A], 1611 22 3,905 4,608 738 Dominica[B], 1783 275 840 15,392 3,606 Grenada[B], 1783 125 801 24,145 3,786 Jamaica[B], 1655 6,400 37,000 311,692 55,000 Montserrat[B], 1632 47 330 6,262 814 Nevis[B], 1628 20 700 9,259 2,000 St. Christophers[B],1632 68 1,612 19,310 3,000 St. Lucia[B], 1803 58 972 13,661 3,718 St. Vincent[B], 1783 130 1,301 23,589 2,824 Tobago[B], 1763 187 322 12,556 1,164 Trinidad[B], 1797 2,460 4,201 24,006 15,956 Tortola, or Virgin Isles[B], 1666 ... 800 5,399 607

Total, B.W.I ... 14,466 74,328 593,879 105,572 Cape of Good Hope, ... ... 43,000 35,500 29,000 Berbice[B] ... ... 523 20,645 1,161 Guiana Demarara[B] 1803 ... 3,006 65,556 6,360 Essequibo[B], . . ... ... . ... ...

Honduras, 1650 62,750 250 2,100 2,300 Mauritius, ... ... 8,000 76,000 15,000 Total. ... ... 129,107 793,680 159,393

[Footnote A: Emanc.i.p.ated entirely on the 1st. of August, 1834.]

[Footnote B: Emanc.i.p.ated entirely on the 1st. of August, 1838, by vote of the local legislatures in the chartered Colonies; and by Governor and Council, in the Crown Colonies.]

The _unanimity_ with which the apprentices.h.i.+p was given up is a most remarkable and instructive fact. In the Council and a.s.sembly of Montserrat, there was an unanimous decision in favor of Emanc.i.p.ation as early as February 1838. In the legislature of Tortola, which pa.s.sed the bill in April 1838, the opposing party was small. In that of Barbados the bill was pa.s.sed on the 15th of May with but _one_ dissenting voice.

In that of Jamaica, the bill seems to have been pa.s.sed on the 8th of June, and the _Jamaica Times_ remarks:--"No dissentient voice was heard within the walls of the a.s.sembly, all joined in the wish so often expressed, that the remaining term of the apprentices.h.i.+p should be cancelled, that the excitement produced by a law which has done inconceivable harm in Jamaica, in alienating the affections of her people, and creating discord and disaffection, should at once cease.

Thank G.o.d! it is now nearly at an end, and we trust that Jamaica will enjoy that repose, so eagerly and anxiously sought after, by all who wish the Island well."

These facts come down upon the question of the safety of an _immediate_ emanc.i.p.ation with an _a fortiori_, a _much more then_. For it is admitted on all hands that the apprentices.h.i.+p had "alienated the affections of the people;" they were in a state less favorable to a quiet sequel, than they were before the first of August, 1834, yet the danger was not thought of. The _safety_ was an argument _in favor_ of emanc.i.p.ation, not _against_ it. The raw head and b.l.o.o.d.y bones had vanished. The following is a fair exhibition of the feeling of the most influential planters, in regard to the _safety_ of the step.

From the Barbadian, May 9, 1838.

AT A MEETING OF THE BOARD OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, IN THE NEW COURT HOUSE, APRIL 24TH, 1838.

The Lord Bishop rose and spoke as follows:

"_Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Council_,

'I was informed yesterday that, during my absence from this island, the members recorded their opinion as to the expediency of absolutely abolis.h.i.+ng the apprentices.h.i.+p in August, 1838. I am most anxious to record my entire concurrence in this resolution, but I wish it to be understood that I do not consider the measure as called for by any hards.h.i.+ps, under which the laborers in this island are suffering--nor from the want of any essential comfort--nor from the deprivation of any thing, which a laborer can fairly claim from his master; still I do express my concurrence in the resolution of the board, and I do so on these grounds: that I am satisfied the measure can be safely carried in this island, and if safely, then I feel justly; for I consider the very important interests which are involved in the measure. I must confess, too, that I am unwilling the Barbados should be behind any other island, especially in a measure which may be carried both safely and justly, and where its example may be of such beneficial consequence. I am just returned from visiting the Northern Islands of the Diocese. I have gone over every part of Tortola, and though it is far more fertile than the Off Islands, yet even these are sufficiently productive for the laborer to raise the lesser and necessary provision of life,--and yet with these islands in their very face, the Legislature of Tortola has pa.s.sed the act of abolition. Some of the proprietors were opposed to it, but they have now given up their opposition; and I heard, whilst in Antigua, not only that the act had pa.s.sed, but that on the day of its pa.s.sing, or the following day, some of the leading proprietors rode through the island, and were met by the people with expressions of the utmost grat.i.tude, regarding the act as a boon granted to them by their masters. At Nevis the act has pa.s.sed. At St. Christopher's the council are in favor of its pa.s.sing, and with Nevis emanc.i.p.ated in its vicinity, there is little doubt but the Act must pa.s.s. At Montserrat also it has pa.s.sed. At Antigua, which I visited last year, I found that every thing was proceeding quietly and regularly. I found too, the planters in high spirits, and some estates, which had been given up, restored; and the small patches and tenements of the free people, commencing last year, now in a very satisfactory state of cultivation. It is possible, indeed, that these last mentioned, unless the population is proportionably increased, may affect the cultivation of the larger estates, but there they are, and flouris.h.i.+ng, as I have described, whilst I was in the island. A contiguous, though abandoned estate was purchased by Sir Henry Martin for about 9,500 _l._ currency, being 3,000 _l._ more than he had offered a few years previously. To compare Barbados with any other island, either as to population, wealth, or state of agriculture, is unnecessary. I have seen nothing like the commercial activity which I saw in the streets yesterday, except at St. Thomas; and I feel, therefore, on all these grounds, that the act may be pa.s.sed safely and justly. At the same time I am not unmindful or insensible to the state of public opinion in the mother country, nor to the many new and hara.s.sing annoyances to which the proprietors may be exposed during a protracted continuance of the apprentices.h.i.+p. I request that my full concurrence in the resolution of the council, may be accorded on the minutes of this day's proceedings.'"

Such is the testimony of a witness in no wise warped by prejudice in favor of the anti-slavery party.

The debates which took place in the legislatures of both Barbados and Jamaica, are full of similar testimony, uttered by men every way qualified to bear witness, and under influences which relieve their testimony from every taint of suspicion.

In the legislature of Jamaica, on the question of a Committee to bring in a Bill, Mr. GOOD remarked, "He could say that the negroes from their general good conduct were deserving of the boon. Then why not give in with a good heart? why exhibit any bad feelings about the matter? There were many honorable gentlemen who had benefitted by the pressure from without, who owed their rank in society and their seats in that house to the industry of the negroes. Why should they now show a bad heart in the matter?--Nine tenths of the proprietors of this island had determined upon giving up the apprentices.h.i.+p. Hundreds of thousands were to be benefited--were to take their stations as men of society, and he hoped the boon would not be r.e.t.a.r.ded by a handful of men who owed their all to slavery."

Mr. Dallas said,--"_The abolition of the remaining term of apprentices.h.i.+p must take place; let them then join hand and heart in doing it well, and with such grace as we now could. Let it have the appearance of a boon from ourselves, and not in downright submission to the coercive measures adopted by the British Parliament_."

After a committee had been appointed to prepare and bring in a Bill for the abolition of the apprentices.h.i.+p, a member rose and proposed that the 28th of June should be its termination. We give his speech as reported in the Jamaica papers, to show how fanatical even a slaveholder may become.

"On the members resuming their seats, Mr. HART proposed that it be an instruction to the committee appointed to bring in the bill or abolis.h.i.+ng the remainder of the apprentices.h.i.+p, to insert a clause in it, that the operation of that bill should commence on the 28th of June, that being the day appointed for the coronation of the Queen. _He felt proud in telling the house that he was the representative of the black population. He was sent there by the blacks and his other friends_. The white Christians had their representatives, the people of color had their representatives, and _he hoped shortly to see the day when the blacks would send in their own representatives_. He wanted the thing done at once, Sir, said the honorable member waxing warm. It was nonsense to delay it. It could be done in three lines as he said before, dele 1840 and put in 1838. That was all that they had to do. If it were possible, let the thing be done in two words. He went there to do his duty to his const.i.tuents, and he was determined to do so. His black friends looked up to him to protect them--and he would press his motion that all the apprentices in the island should be _crowned_ on the 28th of June. (Thundering roars of laughter.) He was as independent as any honorable member, and would deliver his sentiment, without caring who were and who were not pleased. He was possessed of property in apprentices--_he had an estate with nearly two hundred negroes, that he was determined to crown on the 28th of June_. (Increased roars of laughter in the house, and at the bar.) He would not be laughed down.

His properties were not enc.u.mbered. He would not owe anything on them after they were paid for, and that he could do. (Loud laughter.) He was determined to have his opinion. As he had said before, the 28th day of June being fixed for the coronation of all the negroes in the island, that is the day they ought to be released from the apprentices.h.i.+p.

(Thundering and deafening roars of laughter). (Here the honorable member was told that the Queen was to be crowned on that day.) Ah, well, he had made a mistake, but he would tell the house the truth, _he had made up his mind to give his apprentices freedom on that day, but he did not wish to do it without his neighbors doing the same, lest they should say he was setting a bad example_. He would press his motion to a division.

It had been seconded by his honorable friend on his right.--(Aside, "Good, didn't you promise to second it?") The honorable member then read his motion, and handed it up to the clerk."

The "mistake" of this liberal descendant of Israel, which excited so much merriment was, after all, not a very unfortunate one, _if_ the "crown" of manhood is more important than that of monarchy. The members objected to so near an approach to _immediatism_, not, however, be it remarked, on account of the unfitness of the apprentices, (slaves) but their own convenience. Among those who replied to Mr. Hart, was Mr.

Osborn, of unmingled African blood, born a slave, and who, we are informed, was a successful compet.i.tor for the seat he now occupies against the very man who formerly claimed him as property. Mr. Osborn and his partner Mr. Jordon were editors of the Jamaica Watchman, and had contended manfully for liberty when it was a dangerous word. Mr. Osborn said:--"He was astonished at the galloping liberality which seemed to have seized some honorable members, now there was nothing to contend for. Their liberality seemed to have outrun all prudence. Where were they and their liberality when it was almost death to breach the question of slavery? What had become of their philanthropy? But no, it was not convenient then. The stream was too strong for them to resist.

Now, however, when the question was finally settled, when nothing remained for them to do, it was the time that some honorable gentlemen began to clamor their liberality, and began a race who should be the first, or who should have the honor of first terminating the apprentices.h.i.+p. He hoped the motion would be withdrawn, and the discussion put an end to."

What had become of the visions of blood and slaughter? Could there be more impressive testimony to the safety of Emanc.i.p.ation in all, even the worst cases?

We might add to this testimony that of the universal newspaper press of the British West India colonies. We have room, however, to select only from a few of the well known opponents of freedom.