A Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483 Part 37

"En sa baniere trois luparte De or fin estoint mis en rouge Courant felloun fier et harouge Par tel signifiance mis Ke ausi est vers ses enemis Le Rois fiers felouns et hastans Car sa morsure n'est tastans Nuls ki ne en soit envenimez."]

P. 37. Anno 24 Edward I, 1296. "Also in this yere S^{r}. Thomas Turbevyle for treson was drawen and hanged."

Of the conduct which caused Sir Thomas Turbeville's execution, the following fragment of a curious contemporary poem in the Cottonian MS.

_Caligula_ A. xviij, presents perhaps the most accurate information which is extant. It immediately precedes, and is written in the same hand as, the only _contemporary_ copy of the Roll of Carlaverock which is known to exist, and hence it is highly probable that it was composed by the same person. Under any circ.u.mstances, however, it cannot fail to be deemed to possess sufficient interest to render it a valuable ill.u.s.tration to the pa.s.sage in the text.

Seignurs e dames estutez De un fort tretur orrez Ke aveit pur veu une treson Thomas Turbelvile ot a non A Charlys aveit p'mis E jure par seint Denys Ke il li freit tute Englet'e Par quentise e treson conquere E Charles li premist grant don Teres e bon garison Li treitre a Charlis dit Ke il aparillast sanz respit De bone nefs grande navie E de gent forte co'paignie E il le freit par tens garner Ou il dussent ariver En Engleter sodeinement Li traiture sanz targement en Englet'e tot se mit Au rei sire Edewars vint e dist Ke si apres li vodera fere Tutes ses choses deust co'quer Ki sire Charlis li aveit A force e a tort tollet Issi ke' li losengur de ambe part fu t'tur Sire Edeward nentendi mie Del treitre sa tricherie Ke il aveit issi purveu A grant honur le ad receu E en sa curt fut grant mestre Q'nt ot espie tut son estre E le conseil de Engleter Li treitre feseit un bref fere A sire Charlis priveme't On ariver devisse't sa gent En Engletere e li pais prendre A sire Edeward fu fet entendre c.u.m den le ont destine E le bref ly fut mustre E tout ensemble la treson Li rei fit prendir cel felon Thomas le treitur deva't dit Ke fist fere cel estrit A Lundres par mie la citee Treigner le fist en une coree De une tor envolupe Nul autreme't ne fut arme Haume nont ne habergun Cillante pierres a g'nt fusui'

Aveit il entur son flanc Ke li raerent le sanc Apres fu li traiture pendu E le alme a la Belzebub rendu Je aveit autre gareson Issi deit len servir felon En furches peut li malurez Des chenes e de fer liez Nul home nel deit enterrer Tant cu' son cors porra durer Iloec pendra cel trichur Ten garison ad pur son labour Ore puira Charles pur ver Apres li longem't garder Einz kil venge pur sa treison Demander de li garison Sire Edeward pur la g'nt navye De France ne dona une aylle De vaillante gent fist la mer De tut part mut ben garder De Engleter sunt failliz Ly Franceys e sunt honiz En la mer grant tens flote'nt Li cors plusurs de eus tuere't A Dovere firent sodoineme't Une a.s.saut e de lur gent Plus de v sent y perdirent Unkes plus de prou ne firent Ore sunt tuz ieo quide neez Ou en lur teris retornez E penduz pur lur servise Ke Engleter naveyent prise E ceo Charles lour p'mist Si nul de ens revenist Sire Charles bon chevaler Lessez ester ton guerrer Acordez a ton cosin E pur pensez de la fin Si Engleter guerirez James ben nes pleyterez Je ne firent voz ancestres Ke se tindrent si grant mestres Ly ducs Lowys ton parent E stace le moyne enseme't E autres Franceys a.s.sez Ke ne sunt pas ici nomez d.a.m.ne deu omnipotent Vo' doynt bon acordement avie.

P. 57. "This same yere [anno 14th Edw. III. 1340] the kyng faught with the Frensshmen at Scluse, where there were sclayn of Frensshmen x.x.x m^{l}; and the kyng toke and scomfyted at the sayd bataill of Scluse cccx schippes." Of this pa.s.sage, the following letter from king Edward the Third to Edward the Black Prince, giving an account of his victory over the French fleet at Sclyse, on Sat.u.r.day the 24th of June 1340,--which, with the permission of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq., the Town Clerk, has also been extracted from the City Archives, letter F. fol.

39,--is an interesting ill.u.s.tration. This doc.u.ment, which has escaped the attention of Historians, presents an authentic detail of that memorable event; and it is evident from it that Robert de Avesbury, the contemporary writer upon whom the greatest reliance has. .h.i.therto been placed, has fallen into some errors in his narrative of the transaction. He informs us that on the day after the battle a rumour of it reached London, but that it was discredited until the ensuing Wednesday, namely the 28th of June, when the Prince of Wales received a letter from the king informing him of his success, of which letter that writer a.s.serts that the annexed was a copy:

"Edwardus Dei Gracia Rex Angliae et Franciae et Dominus Hiberniae, &c.

Effusam circa nos hiis diebus propiciacionis divinae clemenciam, ad vestri contemplacionem et laeticiam, vobis ducimus intimandam. Scitis autem, immo vos et alios[136] fideles nostri quadam partic.i.p.acione sensitis, quantis fuimus et sumus guerrarum lacessiti turbinibus, et velut in mari magno procellosis fluctibus agitati. Sed licet sint mirabiles elaciones maris, mirabilior tamen in altis Dominus, qui procellam convertens in auram, jam inter tot adversa clementissime nos respexit. Nam c.u.m pridem ordina.s.semus pa.s.sagium nostrum necessarium versus partes Flandriae, Dominus Philippus de Valesio, persecutor noster infestissimus, hoc praevidens, cla.s.sem maximam navium armatarum quam in expugnacionem nostram nostrorumque fidelium misit, ut vel sic nos caperet, vel nostrum transitum impediret. qui transitus si, quod absit, fuisset impeditus, ardua negocia, quae prosequimur, fuissent penitus in ruina: quinimmo nos et nostri fuissemus verisimiliter confusionis[137] magnae subjecti. Sed Deus misericordiarum, videns nos in tantis periculis const.i.tutos, graciosius et cicius, quam humana racio judicare poterat, misit n.o.bis magnum navale subsidium, et insperatum numerum armatorum, ac semper ventum prosperum juxta votum, et sic, sub spe coelestis auxilii, et justiciae nostrae fiducia, dictum portum navigio venientes, invenimus dictam cla.s.sem et hostes nostros ibidem paratissimos ad praelium in mult.i.tudine copiosa; quibus, in festo Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistae proximo praeterito, ipse spes nostra Christus deus per conflictum fortem et validum nos praevalere concessit, facta strage non modica dictorum hostium, capta eciam quodammodo tota dicta cla.s.se, c.u.m laesione gentis nostrae modica respective, sicque tucior de cetero patebit transitus nostris fidelibus supra mare, et alia bona plurima sunt ex hoc n.o.bis et nostris fidelibus verisimiliter proventura, de quo spes pulcherima jam arridet. Nos autem, tantam coelestem graciam devotissime contemplantes, ipsi Salvatori nostro laudes et gracias humiliter exsolvimus, deprecantes, ut, qui jam et semper in oportunitatibus copiosis graciis[138] nos praevenit continuatis, nos auxiliis prosequatur, et n.o.bis regere temporaliter sic concedat in terris, ut in eo laetemur aeternaliter in excelsis. Dileccionem vestram attente rogamus et per Dei misericordiam obsecramus, quatinus soli Deo vivo, qui tantum signum n.o.bisc.u.m fecit in bonum, in devotae laudis praeconium a.s.surgentes, nos, jam in remotis agentes, et nedum jura nostra recuperare, sed sanctam ecclesiam catholicam attollere, et in justicia populum regere cupientes, sibi devotis oracionum instanciis recomendare curetis, facientes pro n.o.bis missas, et alia piae placacionis officia misericorditer exerceri, et ad hoc clerum et populum vestrae diocesis salutaribus monitis inducatis, ut Deus ipse, miseratus n.o.bis, progressum felicem et exitum annuat graciosum, detque servo suo cor docile, ut recte judicare possimus et regere et sic facere quod praecipit, ut mereamur a.s.sequi quod promitt.i.t. Teste Edwardo duce Cornubiae et Comite Cestriae filio nostro carissimo Custode Angliae apud Waltham Sanctae Crucis xxviii^{vo}. die Junii, anno Regni nostri Angliae xiiii^{to}. Regni vero Franciae primo."

[Footnote 136: _Sic._]

[Footnote 137: _Sic._]

[Footnote 138: _Sic._]

It is however manifest from that doc.u.ment having been tested by the Prince of Wales, that it was rather a proclamation issued in consequence of the dispatch from the king to the prince, than the dispatch itself, of which the letter now for the first time printed may be deemed the only copy which is extant. Nor must it be forgotten that the date affixed to the article given by Avesbury tends to excite a suspicion of its authenticity; for it is tested by the prince at Waltham Holy Cross upon the precise day, the 28th of June, on which the king's letter was written, and which could not therefore possibly have arrived on the day in question at Waltham. It is somewhat singular that as the battle was concluded on the 25th of June, the king should not have written until the 28th; but this may perhaps be accounted for by those arrangements which his success would necessarily have required, and which may be supposed to have engaged the monarch's whole attention for some days. The letter in Avesbury's Annals gives no particulars of the battle, though that writer relates that the enemy were beaten; that more than thirty thousand of them were slain; that many leapt into the sea from fear and were drowned; and that their fleet consisted of two hundred large s.h.i.+ps, on board of one of which four hundred dead bodies were found. The Royal dispatch, however, affords much more minute information, and corrects the statements both in Avesbury and in the preceding Chronicle. It a.s.serts that the French fleet amounted to one hundred and eighty sail; that they were n.o.bly defended the whole of a day and a night; that they were all captured in the engagement excepting twenty-four which took to flight, and part of them were subsequently taken at sea; that the number of the men at arms and other armed persons amounted to thirty-five thousand, of whom five thousand escaped; that the English s.h.i.+ps captured by the French at Middleburgh were then retaken; and that among the prizes were three or four as large as 'the Christopher,' which we may infer was then the largest s.h.i.+p of the English navy.

It is unquestionable from what has been said, that this doc.u.ment supplies some important facts in the history of the times, whilst its entry among the Records of the City of London tends to establish that the Mayor of the city was accustomed at that early period to receive an official account of every public transaction, and of which another example will be found in a subsequent page.

The events which led to the battle of the Swyne, or as it is more generally termed of the Scluse, are too familiar to require repet.i.tion.

"NOTA DE BELLO AQUATICO:-- L'RA D'NI E' DIRETT'

FILIO SUO DUCI CORNUB'

DE BELLO SUP' MARE P'CUSSO DIE NATIVIT'

S'C'I JOH'IS BAPT'

"Tresch' fitz no' pensoms bien q' vo' estes desirons a.s.savoir bones novelles de no' et coment il no' est avenuz puys n're aler Denglet're si vo' fesom savoir q' le Joedi'[139] ap's ceo q' no' dep'times du Port Dorewe[-ll-],[140] no' siglames tut le iou ret la nuyt suaunte, et le vendredi[141] en tour hour de noune no' venismes s' la costere de fflaundres devant Blankebergh ou no' avioms la vewe de la fflote de nos enemys qi estoyent tut ama.s.sez ensemble en port del Swyne et p'

ceo q' la Tyde nestoit mis adonges p' a.s.sembler a eux no'

yherbergeasmes tut cel noet le samady le iour de seint Johan[142] bien ap's houre de noune a la Tyde nous en noun de Dieu et en espoire de n're droite querele entrames en dit port s' nos ditz enemys qi avoyent a.s.semble lours niefs en moult fort array et lesqu'x fesoient ml't n.o.ble defens tut cel iour et la noet ap's, mes dieu p' sa puissaunce et miracle no' ottroia la victorie de mesmes no[z/] enemys de qai no'

m'cioms si devoutement come no' poems. Et si vo' fesoms savoir q' le nombre des niefs galeyes et g'nt barges de nos enemys amounta a ix^{xx} et ditz, lessqueles estoient toutz pris sauve xxiiij. en tut lesqueles senfuirent et les uns sont puye pris s' mier et le nombre des gentz darmes et autres gentz armez amounta a x.x.xv Mi[-ll-] de quele nombre p' esme cink' M^{l} sont eschapees, et la remenaunt ensi come no' est donc a entendre p' ascuns gentz q' sont pris en vie, si gissent les corps mortz et tut pleyn de lieux s^{r} la costere de fflaundres. Dautre p't totes nos niefs, cest a.s.savoir Cristofre et les autres qi estoient p'dues a Middelburgh, sont ore regaignez, et il yount gaignez en ceste navie trois ou quatre auxi graundes come la Cristofre: les fflemengs estoient de bone volente davoir venuz a no'

ala bataille du commencement tanqe ala fin issint dieu n're seign^{r} ad a.s.sez de grace monstre de qei' no' et toutz nos amys sumes tut ditz tenutz de lui rendre grace et m'ciz. N're entent est a demorer en pees en le ewe taunt qe no' eoms pris c'teyn point ove no' alliez et autres nos amys de fflandres de ceo q' soit affaire. Trescher fitz dieu soit gardeyn de vo'. Don' souz n're secree seal en n're nief Cogg[143]

Thom', le Mescredy en la veille seint Piere et seint Paoul.[144]

14^{o} R. Edw. 3^{ii}."

[Footnote 139: June 22, 1340.]

[Footnote 140: Dover.]

[Footnote 141: June 23.]

[Footnote 142: June 24.]

[Footnote 143: The Navy at the period consisted of s.h.i.+ps, galleys, barges, _batelli_ or boats, _snakae_ or cutters, and _cogee_ or COGS.--See the Observations prefixed to the _Liber Quotidia.n.u.s Contrarotulatoris Garderobae Anno Regni Regis Edwardi Primi vicesimo octavo_, p. liv.]

[Footnote 144: June 28.]

P. 63. "And in this yere, that is to seye the yere of oure lord a m^{l} ccclvj^{to}, the xix day of Septembre, kyng John of Fraunce was taken at the bataill of Peyters be the doughty prynce Edward, the firste sone of kyng Edward." &c.

It would be difficult to name a more interesting doc.u.ment connected with English History than that by which, through the courtesy of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq., Town Clerk of the City of London, the pa.s.sage in the text will be ill.u.s.trated; namely, a copy of the letter from Edward the Black Prince to the Mayor, Aldermen and Comonalty of London, acquainting them with the achievement of the battle of Poictiers. This important record, which has never before been printed, occurs among the archives of the city, in a contemporary MS. ent.i.tled Letter G.

fol. 53^{b}. and was, there can be little doubt, entered into that volume soon after the receipt of the original.

The greater part of the Prince's letter is occupied by the detail of the proceedings of the army for some days previous to the battle, and in describing the efforts of the Cardinal Peregort to produce a peace or truce between the kings of France and England; whilst the conflict itself is mentioned in a few words. Independently of the particulars of the English forces and their rencontres with the enemy which this letter so minutely relates, its most important statement is that of the precise day when the battle took place, for historians have differed materially upon the point. The Prince, however, expressly says that it occurred on the eve of the feast of St. Matthew, i.e. the 20th of September. His letter was dated at Bordeaux on the 22nd of the following month, and was sent to the Mayor of London by the Prince's chamberlain Sir Neel Loring; and the manner in which he refers the Mayor and Citizens to that distinguished knight for further information, cannot fail to be noticed, from its great similarity to the conclusion of a modern military dispatch. Another feature of this and other doc.u.ments of the same nature in early periods, is the great simplicity and modesty with which they are written. An expression of grat.i.tude to G.o.d alone interrupts the unadorned narrative; and the defeat of an army infinitely superior in numbers, and the capture of one of the most powerful sovereigns of the times together with his eldest son, are thus laconically related: "The battle took place on the eve of St. Matthew; and, praise be to G.o.d, the enemy were discomfited, and the king and his son were taken, and great numbers of other people taken and slain." To present as many contemporary doc.u.ments as could be collected relative to this memorable event, two other letters are introduced, as well as the affidavit of an individual who claimed to have been the person to whom king John of France surrendered himself.

One of the letters alluded to, which is printed in the _Archaeologia_, vol. i. p. 213, is also from the Black Prince, to Reginald Bryan bishop of Worcester, dated at Bordeaux on the 20th of November, briefly informing him of his success, which he attributes in a great measure to the efficacy of that prelate's prayers.

The other letter is from Robert Prite to some English n.o.bleman, dated on the 8th of December 1356, whose clerk, or probably priest, he styles himself, and is taken from the original on vellum in the Cottonian MS. Caligula D. III. f. 33. After mentioning the battle of Poictiers, the particulars of which he says he will learn from a knight whom the duke of Lancaster had sent into England to the king, the writer acquaints him with some other news of the time, as well as with what had occurred in some of his towns; and entreats him to come over as soon as possible. This letter, which is now for the first time printed, though not so important as the others, is nevertheless of interest, as connected with the battle of Poictiers, and with other public and private transactions of the period.

The third doc.u.ment on the subject is the solemn declaration of Bernard du Troy, a Gascon gentleman, made on his death-bed the 1st of July 1361, that he was the person who took the king of France prisoner at the battle of Poictiers; which point it is evident from this instrument, as well as from historians, had been much disputed. This very curious article, which also occurs in the Cottonian MS. just mentioned, is highly interesting; for it not only shows who were the claimants to the honour of having captured the king, but the ardour with which that claim was supported. It is however doubtful whether the love of fame or pecuniary interest prompted this declaration at so awful a moment; but his motive, like those of most other human actions, was probably of a mixed nature; for whatever might be the renown which was attached to the exploit, the ransom to which the true claimant would be ent.i.tled must have been an object of great consideration to him or to his heirs. Du Troy carefully provides, that those who would support his pretensions with their swords should partake of the benefits which might arise from their valour; and this circ.u.mstance presents a curious picture of the manners of the age. Sir Denys de Morbeque of whom he speaks, is thus noticed by Froissart.

"There was much pressing at this time through eagerness of taking the king: and those that were nearest to him, and knew him, cried out 'Surrender yourself, surrender yourself, or you are a dead man.' In that part of the field was a young knight from St. Omer, who was engaged by a salary in the service of the king of England: his name was Denis de Morbeque, who for five years had attached himself to the English, on account of having been banished in his younger days from France for a murder committed in an affray at St. Omer. It fortunately happened for this knight, that he was at the time near to the king of France when he was so much pulled about. He by dint of force, for he was very strong and robust, pushed through the crowd and said to the king in good French, 'Sire, sire, surrender yourself.' The king, who found himself very disagreeably situated, turning to him, asked 'To whom shall I surrender myself; to whom? Where is my cousin the Prince of Wales? if I could see him I would speak to him.' 'Sire,'

replied Sir Denys, 'he is not here; but surrender yourself to me, and I will lead you to him.' 'Who are you?' said the king. 'Sire, I am Denys de Morbeque, a knight from Artois, but I serve the king of England because I cannot belong to France, having forfeited all I possessed there.' The king then gave him his right-hand glove, and said 'I surrender myself to you.' There was much crowding and pus.h.i.+ng about, for every one was eager to cry out 'I have taken him.'"

Most of the witnesses to Du Troy's declaration were celebrated peers and knights both of England and France.

L'RA D'NI EDWARDI PRINCIPIS GALL' MAIOR ALDR'S ET COM'ITATI CIVITATIS LONDON' DIRECTA DE NOV' BAT'I IUX^{ta} POYTERS.

Tresch'e et tres bien ameez endroit des novelles es p'ties ou nous sumes voillitz savoir qe puis l'eure qe nous certifiasmes a n're tresredoute S^{r} et piere le Roi qe no' estoions en p'pos de chivaucher env's les enemis es p'ties de Fraunce no' p'smes n're chemyn p' le pais de Peregort et de Lymosyn et tout droit v's Burges en Were ou no' entendismes davoir troues le fitz le Roi le counte de Peytiers et la sov'aigne cause de n're aler v's celles p'ties estoit qe nous entendismes davoir eu noveles de n're dit S^{r} et piere le Roi come de son pa.s.sage et puis q' no' ne trovasmes le dit counte ne nul autre g'unt poair illeosqes nous no' treismes dev's leyre et maundasmes noz gentz au chivaucher a conoistre si no' p'uons nulle p't avoir trovez pa.s.sage lesqueles gentz encontrerent les enemis et avoient faire a.s.semble si qe les uns des ditz enemys estoient mortz et pris les queuz p'soners disoient qe le Roi de France avoient envoiee Grismoton q'estoit encelle compaignie p' lui faire asavoir c'teines novelles de no' et de n're poair et si avoit le dit Roi p' mesmes le cause envoie en autre p'tie le S^{r} de Creon Mons^{r} Busigaut le Mareschal de Clermount et aut's et disoient les ditz p'soners qe le dit Roi avoit p's certe in p'pos de combatre ovesq' nous a quele heure nous estoioms s^{r} le chymyn env's Tours et encostoavit dev's Orliens et lendemein la ou nous estoions loggiez aviens novelles qe les ditz Sire de Creon et Busigaut estoient en un chastel bien p's de n're loggiz et p'ismes p'pos de y aller et venismes loggier entour eux et acordasmes d'a.s.sailler le dit lieu lequel estoit gayne p' force ou estoient tout plein de lo'r gentz p's et mortz auxint les uns des n'res y furent mortz mes les ditz Sires de Creon et Busigaut se treerent en une fort Tour qil y avoit la quele se tenoit cynk jours avant qelle feust gaignee et la se rendirent ils et illeosqes estoions c'tifiez qe touz les pontz s^{r} leyre estoient debruses et qe nulle p't purriens avoir pa.s.sage s^{r} qei nous p'ismes n're chemyn tout droit a Tours et la demourasmes devant la ville quatre iours deins quelle estoient le Counte Dangeo et le Mareschal de Clermount od g'nt poair des gentz. Et a n're dep'tir d'illeoqs no' p'ismes le chemyn p'

pa.s.ser ascuns daung' des eawes et en entente davoir encountree ovesqe n're tres ch' cosyn le ducs de Lancastre de qi no' aviens certeins novelles qil se voillent afforcier de trere dev's nous a quelle heure le Cardenal de Peregort vynt a nous a Monbezon a troiz lieues de Tours ou il no' p'la tout plein des choses touchauntes trewes et pees s^{r} quele p'lance no' lui fesoiens respounse qe la pees ne avient poair a ffaire ne qe nous ent voloiens meller saunz le comaundement et le volunte de n're tresch' S^{r} et piere le Roi ne de trewe nestoiens al heure avisez qe se eust estee le meillo' p' no^{q} de y avoir acordee car illeosqes estoiens non plus plenement c'tifiez qe le Roi se tailla p' toutes voies de combatre ove nous si q' nous no' treismes dilleoqes v's chastel Heraud sur le pa.s.sage del eawe de la Vivane ou no'

desmourasmes quatre iors ettendauntz de savoir plus la c'tein de lui le quel Roi vint od son poair a chaveny a cynk lues de nous p' pa.s.ser mesme lewe v's Poyters et s^{r} ceo p'ismes p'pos de hastier dev's lui s^{r} le chemyn qil devereit pa.s.ser p' estre combatuz ove lui mes ses batailles estoient pa.s.seez devant qe no' estoions venuz au lieu ou nous entendismes de lui avoir encountree hors pris p'tie des gentz de lour entour sept centz homes darmes qe se combatirent od les n'tres ou estoient p's le countes de Soussoire et de Junhy le S^{r} de Chastillion et tout plein dautres pris et mortz p'ties de lour et des n'res et puis les p'suievrent noz gentz tanq' a Chaveny bien a treis lieus loyns p'quoi il nous convienoit logger cel jour a plus pres de celle place qe nous poiens p' recoiller noz gentz et lendemeyn p'ismes n're chemyn tout droit dev's le Roi et mandasmes noz descov'res qe troverent lui od son poair p'st bataille es champs a une lue de Peiters et alasmes a plus p's de lui qe nos poiams p'ndre n're places et nous mesmes a pie et en arraie de bataille et p'st de combatre ove lui ou vynt le dit Cardinal requerraunt molt entierment p' une pett.i.t suff'nce issint qe home purroit faire parler dasemble c'teins gentz des p'ties en atente d'acord et de bone pees quelle chose il emp'st qil amereit a bon fey sur quoi nous p'ismes avis et lui otreiasmes sa requeste sur quoi furent ordeyner c'teins gentz dune p't e d'autre a tretir sur celle matirs lequel trete ne p'st nul exploit Et adonqes volleit le dit Cardinal avoir purchace une trewe en destourbaunce de la bataille a son gree a quel treve ne voilloit a.s.sentir Et demaunderent les Fraunceys c'teins chivalers d'une p't et d'autre p'

prendre owelle place issint qe la bataille ne se purroit en nulle man'e failler et en tieu man'e estoit cel jour delaiee et demourerent les batailles d'une p't et d'autre tote noet chescun en lour place et tanqe le demein entour un prime et p' ascuns forces qe estoient p'

entre les ditz batailles nul ne voloit a autre taunte davauntage demp'ndre a venir l'un sur l'autre Et p' defaute des vitailles si bien p' aut's enchessons acorde estoit qe nous deveriens prendre n're chemyn encosteant p' devant eux en tieu man'e q' s'ils voilont la bataille ou trere dev's nous en lieu q' nestoit mye tres graundment a n're desavauntage qe nous le preindreins et ensint estoit fait s^{r} quoi le bataille se prist la surveile de seint Matheu et loiez ent soit dieux les enemys estoient desconfitz et pris le Roi et son fitz et tot plein des aut's g'ntz pris et mortz si come n're Tresch' ame bach'r Mons^{r} Neel Loereng n're chaumberlein port^{r} de cestes qu ent ad a.s.setz pleine conisance vous sav'a plus pleinement dire a monstre come nous ne vous purroins escrire A qi voilletz pleine foi et credence doner Et n're seign^{r} vuis voille garder Donnez souz n're secre seal a Burdeux le xxij jour d'Octobr'.

LETTER FROM THE BLACK PRINCE TO THE BISHOP OF WORCESTER, DATED 20TH OCTOBER 1356, RELATING TO THE BATTLE OF POITIERS, WHEREIN THE FRENCH KING WAS MADE PRISONER, &C. EX REGISTRO REGINALDI BRIEN WIGORN.

EPISCOPI. FOL. 113. COMMUNICATED TO THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES BY DR.

LYTTELTON, DEAN OF EXETER.

[_Archaeologia, Vol._ I. _No._ XLIV. _p._ 213.]

L'RA D'NI PRINCIPIS WALL' DE CAPCIONE R. FRANCIae PAR LE PRINCE DE GALES.

Reve'nt piere en Dieu, et tresch' ami. Nous vous mercions entierement de ce que nous avons entendu q' vous estes si bien et si naturelment porte dev's nous, en p'ant Dieux p'r nous et p'r n're exploit; et sumes tout certiens q' p'r cause de vous devoutes p'eres et dautres, Dieu nous a en toutes nos besoignes be' vueliz aide; de quoi nous sumes a touz jo's tenuz de lui grazier, en p'ant que v're part ancy vieullietz faire en continuant dev's nous come devant ces heures avetz fait, de quoi nous nous tenons g'n'ment tenuz a vous. Et, rev'ent piere, endroit de n're estat, dont nous penceons bien q' vous desirez la v're merci doier bones nouvelles, vuellietz entendre q' a la faisance de cestes estions sains et heures et tout en bon point, loiez en soit Dieux q' nous donit y ces mesmes de vous toutes soitz oir et saver, et de ce nous vueilletz certifier p'r vos l'res et p' les entrevenantz a plus souvent q' vous p'res bonement en droit de nouvelles ceandroitz. Vueilletz savoir q' la veille de la translation Saint Thomas de Canterbire, nouz commenceasmes a chivauch' ove n're povar v's les parties de France et souvraignement p' cause q' nous entendismes la venue de n're treshonn'e seign'r et piere le Roy la endroit, et si neismes dev's les parties de Burges en Berye, Orlions, et Tours, et avions nouvelles q' le Roy de France ove g'nt povar bien pres de celles marches venoit p' combattre ove no's, et approcheasmes tant q' la battaille se prist entre nous en tiele maniere q' les ennemis estoient disconfitez, grace en soit Dieux, et le dit Roi et son fils et plusiers autres g'ntz pris et mortz, les noms de queaux nous vous envions p' n're tresch' bachiler Mons' Roger de Cottesford portoir de cestes. Rev'ent piere en Dieux, et n're tresch' ami, le Saint Esprit vous ait toute jours en sa guarde. Donne souz n're seal a Birdeaux, le xx^{e} jour d' Octob'r.

[Tradita fuit ista l'ra Domino Reginaldo de Briene, Ep'o Wygorn, apud Alvech', pr'mo die Decemb', an' Dom' M^{o}. ccc. quinquagesimo s.e.xto, c.u.m cedula nomina continente capt' et mortuorum in bello praedicto, cujus cedulae tenor insequitur p' o'ia ---- parte folii istius suprascriptus]

A Rev'ent Piere en Dieux Evesqe de Worcester, ces sont les noms de ceaux q' estoient pris a la battaile de Poyters p'