The Condition of Catholics Under James I. Part 20

For, first, when at the end of the first Parliament the Puritans packed together therein, as well against His Majesty and his desires in the matter of union of the two kingdoms as also against the Catholics, and urged many new laws to their prejudice and for their greater affliction, His Majesty, that with one word might have staid their fury by saying (as it is accustomed in such cases when a Prince will show favour) that he would deliberate and consider of the matter, he confirmed first all the most sharp and rigorous laws and statutes which the late Queen or her father or brother had made against Catholics for afflicting them or shedding their blood. And, secondly, he adjoined new statutes of his own that augmented greatly the grievances of the former (which afterwards shall be set down), so as every sort of men, but especially the Puritans (that by all means desired to make the King odious unto Catholics), applied unto them presently those words of the young King Roboam to his aggrieved people-"My father pressed you with a grievous yoke; but I will aggravate the same yet more. My father beat you with whips; but I will scourge you with scorpions." So that it is easy to guess with what terror and affliction the Catholics remained at that time. By all which we may plainly see, that not only all hopes were failed whereupon Catholics did build their comforts, but that it was also seriously endeavoured by some to give now all a.s.surance of the contrary opinion, and so to drive men to despair, presuming perhaps that some amongst so many thousands would not be so patient as to bear it long, but that despair would urge them to some desperate attempt, whereby the chief causers of this persecution might give the better pretence of the cruelty they intended against them for the satisfaction of foreign Princes, that they might suppose these laws to be afterwards devised and not before determined or practised. And it is no marvel though divers Princes have been long in this error, knowing not the state of things with us; yea, rather being possessed of a contrary opinion to the truth of our sufferings by instruments employed of purpose, as also their whole estates were in like manner by the ordinary news, which were written in the gazettes to the end to be divulged. But Catholics that felt the smart before, had cause to believe the contrary, and that they received(280) one blow upon the face with the fist, to make them fetch another against the wall. Yea, it is verily thought by many of the wiser sort, that these very things, with others that followed, were the spurs that set those gentlemen upon that furious and fiery course which they afterwards fell into; and being otherwise too forward of themselves, and not apt in those things to be retained with the bridle, did urge them to take the bit in their teeth and run headlong (being thus filled with despair of any good from this King's government) to that desperate course of cutting off the same to set up one of his younger children-a thing very much lamented by all the body of Catholics in England, whose thoughts were only bent how to possess their souls in patience, notwithstanding all the causes of grief and despair of remedy which I have alleged, and more that I must allege in the chapter following.

Chapter III. [II.] The Increase Of Persecution And All Kind Of Molestations Unto Catholics, With Their Failing Of All Hopes, Procured By The Puritan Faction.

Such as be acquainted with the state of affairs in England cannot be ignorant that there be many at this time of the Puritan faction put in authority and place of government, especially concerning the persecution of Catholics. All which, as they be further gone in heresy than the ordinary sort of moral Protestants be, so are they more violent enemies against all Catholics and Catholic proceedings. And this not only in respect of that spirit of heresy, which doth in greater measure possess them, but for reason of policy also they hold it very requisite. For although the Protestants are at this time the chief in Government, and their laws and ordinances preferred both in ecclesiastical and secular causes, yet are not the Puritans out of hope (if the Catholic party were taken away) to prevail against them in time, either by force or friendly means procured from their complices in other countries, in which kind they are much stronger than the Protestants, or else by force of argument and the Word, wherein they persuade themselves to have great power. And true it is, that under the pretence of more pure profession of Calvin's doctrine and a greater outward show of a more formal religion, they do win daily some or other new-fangled heads unto their sect from the Protestants, whose grounds are more uncertain to themselves, and nothing certain unto them but the following of the will and pleasure of those that guide the State, whatsoever they hold or ordain to be professed or practised. But as for the Catholics, they are holden and tried by the Puritans and the other also to be inflexible for matter of their faith, as having most sure and infallible grounds to rest upon, alleging for the same all kind of authority, showing antiquity with universal consent of all nations; and remaining now, as others of their side have done before them, in perfect union amongst themselves in all points of their belief.

So that the Puritans having no hope at all that ever their private spirit shall be able to prevail against such an army of impregnable proofs by force of reason or argument they seek therefore, by all means they can devise, the overthrow of Catholics much more earnestly than the Protestants do, who are in themselves commonly less violent; and being placed at the helm in the chief seats for commodity and honour, are content to rest when they are well, and are not so busy and stirring as the Puritans are, whose rising spirit cannot be at rest until they be in possession of that which the others enjoy and they desire. Hereupon it followeth that the Puritans are most forward continually to incense the King against us; most violent also to execute all laws, and lay all kind of molestations and afflictions upon us, and besides most desirous of all occasions whereby to put us utterly in despair of help or favour, and so to force some or other to unfit courses, that the rest may be punished for their sake. And truly, as they were the men that did frame the Bills against us in the first Parliament after the King's entry, and did follow the matter most hotly to have both the former cruel laws remain in force and new penalties imposed upon Catholics, so when His Majesty had granted and confirmed all their desires against us, it is strange to see with what fury they sought in all places to execute the same cruelties-yea, much further in most places than the laws themselves did allow or would permit.

And it is to be noted, that although the Puritans are not generally put in authority or used for the government of the Commonwealth (as men known to bear but hollow hearts unto the King, and to be much disgusted with his proceedings), yet are they ordinarily employed in the punis.h.i.+ng and executing all kind of rigour against Catholics, as being tried by experience to be most vigilant in finding them out, most violent in afflicting them and most pitiless in their pains. So that in every s.h.i.+re, those Justices which be known to be most forward in the Puritan faction, though otherways they be little employed in matters of the country or esteemed of by the State, yet they are the men that are put in commission against Catholics-they are the searchers, they are the informers, they are the Judges, and they are made, as it were, the kings of Catholics.

(M2) From hence it came that the pressures of Catholics were much increased after the first Parliament and before that rash attempt of those gentlemen who were urged to that conspiracy (as most men think in those parts that know how things pa.s.sed) by extremities which they saw to increase so fast, and their despair of helps in vain expected. For then presently, the execution of all laws against Catholics, both old and new, being committed for the most part to the Chief Justice, who is known to be hot and vehement in the Puritan faction and a b.l.o.o.d.y enemy to the said Catholics; and he, by direction of others and his own desire, having picked out men in every s.h.i.+re of the same humour to execute the same laws with all the rigour and despite they could devise. Then followed afresh the exaction of 20_l._(281) a month, which was imposed by Queen Elizabeth upon every Catholic that would not go unto their service, although for a time after the King's coming there was hope given both by King and Council that it should not be exacted: but then the whole was urged together with the arrearages. Yea, and not contented with twelve months in the year (as Nature hath appointed by course of the sun), they would have the payment for thirteen months in the year, after the account of four weeks in the month, contrary to the rule of ancient law affirming that _Pnae non sunt ampliandae_. But if Catholics could enjoy for this payment any reasonable quiet, they would think themselves in great ease. But there is a law for the poorer sort of Catholics, that they shall forfeit two parts of their lands and leases, and all their goods and chattels whatsoever that can be found; upon which law (being executed as the Puritans use to do) many and great molestations do further ensue; for by this means they are not only indicted and cast into jails and prisons and their lands seized, as the statute alloweth, but also their goods embezzled and their cattle driven away. And if they find no cattle which they are a.s.sured to be the recusants', but that his fields be rented and stocked by other men, they drive that cattle also and put them to prove whose they were; and thereby terrify all men from hiring their said lands, wherein they also add diverse other particular afflictions that exasperate greatly the sufferer.

These matters being committed for the most part to their handling, that care not how much or how far they strain poor Catholics, whereof no marvel if it come to pa.s.s according to the proverb-_Qui nimium emungit elicit sanguinem_-"He that sc.r.a.peth or rubbeth too much, draweth blood at last."

It hath been also a matter of no small grief and complaint, that whereas there be now in England certain hungry and ravenous people that importuned the King for relief, having no rents or revenues in the land and yet living at a high rate and great charges many ways, His Majesty to give them content hath willed them to seek out Popish recusants which he might bestow upon them; wherein they then become diligent to inquire them out and restless in prosecuting them to the uttermost, and think all they can get too little: as it is indeed too little to satisfy their needs; which was a thing foreseen and foretold by some who yet are no prophets nor sons of prophets, but Protestants of the wiser sort, who, as it is said, when it was consulted of amongst all the Peers of the realm, before the King's coming, concerning his admission to the crown, some amongst them alleged that it might well be feared that the lean and hungry oxen which Pharao saw in his dream would devour all the fat and goodly oxen which their English fertile ground had fed so well before, and that these ravenous beasts would eat them up and yet seem to be nothing satisfied. Thus they.

And truly the meaner sort of these to whom Catholics were thus given, were not satisfied with the Catholics they could find out, but they also procured divers to be presented and indicted for recusants who were but well-wishers unto Catholics and went to church themselves; and yet some of them could not be delivered except they would publicly abjure their faith at the a.s.sizes and Sessions, whereof sundry rueful examples might be given. In all which, the case seemeth to divers both grievous and odious, that true and freeborn subjects of good quality should be given as it were in prey to others. And for that the sequel of this matter appertaineth to many, the exasperation also rising thereof must needs be very general.

(M3) Now if we should stand upon the particular enumeration of the calamities which fall upon Catholics by private persons, and especially Puritans put in authority over them, the many insolences and molestations which are offered in the searches which are used in most odious manner, and so have been ever since this first Parliament, it would much afflict the hearts of the pious readers. And it is to be thought that many particulars thereof are not known to His Majesty, though all exercised and executed in his name and under his authority. What a thing is it for a Catholic gentleman to have his house suddenly beset on all sides with a number of men in arms both horse and foot, and not only his house and gardens and such inclosed places all beset, but all highways laid for some miles near unto him, that none shall pa.s.s but they shall be examined! Then are these searchers ofttimes so rude and barbarous that, if the doors be not opened in the instant when they would enter, they break open the doors with all violence, as if they were to sack a town of enemies won by the sword, which is a strange proceeding, and proper only to our persecuted state at this time, for it is not used elsewhere, but with us so common that no man can have a.s.surance of one hour's quiet or safety within the walls of his own habitation, which yet in just and peaceable commonwealths should be his fortress and castle. Whereupon it seemed so strange to the Scottish gentlemen that came into England with His Majesty, that divers of them said-"If we in Scotland should be thus used, or that any should enter our house by force and against our will, we should presently have killed them." If they said this for this forcible entry only, what may be said for their manner of proceeding being entered? Which I will therefore set down more in particular, that by this the reader may judge of our usage in other things.

The searchers being thus entered, it hath been usual with pursuivants to run up the stairs and into the chambers with their drawn swords, enough to drive the weaker sort of women and children out of their wits. Then they begin to break off locks and open all the doors of the house presently, that they may at one time search in many places. Then if they find no Priest nor suspected persons for Priests in any of the chambers or closets, they go presently to search for secret places, and this they do most cunningly and strictly, sounding the floors and walls to see if they can find any hollow places. They do also measure the walls of the house and go round about the house on the outside to see if one part do answer to another, in hope to find some void part left hollow, wherein a man may be hid. Sometimes, if the walls be not made of stone, but of wainscot or other weak matter, they will thrust through it with their swords in many places, hoping that in some place or other they may light upon a Priest, and this they do also in the roof of the house, upon suspicion there may be some conveyance, though they cannot find the entry into it, as, indeed, the doors of the secret places are commonly made with such art as it is hard to find them or espy them, otherwise it were not possible to keep Priests so long as some Catholics do and have done. But the searchers, if they find any likely cause of suspicion, not contented with that dangerous manner of trial with their swords (in which cases some Priests have escaped very hardly of being wounded or slain), they then break down the walls wholly and enter themselves to search with candles and torches in all such dark places and in housetops, where sometimes nothing but mice or birds have come of many years. This we hope will be a means to prevent the diligent search of G.o.d's judgments wherein he saith-"Scrutabor Jerusalem in lucernis."(282) But if this be permitted by G.o.d's judgment to be done to His servants in this life, what shall be done to the doers of this in the next? "Si in viridi ligno haec faciunt, in arido quid fiet?"(283) "Incipit judicium (saith St. Peter) a domo Dei. Si autem primum a n.o.bis, quis finis eorum qui non credunt Evangelio?"(284) But to return unto our narration.

When the searchers find not any Priest for all this cruel diligence they have used, they will not yet give over, but supposing there is or may be some so secretly hidden that yet he is there for all that they have done, then they appoint a watch about the house and every part thereof of fifty or sixty men, and sometimes more, and these with guns and bills, &c.; and this they keep for many days together (intending to starve him out), sometimes for six, yea, ten and twelve days' continuance. Sometimes, also, they place watchmen in the chambers of the house within, both to keep that no Catholic shall stir to relieve the Priest (though commonly they make them sure for that by locking them up all in one part of the house together, which they mean least to search as being least suspected); and besides that they may hearken if any little stirring be behind a wall, yea, but the breathing or coughing of a Priest (which was the means indeed by which Fr. Cornelius before mentioned was found out and apprehended), to which end also they do sometimes cunningly speak aloud, one to another, that they will begone away because they can find nothing, and seem to make a noise as though they did depart; then will they go softly into the chambers a little after and seem to be of the house, and knock softly at every wall, willing the good man to come forth, for now the searchers are gone, thanks be to G.o.d. This subtlety is usual to these men-"Sed deficient scrutantes scrutinio et exaltabitur Dominus et sagittae parvulorum sicut plagae eorum."(285) And truly sometimes the protection of G.o.d is wonderful in these cases, that men do escape their hands, when by human means one would think it were wholly impossible, of which I have known many examples.

But the searchers, in the meantime, when they can find no Priest, whom they chiefly desire to take in any man's house, because then his lands and goods and life also are all forfeited:-but if that will not be, then they rifle every little corner for church stuff, for copes and vestments, chalices, pixes, and such. For these they break open chests and trunks; then to cabinets and little boxes for letters, hoping to find some spiritual advice in them (though not to follow it, G.o.d knows), but thereby to infer that they are Priests' letters with whom they have acquaintance; or if they find any Agnus Deis, or beads or medals that they can prove are hallowed, then also all the lands and goods of the parties are seized and themselves condemned to perpetual prison, which was the case of Mr.

Tregian, a worthy gentleman of great estate. Many examples of all these particulars might be alleged, but it were too long for the reader, and not safe for the parties of whom the stories must be told, especially if they be truly set down in such barbarous manner as they were performed, which is sometimes so uncivil that they will search the very beds where man and wife do lie at their first breaking into the house, when they come in the night, as in London, it is most commonly, yea, sometimes into the beds where women lie in childbed. Yea, they will not spare grave ancient matrons and women of great place. One ancient lady, lying in Holborn, in London, was in this sort so rudely handled by them that she fell sick upon it and lived not long after-a grave lady, and a woman of great virtue.

Briefly, their insolences are so many and so outrageous, and thereby the miseries and afflictions of Catholics were so much increased and multiplied, that it seemed to many very intolerable to be long endured.

The only hope might be that which at those times Priests did labour to persuade, and divers of the graver Catholics were yet content to believe, might be possible (as in darkness, the least glimpse of light, though but far off, doth bring some comfort, in hope it may come nearer), and that was the memory of His Majesty's faithful promises, which, being given on the word of a Prince, they thought could not be violated, unless they should hear himself to speak the contrary. This only hope did yet live in some, though many apparent proofs to the contrary did continually weaken it. But this little spark of light also was soon after clean put out, no doubt by the industry and malicitious procurement of the Puritans, whose custom it is to incense the King against Catholics by some false information, and thereby to draw from His Majesty certain bitter speeches and invectives against Catholics, which then themselves are forward to publish, thereby to put Catholics the more in despair, and by despair into some cause giving of further afflictions, like him that will beat a child to make him cry, and then beat him because he crieth.

But first, that which did seem to extinguish wholly all hopes of help from His Majesty was, that whereas, in the beginning of the year 1605, it pleased him to call a conference between the Protestant Bishops and the chief of the Puritan side, in which conference or disputation the King, as head of the Church of England in ecclesiastical matters (which the Puritans acknowledge not), sat as chief moderator or judge in all things-though I say it was his pleasure to give unto the Puritans a day of hearing, yea, three days together full audience of all that they could say or allege for themselves and for their novelties and newly coined heretical inventions, yet would he not once admit the Catholics to be heard or any for them, notwithstanding their prescription and long-continued possession in their religion, and that they hold no other faith than that which was warranted from erring by Christ Himself, received from the seat of the Apostle St. Peter, commended for universal by St. Paul, planted in our own country with miracles, watered with the blood of acknowledged martyrs, strengthened with the authority of all the ancient Doctors, practised and delivered unto us by known and granted Saints, honoured and professed by all his ancestors, approved, commended, and commanded by all the ancient Parliaments and laws of the realm; notwithstanding all these and many other t.i.tles unto truth of doctrine which we can allege, prove, and convince to be on our side, and only to stand for us, yet we were put to silence, our mouth was shut, yea, and stopped also (at the instance of the Puritans), least we should be heard to cry that might not be suffered to speak. Which, that you may the better see to be most true, you shall understand that when His Majesty, having heard the Puritans at full, and knowing them to be a restless and imperious company if they should be approved in their opinions, and dangerous to his person and State (as he had often trial in Scotland) if they should be permitted to grow to greater strength-for this cause he and his Council thought it needful to define all matters in controversy between the Protestants and them wholly in every point against the Puritans, but then, being willing to give them satisfaction in some things, "Et nesciens quomodo aliter placeret eis, nisi in capitibus nostris,"(286) he first, in the whole conference, uttered divers things that were very afflictive to Catholics, proceeding from the mouth of their King, whom they had so much honoured and in whom they had hoped. Then, drawing towards the end of the said conference, he urged the Bishops very much to a diligent inquiry and punishment of the said Catholics (which needed not, I wis, in respect of their known malice and vigilancy against them). At which time His Majesty said he observed and discovered three degrees of recusant Papists, as he called them; one that refused to go to the communion but not to the service or sermons, the other refused to go to communion or service but not to sermons, the third refused all three, in which distinction His Majesty did comprehend those also whom we count schismatics and well-wishers only, we esteeming, indeed, none for Catholics, nor admitting any unto the Sacraments of the Church, but those which refuse all communion with heretics in any of the three.

But all these kinds His Majesty said were carefully to be sought out and prosecuted, &c. And when the Chancellor there present, and ready to devise new afflictions unto Catholics for the satisfaction of the Puritans and his credit with the King, proposed for a greater and sharper galling of them, that ordinary processes _de excommunicato capiendo_ might be exercised upon them, saying that no other punishment would vex them so much; for that by force of this they should be barred from making testaments; they should also be holden as outlaws and used accordingly; no man needed to pay them any debts, nor any tenant their rents, unless they list; and what injury soever they then receive, they can have no remedy.

This huge and universal affliction the Chancellor had no scruple to entreat for us, and that he might have license to give out commandment for the same, and that all under officers might be punished that any way failed thereof. Whereunto, saith the book wherein all this conference is printed at large, His Majesty yielded and gave consent. By which one consent you may imagine how great a sea of molestations he did let forth upon the said Catholics, and no less also by his consent to the 104 Canons at that time set down and agreed on, all which were devised and planted by the said Bishops to beat and batter the said Catholics withal. By this it is easy to judge what cause all Catholics had by this time of extreme diffidence of help from thence where it was most expected. And that Catholics might know the better what to trust unto concerning all their former hopes conceived or promises received, the contrary was afterwards more plainly made known unto them by divers persons in authority, and that in serious and public manner, of which I will only allege two examples, by which you may guess at the rest; both which are published in print by themselves in a book int.i.tuled _The late Commotion in Herefords.h.i.+re_, &c., printed by J. Charlton and F. Burton. One is that upon the 5th of August, in the year 1605, the then named Bishop of London, now of Canterbury, preaching at Paul's Cross, did utter a certain protestation of His Majesty, made, as he saith, before G.o.d and His Angels, that he was so constant and firm for the maintenance of the English religion which now he professed, as that he would not only spend his own dearest blood in defence thereof together with all his kingdoms if he had ten times so many as he hath; but moreover desired of G.o.d, that if He saw any of his children would be of other mind after him, He should take them away in his lifetime, that he might see them brought to their grave before him, to the end that their shame might be buried in his lifetime.

(M4) All which words of the King's related by the Bishop, the author of the book doth avow were spoken by His Majesty princ.i.p.ally against Papists and their hope of toleration or mitigation of their pressures, which he saith to be a vain hope, &c. The other example is the Lord Chancellor his speech in the Star Chamber some days before this, to wit, Thursday, the 20th of June in the same year, where, speaking unto the Judges before they went their circuit, and to the Justices of Peace, gentlemen and others, that were to return into their countries after the Term ended and relate what they had heard in London, he delivered in vehement sort a large and sharp speech as from His Majesty's sense, words and commandment against all sorts of Catholics, but especially Priests, Jesuits, and recusants, and such as did acknowledge the authority of the Pope of Rome, ordaining and charging in His Majesty's name that all Judges in their circuits, all Justices of Peace in their districts, all gentlemen in their countries, and other people in the places where they should abide, should inquire after them, pursue and seek them out, that they might be punished, adding thereunto a certain new rigour of punishment not before in use, but designed now by His Majesty, as he said, to wit, that every Justice of Peace, though himself were no Papist, yet if he were thought to favour or tolerate Papists, or if his wife, children, or servants were Papists, they should lose their offices and be removed out of the Commission of Peace, as unfit members to hold that place (which could be for no other reason, but lest by some means or other some little favour might happen to some Catholic by their means, as a town that is very strictly besieged is commonly barred from all relief both by sea and land). Finally, he concluded with that in effect which the Bishop spake at Paul's Cross concerning the vain hopes of Catholics for any toleration or alleviation of their afflictions; hereunto adding a speech (saith the book) of His Majesty's concerning the folly of Papists, how they were besotted, yea and more than bewitched to suppose any such matter of toleration, wondering whereupon they should build their false hopes, adding also that His Majesty had vowed unto his Privy Council, that if he did know that any of his children after him would go back from this, he would lay his curse upon him.

These and the like speeches do our chiefest enemies, the Puritans, use to draw from His Majesty, and afterwards cause to be divulged also to no small prejudice of the mutual love and goodwill, reverence, and respect, which ought to be between the Prince and his subjects, as between the father and his children: they being not ignorant what effect such speeches do work, and that any injury is more easily borne at a Prince's hand than contumely against a mult.i.tude.

Whereupon they have further procured that ordinarily when His Majesty cometh to dinner or supper, some one shall be ready to give occasion of hard speeches against the Catholics; and this is commonly the office of Mr. Mountague, dean of his chapel, who was in profession so earnest a Puritan that he would not wear the cap or surplice (which Protestants admit) before the King's coming for any persuasion; but since, in respect of the deanery in that place of credit, he is content to dispense with his conscience, though his mother, the Lady Mountague, have given him her curse for his labour, and saith she will not acknowledge him for her son in respect of that dissimulation, as she calleth it. But howsoever it be, his partners, the Puritans, make evil use of his place, being such as may so often and so easily have the King's ear, whereunto he is so ready, that, besides other tricks, he hath this now and then, to bring some Catholic book in his bosom, with the leaf turned into some place or other where the author doth speak any thing that may offend His Majesty, as, namely, of the Bishop of Rome, especially when it toucheth his spiritual authority over Princes; which His Majesty reading or hearing read, and growing thereby into heat of disputation, refutation, or reprehension, uttereth oftentimes words which these men and their adherents do no less odiously urge and divulge afterward, than craftily and maliciously they procured before. As for example, that His Majesty doth hold all Catholics that esteem of the Pope's authority for traitors, and especially recusants that will not in respect of their religion communicate with Protestants in their service and sacraments, and finally that none can hold all points of Catholic religion and be a true subject; with divers other such speeches which gall and grieve the hearts of Catholics above measure, all which are afterward avouched by the standers-by in His Majesty's name, by citing his authority for it. Whereof we could allege too many examples, which we pretermit, for that it is likely that His Majesty had not so grievous meaning therein against his Catholic subjects, as the words do sound or as by such seditious people is wont to be inferred or urged, the sooner to put men into despair.

(M5) And yet we must confess that one circ.u.mstance hath greatly increased the fear of all Catholics touching His Majesty's meaning in this most deeply touching point, which is, that his Attorney-General (a man not lightly esteemed in his profession of the common laws of our country) having made a book whereby he would fain prove Catholic recusants to be traitors, wresting and enforcing the common laws of the realm to that same purpose; and presenting the said book unto the King, it was not only gratefully received by His Majesty, but highly commended also, and the doctrine allowed, so far forth that the King affirmed the same by oath and said, "By my sall, I do hold them all for traitors indeed, and it is here very sufficiently and truly proved." And this was spoken publicly at His Majesty's table, divers n.o.blemen standing by, and some that were not ill-affected to Catholics and knew their minds and deserts unto His Majesty to be much contrary to this construction.

This therefore being known to Catholics, it is easy to be seen how first their hopes were turned into fears and then their fears into full knowledge that all the contrary to that they hoped was intended and prepared for them. It being well known that this book was made by the Attorney according to the direction of the Council, to prepare the mind of His Majesty and the other Peers of the realm against the ensuing Parliament then to make laws against Catholics of such nature and force as are fit and usual to be made against traitors; and therefore cunningly they caused it first to be delivered to His Majesty in public place, presuming that when the King had approved the book, and showed himself of the same opinion, no subject durst seem to think the contrary, and therefore that none would be slack in giving a.s.sent to any laws intended, how cruel soever. And this is thought to have been a great cause of hastening the impatience and temerity of those gentlemen who (as we find now by their examinations) about these times conspired to work their designment against the Parliament, as thinking by like, that sith they were condemned for traitors and to be used for such at the Parliament, they had no way to defend their life but by seeking to hinder the Parliament, and that also, by so doing, they should be no more esteemed traitors than they were already, nor their brethren neither, being all esteemed and condemned beforehand for such. So that if they failed of their purpose, they should not increase any evils to themselves or others; and if their desires took effect, then they should free both (which otherwise they thought impossible), besides the delivery of infinite souls from schism and heresy, from sin and d.a.m.nation, which they all protested at their death was their princ.i.p.al intention.

But howsoever their intention was for the cause of their enterprise (which I leave to the judgment of G.o.d), sure we are the thing intended was most unfit, and a thing that I suppose hath brought more grief to the hearts of Catholics generally in England than ever anything did in all this time of their sufferings. But by this we may see how rash and temerarious attempts extremity doth sometimes suggest, and that the counsel was wise which Abner gave to Joab, when he did prosecute his victory with too great violence. "An ignoras," saith he, "quod periculosa sit desperatio?"(287) As if he should say, Art thou so skilful a captain and art ignorant that despair doth often drive those that fly to turn head again with new and redoubled forces? especially when the despair of escaping by flight is so great that they see rather increase of hope than of danger by fighting, which hope of theirs men will then seek to strengthen with their uttermost forces; whereof the event is often such as it turns the danger on the contrary side, of which kind many examples are daily seen. And that not only in men, that by natural reason are led to choose the less danger, but in the poorest and most fearful creatures also that be, which of their own natures are so timorous that they fly at the very sight of man, as we see in many silly beasts both in house and fields; yet when they are so pursued and pressed, as they are put in desperation of their life, they turn again and leap in a man's face itself. So that this course of giving too much cause of despair is holden dangerous by all wise men, and as such is carefully foreseen and prevented in most commonwealths. But our rulers had been so long acquainted with our patience, and made trial thereof by so many and so urging cruelties, that they thought themselves sure the Catholics would never attempt anything in their own defence that might offend the State, howsoever they were used. And surely so it had continued still, as it hath long done, if this enterprise had been in their power to prevent. But it was carried with that secrecy and with such manner of proceeding as it was not possible for others to hinder it, nor seemed probable that any did intend it; as now it will appear more plainly in the chapters following.

Chapter III. How Upon These And The Like Motives Divers Gentlemen Did Conspire And Conclude Upon Some Violent Remedy.

By that which hath been set down in the former chapter, every prudent man will easily conceive what was like to be the sense and feeling of all Catholics in this so great increase of their long-endured afflictions, in this utter despair of any help from His Majesty (in whose promised clemency all their hopes were placed), and in a certain expectation of other most cruel and newly-invented laws to be further imposed upon them at the next Parliament as against traitors not worthy to live in a commonwealth, and as such already published in books framed and printed by authority, and so censured and p.r.o.nounced by the King himself. In what other state could they be but a general and most afflicting desolation, and as the Prophet Esay saith, "Omne caput languidum et omne cor mrens"(288) from the highest to the lowest.

But the cogitations of men, as they were all much afflicted in such an inundation of evils upon them without hope of ease or end, so yet no doubt they were very different according to the divers states of minds in plenty or penury of grace, and partly also according to their different natures and dispositions, some more able and apt than others to bear injuries with patience. We know right well, and all England will witness with us, that the greatest part by much did follow the example and exhortation of the Religious and Priests that were their guides, moving them and leading them by their own practice to make their refuge unto G.o.d in so great extremities, "Qui nunquam deserit sperantes in se;"(289) "Nec patietur nos tentari supra id quod possumus, sed faciet c.u.m tentatione proventum ut possimus sustinere."(290) "Immo modic.u.m pa.s.sos ipse proficiet, confirmabit, solidabitque."(291) This we found to be believed practically by most, and followed as faithfully, preparing themselves by more often frequentation of the Sacraments, by more fervent prayer, and by perfect resignation of their will to G.o.d, against the cloud that was like to cover them, and the shower that might be expected would pour down upon them after the Parliament, unto which all the chief Puritans of the land were called, and only they or their friends selected out of every s.h.i.+re to be the framers of the laws, which thereby we might easily know were chiefly intended and prepared against us. But in so great a mult.i.tude all are not so perfect, some few fainted in courage, and, as St. Cyprian noteth of his times, did offer themselves unto the persecutors before they felt the chief force of the blow that was to be expected.

Others again (as since it hath appeared) were much different from these, and ran headlong into a contrary error. For being resolved never to yield or forsake their faith, they had not patience and longanimity to expect the Providence of G.o.d, "qui attingit a fine usque ad finem fort.i.ter et disponit omnia suaviter."(292) They would not endure to see their brethren so trodden upon by every Puritan, so made a prey to every needy follower of the Court or servant to a Councillor, so presented and pursued by every churchwarden and minister, so hauled to every sessions when the Justices list to meet, so wronged on every side by the process of excommunication or outlawry, and forced to seek for their own by law, and then also to be denied law, because they were Papists; finally both themselves and all others to be denounced traitors, and designed to the slaughter. These things they would not endure now to begin afresh after so long endurance, and therefore began amongst themselves to consult what remedy they might apply to all these evils (and few greater than these by the daily destruction of innumerable souls, as they alleged at their death), so that it seems they did not so much respect what the remedy were, or how it might be procured, as that it might be sure and speedy, to wit, to take effect before the end of the Parliament from whence they seemed to expect their greatest harm.

And this I do guess to have been the likeliest motive, to make that stratagem of the Parliament House to come into their head, unless perhaps they did think it was impossible for them to prevail any other way. Now peace being concluded by other Princes, they could not expect any sufficient aid from them. And they saw that other Princes were willing with the peace in regard of their own affairs (which might be cause sufficient), although there the peace of Catholics was not included; yea presently upon the concluding of that, they saw and felt that the persecution began afresh and in far worse manner than before (as in the precedent chapters hath been related), yet they found that their case would not be understood in many Princes' Courts, but rather the Amba.s.sadors and other instruments employed by their persecutors believed, than their case credited when it was laid down by witnesses of unstained integrity. And seeing for these causes no hope of help from others, they knew well that of themselves by open rising in field they were not able to resist and repel the force of the whole State, both because all Catholics would not join in those courses, and because both Protestants and Puritans would then join together against them; therefore this public course being not probable to take effect, it is like they fell to search out what private way might be within their power and yet might be effectual. And then, as it seems by their confessions (made after to the Council), Mr.

Catesby proposed that fatal and final course of overthrowing the Parliament House, alleging for his reason that which before I gathered to be his mind out of his own words: that so, said he, we may deliver our country from the servitude she is in, and at one instant deliver us from all our bonds, and although we can have no foreign help, yet so may we plant again the Catholic religion in our country. Thus you may see how good desires may be followed by unfit means, and how much a man may be deceived when he doth follow but his own ways, how good or great soever the motives be or the wished effect of that he goeth about, for "non est faciendum malum ut inde eveniat bonum."(293)

And when one of his companions, called Mr. Winter, proposed that the matter was so great and imported so many that it would be well considered of, Mr. Catesby answered, "The nature of the disease was such that it required so sharp a remedy, and that the Parliament was the place where all the laws had been made against Catholics, and therefore the fittest for the makers of those laws there to receive their punishment, especially there being then chosen all the Puritans of the realm, of purpose to make much more cruel laws than before; so that at one blow they should cut off all the greatest enemies of G.o.d's Church, and the greatest persecutors both of their souls and bodies, which they could not do by any other possible means; and not doing that, they would never prevail nor save the whole country from destruction of their souls, nor their brethren and themselves from slaughter of their bodies." Thus he. This, therefore, seeming probable and pious to their deceived judgments, they fell upon that conclusion, that they would prepare for it as soon as they could, but in such secret manner that no living creature for no cause should understand of their designments but themselves that then consulted, who were but five in number, and they would take an oath of secrecy upon a Primer to that effect. Only some months after, when they found some more help was needful for them, they concluded that three of the five, whereof Mr. Catesby and another of the chiefest to be two, might impart it to some other chosen person to draw him into the action. So great care they had, that it might not be so much as suspected by other Catholics, and especially they meant to keep it from their ghostly Fathers and all kind of Religious men or Priests, knowing well they should never have their a.s.sent to an action of that nature. And besides, for that they had no doubt at that time or any scruple in the matter for the causes before alleged, gathered out of Mr. Catesby his words, though afterwards when the matter depended much longer than they expected, upon some occasion or other that belike was offered, they began to doubt of one circ.u.mstance, and then sought resolution, but in such cunning and close manner, as shall afterwards appear in the process of the story. And thirdly, for that they feared their ghostly Fathers would a.s.suredly draw them out of that course if they should have understanding of it, which to be a princ.i.p.al cause of their keeping the matter so secret from them, may appear by the speeches which Sir Everard Digby used afterwards at the time of his arraignment.

The five that concluded first upon this preposterous Plot of Powder were these, Mr. Robert Catesby, Mr. Thomas Percy, Mr. Thomas Winter, Mr. John Wright, and Mr. Guy Fawks, as appeareth by the confession of the said Mr.

Thomas Winter: --(294) out of whose examinations with the others that were made in the time of their imprisonment, I must gather and set down all that is to be said or collected of their purposes and proceedings in this heady enterprise. For that as I have said, they kept it so wholly secret from all men, that until their flight and apprehension it was not known to any that such a matter was in hand, and then there could none have access unto them to learn the particulars. But we must be contented with that which some of those that lived to be examined, did therein deliver. Only for that some of their servants that were up in arms with them in the country did afterwards escape, somewhat might be learned by them of their carriage in their last extremities, and some such words as they then uttered, whereby their mind in the whole matter is something the more opened, and all as I have heard then I will faithfully relate.

But first that these first conspirators may be the better known, together with the matter and manner of their conspiracy, it shall be good to let you see in particular what the persons were.

Mr. Catesby (who as it seems by many circ.u.mstances was the first inventor and the chiefest furtherer of the Plot) was a gentleman of an ancient and great family in England, whose chief estate and dwelling was in Warwicks.h.i.+re, though his ancestors had much living in other s.h.i.+res also.

Some of his ancestors had borne great sway in England. But commonly the greatest men are not the best. Some others have been of great esteem for virtue, as namely one knight of his house (I take it some four or five descents ago) was commonly known and called in all the country, "good Sir William Catesby," of whom this memorable thing is recorded; that when he had lived long in the fear of G.o.d and works of charity, one time as he was walking in the fields, his good Angel appeared and showed him the anatomy of a dead man and willed him to prepare him, for he should die by such a time. The good knight presently accepting of the message willingly, recommended himself with a fervent prayer unto our Blessed Lady in that place and then went home and settled all his business both towards G.o.d and the world, and died at his time appointed. This story is painted upon a wall in the church of Ashby, where that knight and other of Mr. Catesby's ancestors lie buried. Myself have both seen the pictures and read the prayer in that place.

Mr. Catesby his estate in his father's time was great, above 3,000_l._ a year, which now were worth much more; but Sir William Catesby, his father, being a Catholic and often in prison for his faith, suffered many losses and much impaired his estate. This son of his when he came to the living was very wild, and as he kept company with the best n.o.blemen of the land, so he spent much above his rate and so wasted also good part of his living. Some four or five years before Queen Elizabeth died, he was reclaimed from his wild courses and became a Catholic, unto which he had always been inclined in opinion, though not in practice. But after this time he left his swearing and excess of play and apparel and all wild company and began to use daily practices of religion instead of them, insomuch that his former companions did marvel to see him so changed; for he concealed his being a Catholic a long time. After that, about three years before the Queen's death, when the Earl of Ess.e.x did intend and attempt by force to put down some of those that ruled the State and meant (as it is thought) to have brought in His Majesty that now is into the realm at that time, and to that end combined many n.o.blemen and gentlemen together in the enterprise, then was Mr. Catesby a princ.i.p.al man in the action, having first received a faithful promise from the Earl of toleration at least for all Catholics: yea and to that end he procured some other Catholics to join also.

In that business, though it was weakly performed by those that had the chief carriage, especially that Earl of Ess.e.x, yet did Mr. Catesby show such valour and fought so long and stoutly, as divers afterwards of those swordsmen did exceedingly esteem him and follow him in regard thereof, and only commended Sir Christopher Blunt and him, both which were often compared together, as well for their performance, as for the hurts they received; though Mr. Catesby kept his very secret in prison, being in hope to escape with a ransom, as he did, paying 2,000_l._, but it cost him 3,000_l._ before he got out. All which I therefore relate, as a chief means of his getting aid and followers in the other enterprise following, in which although he and his complices did us as great a wrong as might be, and took themselves a most wrong course in their deceived zeal; yet I will not wrong them with false reports in anything, nor wrong the reader so much, as not to let him plainly know what kind of men they were, and to that end do relate both their good and their evil.

When Mr. Catesby was cured of his hurts and had paid his ransom and procured his liberty, he was so much esteemed and respected in all companies of such as are counted there swordsmen or men of action, that few were in the opinions of most men preferred before him, and he increased much his acquaintance and friends. Upon which occasion he then began to labour to win many to the Catholic faith, which he performed, and brought many to be Catholics of the better sort, and was a continual means of helping others to often frequentation of the Sacraments, to which end he kept and maintained Priests in several places. And for himself he duly received the Blessed Sacrament every Sunday and Festival-day, and grew to such a composition of manners and carriage, to such a care in his speech (that it might never be hurtful to others, but taking all occasions of doing good), to such a zealous course of life, both for the cause in general and every particular person whom he could help in G.o.d's service, as that he grew to be very much respected by most of the better and graver sort of Catholics, and of Priests, and Religious also, whom he did much satisfy in the care of his conscience; so that it might plainly appear he had the fear of G.o.d joined with an earnest desire to serve Him. And so no marvel though many Priests did know him and were often in his company. He was moreover very wise and of great judgment, though his utterance not so good. Besides he was so liberal and apt to help all sorts, as it got him much love. He was of person above two yards high and, though slender, yet as well proportioned to his height as any man one should see. His age (I take it) at his death was about thirty-five, or thereabouts. And to do him right, if he had not fallen into this foul action and followed his own judgment in it (to the hurt and scandal of many), asking no advice but of his own reasons deceived and blinded under the shadow of zeal; if, I say, it had not been for this, he had truly been a man worthy to be highly esteemed and prized in any commonwealth.

Mr. Thomas Percy was of the name and kindred of one of the ancientest and greatest Earls in England, though I think he was not very near in blood, although they called him cousin. His estate was not great, depending most upon the same Earl that now is of the house of Percies, under whom he had the keeping of a castle and the receiving of his rents, with the overlooking and command of his tenants in those parts. For the most part of his youth he had been very wild more than ordinary, and much given to fighting, so much that it was noted in him and in Mr. John Wright (whose sister he afterwards married) that if they had heard of any man in the country to be esteemed more valiant and resolute than others, one or the other of them would surely have picked some quarrel against him and fought with him to have made trial of his valour. This Mr. Percy was for most of his time affected to Catholics and a friend unto them, and did labour and was the means to get some out of prison; but himself far from professing the same, or following their counsel or example, until within five or six years before his death, and I think about the time of my Lord of Ess.e.x his enterprise he became Catholic; for he was also one in the action and a very forward man, hoping that some ease at least would have come to Catholics by the means. After that he was much more reclaimed, and grew in time, by keeping Catholics' company, and often frequentation of the Sacraments, to leave all his old customs, and to live a very staid and sober life, and for a year or two before his death kept a Priest continually in the country to do good unto his family and neighbours, though himself came thither but at times, living for the most part in London, where he was made one of the Gentlemen Pensioners in Ordinary, and so continued till his death. He had a great wit and a very good delivery of his mind, and so was able to speak as well as most in the things wherein he had experience. He was tall, and of a very comely face and fas.h.i.+on; of age near fifty, as I take it, for his head and beard was much changed white.

Mr. Thomas Winter was a younger brother of the house of Huddington, in the county of Worcester, whose eldest brother and another younger than himself were also brought after into the action by his means. This gentleman had spent his youth well as it seemed by the parts he had, for he was a reasonable good scholar, and able to talk in many matters of learning, but especially in philosophy or histories very well and judicially. He could speak both Latin, Italian, Spanish, and French. He had been a soldier both in Flanders, France, and, I think, against the Turk, and could discourse exceeding well of those matters. And was of such a wit, and so fine carriage, that he was of so pleasing conversation, desired much of the better sort, but an inseparable friend to Mr. Robert Catesby. He was of mean stature, but strong and comely and very valiant, about thirty-three years old or somewhat more. His means were not great, but he lived in good sort, and with the best. He was very devout and zealous in his faith, and careful to come often to the Sacraments, and of very grave and discreet carriage, offensive to no man, and fit for any employment. I wish therefore he had been employed in some better business.

Mr. John Wright was a gentleman of Yorks.h.i.+re, not born to any great fortune, but lived always in place and company of the better sort. In his youth and for the most of his time very wild and disposed to fighting and trial of his manhood, as I touched before. He became Catholic about the time of my Lord of Ess.e.x his attempt, in which he was; and after that time kept much with Mr. Catesby and some other gentlemen of his friends and acquaintance. He grew to be staid and of good sober carriage after he was Catholic, and kept house in Lincolns.h.i.+re, where he had Priests come often, both for his spiritual comfort and their own in corporal helps. He was about forty years old, a strong and a stout man, and of a very good wit, though slow of speech; much loved by Mr. Catesby for his valour and secrecy in carriage of any business, which, I suppose, was the cause why he was one of the first acquainted with this unfortunate enterprise.

Mr. Guido Faulks spent most of his time in the wars of Flanders, which is the cause that he was less known here in England, but those that have known him do affirm that as he did bear office in the camp under the English coronell on the Catholic side, so he was a man every way deserving it whilst he stayed there, both for devotion more than is ordinarily found in soldiers, and especially for his skill in martial affairs and great valour, for which he was there much esteemed. And that was the cause, as it may be thought, why Mr. Catesby and the rest of the conspirators cast their eyes upon him before others, when they desired one out of Flanders to be their a.s.sistant.

But would to G.o.d these gentlemen had used their talents better and employed them to the service of G.o.d and their country, for which they were given, and not to the offence of the one and destruction of the other, as we find now to our great increase of grief amidst the rest of our many calamities and heavy burthen of persecution, of which the memory of this matter is not the least. Undoubtedly they were men of able parts to perform much in G.o.d's service, and so it is like they would have continued as they had begun if they would have feared sufficiently their own fancies, and followed the grave example and advice of those from whom they sought for help in all other matters that concerned their soul. And yet at length they began to doubt in some points of this also, as shall appear in the chapter following.

Chapter IV. How After They Had Begun Their Enterprise, They Fell Into Some Scruple, And Went About To Satisfy Their Conscience By Asking Questions Afar Off, Of Learned Men, Without Opening The Case.

It appeareth by the confession which Mr. Thomas Winter made unto the Lords of the Council, being published in print by order from the said Council, that these gentlemen having concluded upon this course of violent remedy (because they resolved to undertake it as their last refuge and remedy of all the evils they sought to prevent), Mr. Catesby, who first proposed this fatal blow to be given to the Parliament House, did also first propose unto them the last trial which he thought likely to prevail for redress of those evils by quiet means; and to use his own words, there related by Mr. Winter, "First (said he to Mr. Thomas Winter) because we will leave no peaceable and quiet way untried, you shall go over and inform the Constable (who was then upon his coming in) of the state of the Catholics here in England, entreating him to solicit His Majesty at his coming hither, that the Penal Laws may be recalled, and we admitted into the rank of his other subjects." Mr. Winter went over and delivered his message unto the Constable as in the name of all the Catholics of England, whose answer was, that he had strict command from His Majesty of Spain to do all good offices for the Catholics; and for his own part, he thought himself bound in conscience so to do, and that no good occasion should be omitted. Thus much the Constable promised at that time, and no doubt performed it both wisely and charitably in what he could. But it is an easy matter to satisfy with hopes of future favours, when he that receives the promises shall not be present to see the performance.

So soon as the peace was concluded, and the Constable [of Spain] departed, the stream of persecution began to run more violently than before.

Searches were more frequent, the seizure of goods more ordinary and violent, the payment of 20_l._ a month with the arrearages also were enacted, and (which terrified most) the Puritans, who were the chief men selected and summoned for the Parliament, were so full of their designments against Catholics, that they could not choose but [cast out great threats](295) against them in every place where they came; some affirming they would now set up their rest and have their will of Catholics; some that they would leave no Catholics in England after a while; others that they hoped to see them all hanged ere it were long.