Readings in Classical Chinese Philosophy Part 5

63This sounds like a formulation of the virtue of shu, "sympathetic understanding." See a.n.a.lects 4.15.

64The most plausible explanation of this reference is that of Bao Xian: "Old Peng was a great worthy of the Yin dynasty who was fond of transmitting ancient tales. In comparing himself to Old Peng, Kongzi indicates his reverence for those who merely transmit [and do not innovate]."

65Ideally, one's immersion in the culture of the Zhou is to be so complete that it penetrates even one's dream-life.

66There is some debate over the exact meaning of this pa.s.sage, with some (such as the Han commentator Zheng Xuan claiming that it refers to the fact that Kongzi would not deny instruction to anyone over fifteen years of age, and others arguing that the term (usually taken to mean "bundle of silk and cured meat" or "bundle of cured meat") actually refers to the bearing of the person seeking instruction-that is, an att.i.tude of respect and self-discipline. In either case, the point is that Kongzi does not select students on the basis of their wealth or social standing.

67The Shao is the court music of the sage-king Shun.

68"Improperly" is literally in a "not right (yi )" fas.h.i.+on.

69Chinese characters are not directly phonetic in the manner of an alphabet, and the same character can be p.r.o.nounced differently by speakers of different dialects. In Kongzi's age, people were apparently aware that the spoken languages of the various regions of China differed significantly from the "cla.s.sical p.r.o.nunciation," which Liu Baonan argues must have been the dialect spoken in the Western Zhou capital. We must a.s.sume that knowledge of these p.r.o.nunciations was kept alive, at least in the state of Lu, through use in formal and ritual contexts. This pa.s.sage suggests, though, that Kongzi's contemporaries had begun to ignore this tradition and eschew the cla.s.sical p.r.o.nunciations in favor of local dialect-a Christian a.n.a.logy would be the abandonment of Latin in favor of services in the vernacular. This represents a departure from the Way of the Zhou that Kongzi characteristically resists.

70Huan Tui was a minister in the state of Song who apparently wished to do Kongzi harm; cf. a.n.a.lects 9.5 and 14.36.

71This is perhaps merely a polite demurral (cf. a.n.a.lects 7.34), but it serves to emphasize the difficulty of obtaining in practice the proper balance between wen, "cultural refinement," and zhi, "native substance" (cf. a.n.a.lects 6.18), and is no doubt meant as a warning against falling into "foppish pedantry"-the more insidious and common of the two failings described in a.n.a.lects 6.18 above.

72The t.i.tle of a traditional prayer text.

73That is, through his life's work. Any sort of direct appeal for Heaven's aid or bartering with Heaven is unnecessary.

74That is, the influence of Yao's Virtue was so subtle and pervasive that the people were transformed naturally, without being aware of what was happening. Cf. a.n.a.lects 17.19, where Heaven is said to rule without the need for words.

75The name of a small hamlet.

76Kongzi's response is equally sarcastic, expressing his contempt for limited or merely technical skills. Cf. a.n.a.lects 2.12, 9.6, and 19.7.

77Kongzi is referring to ascending the stairs when approaching a ruler or other superior. To bow after ascending puts one on the same level as one's superior and hence is less respectful.

78The most common explanation is that the target of the Kuang troops was a certain Yang Hu, who had in the past caused some trouble in the state of Kuang. Kongzi apparently physically resembled Yang Hu and-to add to the confusion-one of Kongzi's disciples was a known a.s.sociate of Yang Hu's.

79Cf. a.n.a.lects 2.12, 9.2, and 19.7.

80As a sign of respect.

81"It" refers to the Way.

82That is, following the rites proper to a minister attending to a ruler-which, of course, Kongzi was not.

83As the Jin dynasty commentator Li Chong notes, Kongzi's concern over the ritual abuses of the Ji Family-who were usurping the ritual prerogatives of the Zhou kings in an attempt to impress their contemporaries and curry favor with Heaven (see a.n.a.lects 3.1)- no doubt accounts for some of the harshness in his rebuke of Zilu.

84The gentleman should surely share his Virtue with the world by taking public office. Kongzi, however, refuses to actively peddle his wares on the market, but rather waits for his Virtue to be recognized by the right ruler.

85The Yi were a group of "barbarians" (i.e., non-Chinese) who lived along the east coast of present-day China. Kongzi's comment is a testament to the transformative power of the gentleman's Virtue. Cf. Xunzi, chapter 2, p. 265.

86Many traditional commentators take this pa.s.sage to be a lament on the pa.s.sage of time (and perhaps a reflection of Kongzi's sense of personal failure). Others see the river's unremitting and thorough progress toward the sea as a metaphor for the ideal student's progress toward Goodness.

87A bit of encouragement to balance out Yan Hui's lament in a.n.a.lects 9.11.

88Nominal a.s.sent to the Way is insufficient-one must love the Way and strive to embody it in one's person. The problem is what the teacher is to do with a student who intellectually understands or superficially agrees with the Way but cannot summon up the genuine commitment required of the gentleman. Cf. a.n.a.lects 5.10, 6.12, 9.18, and 15.16.

89Based upon their style, lack of explicit subject, and parallels to be found in other early ritual texts such as the Record of Ritual or Book of Etiquette and Ritual, scholars have concluded that most of the pa.s.sages in this book were probably culled from a lost ritual text that provided anonymous guidelines and injunctions for the aspiring gentleman. From earliest times, however, this book has been viewed by commentators as an extended description of the ritual behavior of Kongzi in particular, and it was in fact probably intended by the editors of the earliest stratum of the a.n.a.lects (books 110) to be understood that way. Seen as an actual description of the Master's behavior rather than a set of impersonal ritual guidelines, book 10 serves as a sort of capstone for the first stratum, providing a series of descriptions of the Master effortlessly embodying in his words, behavior, and countenance the lessons imparted throughout the rest of the text. What is being emphasized in this book is the ease and grace with which the Master embodies the spirit of the rites in every aspect of his life-no matter how trivial-and accords with this spirit in adapting to new and necessarily unforeseeable circ.u.mstances.

90That is, he remained thoroughly focused in all of his activities.

91Considering that horses were quite valuable commodities and stable hands easily replaceable, Kongzi's response is both unexpected and moving.

92Being sick, he could not rise to greet his ruler or properly dress himself in court attire, but it would also be unseemly for him to receive his guest in civilian garb. He thus had himself arranged in bed so that he would be both ritually presentable and facing the door when the ruler entered.

93A sign of respect and humbleness.

94A gift of sacrificial meat carries with it a sort of ritual solemnity not possessed by a nonreligious gift, no matter how sumptuous it might be.

95As a sign of respect.

96As a sign of respect for Heaven's power.

97While it is not entirely clear why the pheasant is being praised for timeliness (perhaps because it knows when to arise, when to alight, and when to fly off), it would seem that the ideal of timeliness-according perfectly with the demands of the situation at hand-sums up fairly well what is, in one interpretation, the general theme of book 10: that the Master's actions accorded perfectly with the demands of ritual propriety, no matter what the circ.u.mstances.

98The comment would seem to be meant ironically-cf. a.n.a.lects 2.9.

99That is, you should continue to defer to their judgment and not take the initiative.

100This is a paradigmatic example of how the Master's teachings were variously formulated depending upon the individual needs of his students-a Confucian version of the Buddhist practice of upya, or "skillful means."

101According to traditional commentators, the Yi River was near Kongzi's home, and the Rain Dance Altar was located just above the river.

102The Master is thus equally disapproving of Zilu's, Ran Qiu's, and Zihua's aspirations-all of which are overly focused upon statecraft techniques-although only Zilu's response is audacious enough to provoke a smile. The point is that true government is effected through the superior Virtue gained by ritual practice, and the task of the gentleman is thus to focus upon self-cultivation and attain a state of joyful harmony with the Way. Such harmony with the Way is exemplified by Zengxi's musical bent, his reluctance to speak about his aspirations, and the sense of spontaneous joy in the cultivated life conveyed by his answer.

103A disciple of Kongzi.

104One interpretation is that the first set of advice concerns the virtue of zhong, "loyalty," the second that of shu, "sympathetic understanding." Cf a.n.a.lects 4.15.

105Sima Niu came from a prominent military family in Song and in fact left behind several brothers when he went abroad. Huan Tui (a.n.a.lects 7.23) planned and carried out an unsuccessful revolt against the rightful lord of Song in 483 B.C.E., and was forced to flee the state. Another of Sima Niu's elder brothers, Xiang Chao, was also a military official (Minister of the Left) in Song; he was apparently a somewhat arrogant and self-aggrandizing man and was forced to flee the state after Huan Tui's attempted revolt, along with the remaining elder Xiang brothers. Sima Niu-apparently uninvolved in the revolt or its aftermath-resigned his official post in disgust and emigrated, ending up eventually in Lu, where he presumably had the conversation with Zixia recorded here. His comment that "he alone has no brothers" is thus not meant literally: the point is either that he has no brothers truly worthy of being considered brothers, or that all of his brothers are in exile or in constant danger of losing their lives, and therefore as good as dead. Sima Niu is thus bemoaning the fate that has left him effectively without family, an exile from his home state.

106"Within the Four Seas" means the entire world; China was viewed as being surrounded on all sides by oceans.

107Ji Zicheng is described as a minister of Wei, but nothing else is known about him. Zigong served as an official in Wei for some time, and this is probably when this exchange took place.

108Zigong's response invokes an interesting metaphor for the relations.h.i.+p of native substance and cultural refinement: although native substance is required (as an animal requires a hide), a gentleman possessing substance but unadorned by cultural refinement would be like a tiger or leopard shaved of its beautiful pelt-indistinguishable from any ordinary creature. Cf. a.n.a.lects 6.18.

109This was a traditional Zhou practice. According to the Annals, the traditional ten-percent t.i.the on agricultural production was doubled by Duke Xuan of Lu in 593 B.C.E., and then continued as standard practice. It is possible that this exchange between Duke Ai and Master You took place during the Lu famine of 484 B.C.E. (Year 14 of Duke Ai's reign), which occurred after back-to-back plagues of locusts in 484 and 483 B.C.E. Master You is thus suggesting a return to a taxation rate over one hundred years old-quite a radical cutback.

110In 516 B.C.E., Kongzi arrived in Qi to find that Duke Jing, near the end of his reign, was in dire straits. His nominal minister, Chen Qi, had usurped control of the state, and the Duke's plan to pa.s.s over his eldest son for the succession had set off contention among his sons. Kongzi's advice is thus very topical. His point is that if everyone would simply concentrate on conscientiously fulfilling their role-specific duties, order would result naturally-there is no need for some special technique or theory of "governing" (cf. a.n.a.lects 2.21). Many commentators have seen this pa.s.sage as concerned with the theme of "rectifying names" (zhengming mentioned in a.n.a.lects 13.3, whereby the actualities of one's behavior should be made to accord with the standard set by one's social role ("name").

111A member of the Ji Family (cf. a.n.a.lects 3.1), and senior minister in the state of Lu, who held power from 492 to 468 B.C.E.

112This probably refers to Zhe, the grandson of Lord Ling of Wei (who appears in a.n.a.lects 15.1 below), who took over the throne in 493 B.C.E.

113On zheng ming , "rectification of names" or "correction of names," cf a.n.a.lects 6.25, 12.11, and 12.17 as well as Xunzi's "On Correct Naming" (see Xunzi, chapter 22, pp. 29298). Reading this pa.s.sage in light of a.n.a.lects 12.11 ("let the fathers be true fathers, the sons true sons"), it can be seen as a barb against the ruling family of Wei, whose disordered family relations eventually threw the state into chaos. The Duke doted upon his notorious wife, Nanzi (see a.n.a.lects 6.28), whom his resentful son, Prince Kuai Kui, then attempted to kill. This attempt having failed, the son was forced to flee Wei, and the grandson, Zhe, subsequently took over the throne upon the Duke's death. Prince Kuai Kui then returned to Wei with the backing of a foreign army in an attempt to oust his son.

114The point of learning is not mere scholastic knowledge, but rather the ability to apply this knowledge flexibly in a situation-specific manner. Cf. a.n.a.lects 2.11.

115Because a true king rules through the gradual transformative power of Virtue rather than through harsh laws and punishments, which may achieve more immediate-but short-lived-results.

116Cf. a.n.a.lects 17.8, where the danger of an overly rigid or strict sense of honesty or uprightness is described as being "harmful"-the harm being, presumably, to such natural relations.h.i.+ps as that between father and son.

117Cf. Mengzi 7B37.

118Most commentators identify him as an official in the state of Lu.

119Both Yi and Ao were legendary martial heroes of the Xia dynasty with questionable morals: Yi usurped the throne of one of the kings of the Xia dynasty, and Ao was the son of one of Yi's ministers. Ao himself subsequently murdered and dethroned Yi, and was in turn slain and overthrown by one of his own ministers. Yu and Hou Ji were moral worthies and heroes of civilized arts: Yu tamed the Yellow River and introduced irrigation, receiving the rulers.h.i.+p of the world from Shun in return, while Hou Ji ("Lord Millet") is the mythical founder of agriculture and progenitor of the Zhou royal line.

120The world is won, not through martial prowess, but through careful and patient cultivation. Commentators suggest that Nangong Kuo meant to compare Kongzi himself to Yu and Hou Ji, and that Kongzi thus remained silent out of modesty.

121Zang Wuzhong and Meng Gongchuo were both respected officials in Lu, and Zhuangzi of Bian was an official in the state of Bian who was legendary for his courage. (The latter is no relation to the Daoist philosopher whose work is included in this volume.) On Ran Qiu, cf. a.n.a.lects 5.8, 6.12, 11.17, 11.22, and 11.26.

122Gongshu Wenzi was an official in the state of Wei, and Gongming Jia presumably was his disciple.

123An official in the state of Wei.

124Kongzi is praising Qu Boyu's n.o.ble intentions and realistic evaluation of himself as well as the modesty of his envoy's words. Cf. a.n.a.lects 14.27.

125The Master is entirely focused upon cultivating and correcting himself; only someone who has mastered the Way has the luxury to begin evaluating others, and Zigong is hardly such a person.

126"Kindness" here is de , which elsewhere is translated as "Virtue." The quoted phrase appears in chapter 63 of the Laozi or Daodejing-and Kongzi's response to it is certainly anti-Laozian in flavor-but it was likely a traditional saying not necessarily identified with the Daodejing itself.

127Zifu Jingbo, an official in the state of Lu, is claiming here that he has enough influence with his master, the de facto ruler of Lu, that he can both convince him of Zilu's innocence and see to it that his fellow minister, Gongbo Liao, is executed for his slander.

128Cf a.n.a.lects 18.7. That is, Kongzi persists in his efforts to reform the world even though it appears hopeless. Later Confucians embraced this derisive comment with pride.

129From the Odes (Mao # 54).

130Kongzi's critic is wearing a wicker basket strapped to his back-the sign of a farmer or manual laborer-and yet has an ear for cla.s.sical music and can quote from the Odes. No ordinary commoner, he is more likely a scholar who has gone into reclusion, whether for philosophical or political reasons. Like the gatekeeper in a.n.a.lects 14.38, he is annoyed at Kongzi's persistence in the face of an indifferent world, and advises him to simply accord with the times-as he himself has presumably done. Kongzi's sarcastic response expresses contempt for such pa.s.sivity and lack of resolution. Cf. a.n.a.lects 8.7, 18.6, and 18.7.

131Cf. a.n.a.lects 4.15.

132The ruler faces south, thus serving as the earthly correlate to the Pole Star (cf. a.n.a.lects 2.1). On "nonaction" see wuwei in Important Terms.

133The calendar of the Xia-which was in fact something like a combination calendar and almanac, providing instructions for what to do at various points in the year-began the year in the spring and was apparently particularly well adapted to the cycles of the seasons and the needs of farmers. The state carriage of the Shang, according to commentators, was stately but relatively unadorned, while the ceremonial cap of the Zhou was elegant and practical; according to Bao Xian, it s.h.i.+elded both the eyes and the ears, making it easier to resist distractions and concentrate upon ritual.

134The music of King Shun and King Wu, respectively.

135Cf. a.n.a.lects 13.24.

136As Cai Mo (Jin dynasty) explains, "The Way is silent and without action, and requires human beings to be put into practice. Human beings can harmonize with the Way-this is why the text reads: 'Human beings are able to broaden the Way'The Way does not harmonize with humans-this is why the text reads: 'It is not the Way that broadens human beings.'"

137Cf. a.n.a.lects 2.15.

138Cf. a.n.a.lects 19.11.

139This pa.s.sage has traditionally been understood as a commentary on the basic educability of all people; cf. a.n.a.lects 7.7, 17.2.

140The post of Music Master was traditionally filled by blind persons in ancient China, both in order to give them a trade in which they could excel and because their sense of hearing was considered more acute than that of the sighted. Music Master Mian has presumably been brought to Kongzi's residence by an a.s.sistant, who then leaves him in Kongzi's care. The point of this pa.s.sage seems to be the economy of expression of the Master, who puts aside the normal ritual behavior of a host in order to deftly and respectfully serve as a guide for the blind Music Master without being overly fussy or condescending.

141"True to one's word" is liang , which had a negative connotation ("rigidly trustworthy") in previous pa.s.sages (e.g., 15.37) but clearly has a positive sense here.

142On qi , see Important Terms.

143Boyu is Kongzi's son, and Ziqin is wondering whether or not-as the Master's own flesh and blood-Boyu received any special instruction withheld from the other disciples.

144Boyu quickened his steps as a sign of respect; cf 10.3.

145Some commentators suggest that li is meant here as the t.i.tle of a text ("the Rites"), which would indicate the existence of formal ritual texts-such as the Record of Ritual-at the time 16.13 was recorded. This, in turn, would be a sign of a quite late date for this pa.s.sage.

146The literal meaning of bi -the word translated here as "vice"-is "to cover over" or "obscure." Mengzi uses it to describe how the mind can be "led astray" by things in Mengzi 6A15; in "Undoing Fixations," Xunzi uses it with the sense of "fixations" that can lead us to endorse inferior doctrines or ways of life (see Xunzi, chapter 21, pp. 28692).

147These are the first two sections of the Odes and are used here to refer to the Odes as a whole. Cf. a.n.a.lects 16.13.

148Just as true music requires not merely instruments but sensitive musicians to play them, so true ritual requires not merely traditional paraphernalia but also emotionally committed, sensitive pract.i.tioners. Cf. a.n.a.lects 2.7, 3.3, and 3.12.

149See Mengzi 7B37 for an elaboration of this pa.s.sage.

150Vermillion-the color of the Zhou-is the traditional and proper color for ceremonial clothing while purple is a more "modern" and increasingly popular variant. On the "tunes of Zheng," see a.n.a.lects 15.11.

151An annual ritual of renewal.

152While mourning, one is restricted to a diet of plain rice and water and wearing rough hemp for clothing. One is to suspend most normal social activity, maintain particular demeanors and refrain from familiar pleasures. A child was to maintain three years (often understood as into the beginning of the third year-i.e., approximately twenty-five months) of mourning for a deceased parent. These rigors were thought to express respect for the dead and serve as a spiritual exercise for the living.

153Some later commentators have tried-with little success-to soften this infamously misogynous pa.s.sage. Its sense is probably that, considering their potentially dangerous s.e.xual power and inability to control themselves, household women (i.e., wives and concubines), like servants, need to be managed firmly, but with respect, if they are to remain obedient and not overstep their proper roles.

154Kongzi and his entourage were apparently attempting to cross a nearby river, but this pa.s.sage is also to be read allegorically: the "ford" is the way out of the "great flood of chaos" mentioned below. The use of self-consciously primitive technology by these two figures (most plows were ox-drawn by this time), as well as their knowledge of Kongzi's ident.i.ty revealed below, makes it clear that they are no ordinary commoners, but rather educated primitivist recluses who have deliberately rejected society and culture (cf. a.n.a.lects 14.39). Like many of the figures in the Zhuangzi, their names appear to be allegorical ("Standing Tall in the Marsh" and "Prominent in the Mud," respectively); the appearance of this literary technique and the complex narrative quality of this pa.s.sage mark it as quite late.

155The comment is sarcastic. Kongzi should know, given that he is reputed to be so wise.

156Referring to Kongzi's itinerant seeking after a ruler who would put his Way into practice.

157Kongzi's compa.s.sion for the suffering of the world is such that he cannot take what he views as the easy way out-simply withdrawing from society and living the life of a n.o.ble, unsullied recluse (cf. a.n.a.lects 18.8)-although his mission as the "bell-clapper of Heaven" (a.n.a.lects 3.24) is grueling and fraught with difficulties and frustrations.

158This comment is a rhyming verse in the Chinese-an indication that again we are not dealing with an ordinary, illiterate farmer.

159The point is that the old recluse recognizes the first set of relations.h.i.+ps in requiting Zilu's expression of respect (of a younger man for an elder) with proper hospitality and in formally presenting his sons, but ignores the second by living in reclusion and avoiding any sort of official contact.

160Cf. a.n.a.lects 14.38.

161These men were all famous recluses who withdrew from public service on moral grounds. For more on Bo Yi and Shu Qi, see Important Figures.

162Cf. a.n.a.lects 4.10.