The Colored Regulars in the United States Army Part 15

The Third Brigade, commanded by Colonel Wikoff, in which were the Ninth Infantry, the Thirteenth Infantry and the Twenty-fourth Infantry; in all 262 officers and 5,095 men. Thus, in the whole division there were eight regiments of regular infantry and one volunteer regiment, the Seventy-first New York.

Although our present purpose is to bring into view the special work of the Twenty-fourth Infantry, it will be necessary to embrace in our scope the work of the entire division, in order to lay before the reader the field upon which that particular regiment won such lasting credit. General Kent, who commanded the division, a most accomplished soldier, gives a lucid account of the whole a.s.sault as seen from his position, and of the work performed by his division, in his report, dated July 8, 1898.

When General Kent's division arrived in the neighborhood of the San Juan ford and found itself under fire and the trail so blocked by troops of the cavalry division, which had not yet deployed to the right, that direct progress toward the front was next to impossible, the welcome information was given by the balloon managers that a trail branched off to the left from the main trail, only a short distance back from the ford. This trail led to a ford some distance lower down the stream and nearly facing the works on the enemy's right. General Kent on learning of this outlet immediately hastened back to the forks and meeting the Seventy-first New York Regiment, the rear regiment of the First Brigade, he directed that regiment into this trail toward the ford. The regiment was to lead the way through this new trail and would consequently arrive at the front first on the left; but meeting the fire of the enemy, the First Battalion of the regiment apparently became panic stricken and recoiled upon the rest of the regiment; the regiment then lay down on the sides of the trail and in the bushes, thoroughly demoralized.

Wikoff's brigade was now coming up and it was directed upon the same trail. This brigade consisted of the Ninth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth. Colonel Wikoff was directed by General Kent to move his brigade across the creek by the trail (the left fork) and when reaching the opposite side, of the creek to put the brigade in line on the left of the trail and begin the attack at once. In executing this order the entire brigade stumbled through and over hundreds of men of the Seventy-first New York Regiment. When a volunteer regiment broke through the lines of the Ninth Cavalry from the rear, that regiment was in its place on the field in line of battle, with its morale perfect. It was under discipline and delivering its fire with regularity. It had an absolute right to its place. The Seventy-first was in no such att.i.tude, and General Kent directed the advance through it in these words: "Tell the brigade to pay no attention to this sort of thing; it is highly irregular." The Ninth Cavalry's position was exactly _regular_; the position of the Seventh-first was to the eyes of General Kent "highly irregular."

The three regiments of this brigade were to take their positions on the left of the ford after crossing the stream, in the following order: On the extreme left the Twenty-fourth, next to it in the centre of the brigade, the Ninth, and on the right of the brigade the Thirteenth. In approaching the ford the Ninth and Twenty-fourth became mixed and crossed in the following order: First one battalion of the Ninth; then a battalion of the Twenty-fourth; then the second battalion of the Ninth, followed by the second battalion of the Twenty-fourth. The line was formed under fire, and while superintending its formation the brigade commander, Colonel Wikoff, came under observation and was killed; Lieutenant-Colonel Worth, who succeeded him, was seriously wounded within five minutes after having taking command, and Lieutenant-Colonel Lisc.u.m, who next a.s.sumed charge of the brigade, had hardly learned that he was in command before he, too, was disabled by a Spanish shot By this time, however, the formation was about complete and the brigade ready to begin the advance.

Leaving Wikoff's brigade in line ready to begin the advance we must now return in our narrative to the main ford, where the major portions of Hawkins' and Pearson's brigades are ma.s.sed and follow the various regiments as they come to their places in the battle line preparing for the onslaught. After crossing the ford with the Sixth Infantry, pursuant to the orders given by Lieutenant Miley in the name of General Shafter, General Hawkins attempted to flank the enemy by a movement to the left, the Sixth Infantry leading and the Sixteenth intending to pa.s.s beyond it in its rear and join to its left. The Sixth in pa.s.sing to its intended position pa.s.sed to the left of the Sixth Cavalry, which held the left of the line of the cavalry division, which had crossed the ford and deployed to the right, reaching beyond the Spanish lines in that direction, or at least it was able to reach the extreme right of the enemy. The Sixth Infantry continued this line southward and it was to be farther extended by the Sixteenth. Before this disposition could be effected the fire of the enemy became so severe that an advance movement was started and the Sixth lined up facing the fort on the hill, with only one company and a half of the Sixteenth on its left.

While Hawkins' and Wikoff's brigades were preparing for the advance upon the enemy's works, Pearson's brigade was approaching the ford, hurrying to the support. The Twenty-first Regiment of this brigade was detached from the brigade and sent directly forward on the main trail with orders to re-enforce the firing line. This regiment crossed the San Juan River to the left of the main ford and rushed forward to support Hawkins' left. In the meantime the two other regiments of the brigade, the Second and Tenth, which had preceded the Twenty-first in their march from El Poso, had been deflected to the left by order of the division commander and were pa.s.sing to the front over the trail previously taken by Wikoff's brigade, crossing the San Juan at the lower ford. The Tenth crossed in advance and formed in close order on the opposite side of the stream, its line facing northwest. It was soon after, however, put in battle formation and moved to the right until it connected with the Twenty-first. The Second Regiment crossed the ford in the rear of the Tenth, having been delayed considerably by the Seventh-first New York Volunteers, who still blocked the way between the forks and the lower ford. After crossing the ford the Second put itself in line on the left of the Tenth, the whole brigade being now in position to support the First and Third Brigades in their charge.

This movement of Colonel Pearson's brigade had not been made without hards.h.i.+p and loss. All of the regiments came under the enemy's fire before reaching the San Juan River and many men were killed or wounded while the regiments were gaining their positions. The movement was so well executed as to call forth from the division commander the following enconium: "I observed this movement from the Fort San Juan Hill. Colonel E.P. Pearson, Tenth Infantry, commanding the Second Brigade, and the officers and troops under his command deserve great credit for the soldierly manner in which this movement was executed."

Although we left Wikoff's brigade standing in line on the left of the lower ford, we must not imagine that it remained in that position until the above movement on the part of the Second Brigade had been accomplished. There was no standing still in the fierce fire to which the men of that brigade were at that time subjected--a fire which had already cut down in rapid succession three brigade commanders. The formation was no sooner completed than the rapid advance began. The Thirteenth Infantry holding the right of the brigade moved to the right and front, while the Ninth and Twenty-fourth moved almost directly to the front at first, thus partially gaining the flank of the enemy's position. The whole line moved with great rapidity across the open field and up the hill, so that when the Second and Tenth Infantry came to their position as support, the heroic Third Brigade was well up the heights. To the right of the Third Brigade the First Brigade, containing the gallant Sixth, under Colonel Egbert, and the Sixteenth, was advancing also, and the two brigades arrived at the fort almost simultaneously; so that the division commander in speaking of the capture says: "Credit is almost equally due the Sixth, Ninth, Thirteenth, Sixteenth and Twenty-fourth Regiments of Infantry." To the Third Brigade he gives the credit of turning the enemy's right.

Let us now examine more closely that sweep of the Third Brigade from the left of the lower ford to San Juan Hill, in order to trace more distinctly the pathway of honor made for itself by the Twenty-fourth.

This regiment formed left front into line under fire and advanced over the flat in good order, and then reformed under shelter of the hill preparatory to the final charge upon the enemy's intrenchments. The experience of the companies in crossing the flat is told by the company commanders. One company under the orders of its captain formed line of skirmishers and advanced in good order at rapid gait, reaching the foot of the hill almost exhausted. This was about the experience of all, but this company is mentioned because it was the first company of the regiment to reach the top of the hill. In crossing the flat there was necessarily some mixing of companies and in some instances men were separated from their officers, but those who escaped the enemy's bullets made their way across that plain of fire and were ready to join in the charge up the hill where only brave men could go.

There was but a moment's pause for breath at the foot of the hill and the general charge all along the line began, the Sixth Infantry probably taking the initiative, although the gallant Colonel Egbert, of that regiment (since killed in the Philippines), makes no such claim. In his farewell official report of the Sixth he thus describes the final act:

"We were now unexpectedly re-enforced. Lieutenant Parker, made aware by the heavy fire from the hill that a conflict was going on in his front, opened fire with his Gatlings most effectively on the intrenchments, while from far down on my left I heard cheering and shouts, and saw coming up the slope towards us a mult.i.tude of skirmishers. As they drew nearer we distinguished the tall figure of General Hawkins, with his aide, Lieutenant Ord, Sixth Infantry, charging at the head of the skirmishers and waving their hats. When the charge came up nearly abreast of where the Sixth stood in the road I ordered the companies out through the gaps in the wire fence to join it, and they complied with the same alacrity and enthusiasm that they had displayed in entering this b.l.o.o.d.y field. The Gatlings redoubled their fierce grinding of bullets on the Spanish, despite which there still came a savage fire from the blockhouse and trenches. Here the gallant Captain Wetherell, Sixth Infantry, fell, shot through the forehead, at the head of his company, and I received a Mauser bullet through the left lung, which disabled me. But the blood of the troops was now up, and no loss of officers or men could stop them.

They charged up the incline until, coming to a steep ridge near the top, they were brought to a stand by the hail of bullets from the Gatlings against the summit. As soon as this could be stopped by a signal, the mingled troops of the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth swept up and over the hill and it was won."

From testimony gathered on the evening of the fight it was concluded that there were more men of the Twenty-fourth Infantry on the ridge in this first occupation than of any other regiment, but all of the regiments of the division had done admirably and the brave blacks of the Twenty-fourth won on that day a standing in arms with the bravest of the brave.

The Spaniards although driven from their first line, by no means gave up the fight; but retreating to a line of intrenchments about eight hundred yards in the rear they opened upon the new-comers a fire almost as hot as before, and the troops found it difficult to hold what they had gained. The supporting regiments were coming up and strengthening the line, the men meanwhile entrenching themselves under fire as rapidly as possible. The Thirteenth Infantry was immediately ordered off to the right to a.s.sist the cavalry division, especially the Rough Riders, who were said to be in danger of having their flank turned. Here it remained under fire all night.

The advance and charge of the Twenty-fourth made up only a part of the advance and charge of the Third Brigade; and this in turn was part of the attack and a.s.sault made by the whole infantry division; a movement also partic.i.p.ated in at the same hour by the cavalry division; so that regarded as a whole, it was a mighty blow delivered on the enemy's right and centre by two-thirds of the American Army, and its effect was stunning, although its full weight had not been realized by the foe. The part sustained in the a.s.sault by each regiment may be estimated by the losses experienced by each in killed and wounded.

Judged by this standard the brunt fell upon the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth, and Twenty-fourth, all of which regiments lost heavily, considering the short time of the action.

The movement by which the Twenty-fourth reached its position on that memorable 1st of July has called forth especial mention by the regimental commander and by the acting a.s.sistant Adjutant-General of the brigade; it was also noted immediately after the battle by all the newspaper writers as one of the striking occurrences of the day. The regiment on coming under fire marched about one mile by the left flank, and then formed left front into line on its leading company, Company G, commanded by Captain Brereton. The first man of the regiment to take position in the line was the First Sergeant of G Company, R.G. Woods. This company when reaching its position formed on left into line, under a severe fire in front and a fire in the rear; the other companies forming in the same manner, with more or less regularity, to its left. As soon as the line was formed the order was given to charge. The advance was made across an open meadow, during which several officers were wounded, among them the officers of Company F, the command of that company devolving upon its First Sergeant, William Rainey, who conducted the company successfully to the crest of the hill.

The description of the movement of Company D as given by Lieutenant Kerwin, who was placed in command of that company after its officers had been shot, is a very interesting doc.u.ment. Lieutenant Kerwin claims to have made his report from "close inquiries and from personal observation." According to this report the company was led across the San Juan Creek by its Captain (Ducat), the Second Lieutenant of the company (Gurney) following it, and keeping the men well closed up.

While crossing, the company encountered a terrific fire, and after advancing about ten yards beyond the stream went through a wire fence to the right, and advanced to an embankment about twenty yards from the right bank of the stream. Here Captain Ducat gave the order to advance to the attack and the whole company opened out in good order in line of skirmishers and moved rapidly across the open plain to the foot of San Juan Hill. In making this movement across the plain the line was under fire and the brave Lieutenant Gurney was killed, and First Sergeant Ellis, Corporal Keys and Privates Robinson and Johnson wounded. It was a race with death, but the company arrived at the base of the hill in good form, though well-nigh exhausted. After breathing a moment the men were ready to follow their intrepid commander, Captain Ducat, up the hill, and at twelve o'clock they gained the summit, being the first company of the regiment to reach the top of the hill. Just as they reached the crest the brave Ducat fell, shot through the hip, probably by a Spanish sharpshooter, thus depriving the company of its last commissioned officer, and leaving its first sergeant also disabled.

The commander of the regiment speaks of its doings in a very modest manner, but in a tone to give the reader confidence in what he says.

He became temporarily separated from the regiment, but made his way to the crest of the hill in company with the Adjutant and there found a part of his command. He says a creditable number of the men of his regiment reached the top of the hill among the first to arrive there.

The commander of the Second Battalion, Captain Wygant, crossed the meadow, or flat, some distance ahead of the battalion, but as the men subsequently charged up the hill, he was unable to keep up with them, so rapid was their gait It was from this battalion that Captain Ducat's company broke away and charged on the right of the battalion, arriving, as has been said, first on the top of the hill. As the regiment arrived Captain Wygant, finding himself the ranking officer on the ground, a.s.sembled it and a.s.signed each company its place.

Captain Dodge, who commanded Company C in this a.s.sault, and who subsequently died in the yellow fever hospital at Siboney, mentions the fact that Captain Wygant led the advance in person, and says that in the charge across the open field the three companies, C, B and H, became so intermixed that it was impossible for the company commanders to distinguish their own men from those of the other companies, yet he says he had the names of twenty men of his own company who reached the trenches at Fort San Juan in that perilous rush on that fiery mid-day.

The testimony of all the officers of the regiment is to the effect that the men behaved splendidly, and eight of them have been given Certificates of Merit for gallantry in the action of July 1.

The losses of the regiment in that advance were numerous, the killed, wounded and missing amounted to 96, which number was swelled to 104 during the next two days. So many men falling in so short a time while advancing in open order tells how severe was the fire they were facing and serves to modify the opinion which was so often expressed about the time the war broke out, to the effect that the Spanish soldiers were wanting both in skill and bravery. They contradicted this both at El Caney and at San Juan. In the latter conflict they held their ground until the last moment and inflicted a loss upon their a.s.sailants equal to the number engaged in the defence of the heights.

Since July 1, 1898, expatiation on the cowardice and lack of skill of the Spanish soldier has ceased to be a profitable literary occupation.

Too many journalists and correspondents were permitted to witness the work of Spanish sharpshooters, and to see their obstinate resistance to the advance of our troops, to allow comments upon the inefficiency of the Spanish Army to pa.s.s unnoticed. Our army from the beginning was well impressed with the character of the foe and nerved itself accordingly. The bravery of our own soldiers was fully recognized by the men who surrendered to our army and who were capable of appreciating it, because they themselves were not wanting in the same qualities.

[Transcriber's Note: This footnote appeared in the text without a footnote anchor:

"The intrenchments of San Juan were defended by two companies of Spanish infantry, numbering about two hundred and fifty to three hundred men. At about 11 o'clock in the morning reinforcements were sent to them, bringing the number up to about seven hundred and fifty men. There were two pieces of mountain artillery on these hills, the rest of the artillery fire against our troops on that day being from batteries close to the city."--In Cuba with Shafter (Miley), page 117.]

CHAPTER IX.

THE SURRENDER, AND AFTERWARDS.

In the Trenches--The Twenty-fourth in the Fever Camp--Are Negro Soldiers Immune?--Camp Wikoff.

After the battle of El Caney the Twenty-fifth Infantry started for the mango grove, where the blanket rolls and haversacks had been left in the morning, and on its way pa.s.sed the Second Ma.s.sachusetts Volunteers standing by the roadside. This regiment had seen the charge of the Twenty-fifth up the hillside, and they now manifested their appreciation of the gallantry of the black regulars in an ovation of applause and cheers. This was the foundation for Sergeant Harris'

reply when on another occasion seeing the manifest kind feelings of this regiment to the Twenty-fifth, I remarked: "Those men think you are soldiers." "They know we are soldiers," replied the sergeant. The regiment bivouacked in the main road leading from El Caney to Santiago, but sleep was out of the question. What with the pa.s.sing of packtrains and artillery, and the issuing of rations and ammunition, the first half of the night gave no time for rest; and shortly after 12 o'clock, apprehensions of a Spanish attack put every one on the alert. At 3.30 the march to the rear was commenced and the entire division pa.s.sed around by El Poso and advanced to the front by the Aguadores road, finally reaching a position on Wheeler's right about noon, July 2.

Subsequently the line of investment was extended to the right, the Cuban forces under General Garcia holding the extreme right connecting with the water front on that side of the city. Next to them came Ludlow's McKibben's and Chaffee's forces. In McKibben's brigade was the Twenty-fifth, which dug its last trench on Cuban soil on July 14th, on the railroad running out from Santiago to the northwest. This intrenchment was the nearest to the city made by any American organization, and in this the regiment remained until the surrender.

The Twenty-fourth remained entrenched over to the left, in General Kent's division, lying to the right of the 21st. This regiment (24th) had won great credit in its advance upon the enemy, but it was to win still greater in the field of humanity. Capt. Leavel, who commanded Company A, said: "It would be hard to particularize in reporting upon the men of the company. All--non-commissioned officers, privates, even newly joined recruits--showed a desire to do their duty, yea, more than their duty, which would have done credit to seasoned veterans.

Too much cannot be said of their courage, willingness and endurance."

Captain Wygant, who commanded the Second Battalion of the regiment, says: "The gallantry and bearing shown by the officers and soldiers of the regiment under this trying ordeal was such that it has every reason to be proud of its record. The losses of the regiment, which are shown by the official records, show the fire they were subjected to. The casualties were greater among the officers than the men, which is accounted for by the fact that the enemy had posted in the trees sharpshooters, whose princ.i.p.al business was to pick them off." There is no countenance given in official literature to the absurd notion maintained by some, that it was necessary for the officers of black troops to expose themselves unusually in order to lead their troops, and that this fact accounts for excessive losses among them. The fact is that the regular officer's code is such that he is compelled to occupy the place in battle a.s.signed him in the tactics, and no matter how great his cowardice of heart may be, he must go forward until ordered to halt. The penalty of cowardice is something to be dreaded above wounds or even death by some natures. "Colored troops are brave men when led by white officers."(?) As a matter of fact there is very little leading of any sort by officers in battle. The officer's place is in the rear of the firing line, directing, not leading, and it is his right and duty to save his own life if possible, and that of every man in his command, even while seeking to destroy the enemy, in obedience to orders. The record of the Twenty-fourth for bravery was established beyond question when it swept across that open flat and up San Juan Hill on that hot mid-day of July 1st, 1898.

After lying in the trenches until July 15th, the news reached the camp of the Twenty-fourth that yellow fever had broken out in the army, and that a large hospital and pest-house had been established at Siboney.

About 4 o'clock that day an order came to the commanding officer of the regiment directing him to proceed with his regiment to Siboney and report to the medical officer there. The regiment started on its march at 5.30, numbering at that time 8 companies, containing 15 officers and 456 men. Marching on in the night, going through thickets and across streams, the men were heard singing a fine old hymn:

When through the deep waters I call thee to go, The rivers of woe shall not thee o'erflow; For I will be with thee, thy troubles to bless, And sanctify to thee they deepest distress.

In view of what was before them, the words were very appropriate. They arrived on the hill at Siboney at 3.30 on the morning of July 16th.

Without discussing the graphic story told by correspondents of the highest respectability describing the regiment as volunteering, to a man, to nurse the sick and dying at Siboney, we will rather follow the official records of their doings in that fever-stricken place. On arriving at Siboney on the morning of July 16, Sunday, Major Markely, then in command of the regiment, met Colonel Greenleaf of the Medical Department, and informed him that the Twenty-fourth Infantry was on the ground. Colonel Greenleaf was just leaving the post, but Major La Garde, his successor, manifested his great pleasure in seeing this form of a.s.sistance arrive. Such a scene of misery presented itself to Major Markely's eyes that he, soldier as he was, was greatly affected, and a.s.sured Major La Garde that he was prepared personally to sink every other consideration and devote himself to giving what a.s.sistance he could in caring for the sick, and that he believed his whole regiment would feel as he did when they came to see the situation. In this he was not mistaken. The officers and men of the Twenty-fourth Infantry did give themselves up to the care of the sick and dying, furnis.h.i.+ng all help in their power until their own health and strength gave way, in some instances laying down even their lives in this n.o.ble work.

On the day of arrival seventy men were called for to nurse yellow fever patients and do other work about the hospital. More than this number immediately volunteered to enter upon a service which they could well believe meant death to some of them. The camp was so crowded and filthy that the work of cleaning it was begun at once by the men of the Twenty-fourth, and day by day they labored as their strength would permit, in policing the camp, cooking the food for themselves and for the hospital, unloading supplies, taking down and removing tents, and numberless other details of necessary labor.

Despite all the care that could be taken under such conditions as were found at Siboney, the yellow fever soon overran the entire camp, and of the 16 officers of the regiment, 1 had died, 2 more were expected to die; 3 were dangerously ill, and 5 more or less so. Out of the whole sixteen there were but three really fit for duty, and often out of the whole regiment it would be impossible to get 12 men who could go on fatigue duty. Out of the 456 men who marched to Siboney only 24 escaped sickness, and on one day 241 were down. Those who would recover remained weak and unfit for labor. Silently, without murmuring, did these n.o.ble heroes, officers and men, stand at their post ministering to the necessities of their fellowman until the welcome news came that the regiment would be sent north and the hospital closed as soon as possible. On August 8 Major La Garde, more ent.i.tled to the honor of being cla.s.sed among the heroes of Santiago than some whose opportunities of brilliant display were vastly superior, succ.u.mbed to the disease. The fact should be borne in mind that all of these men, officers, soldiers and surgeons, went upon this pest-house duty after the severe labors of a.s.sault of July 1-2, and the two weeks of terrible strain and exposure in the trenches before Santiago, and with the sick and wounded consequent upon these battles and labors--none were strong.

On July 16th, the day after the Twenty-fourth left the trenches, the surrender was made and on the next morning the final ceremonies of turning over Santiago to the American forces took place, and the soldiers were allowed to come out of their ditches and enter into more comfortable camps. The hards.h.i.+ps of the period after the surrender were not much less than those experienced while in the lines.

On the 26th of August the Twenty-fourth Infantry, having obtained an honorable release from its perilous duty, marched out of Siboney with band playing and colors flying to go on board the transport for Montauk; but of the 456 men who marched into Siboney, only 198 were able to march out, directed by 9 out of the 15 officers that marched in with them. Altogether there were 11 officers and 289 men who went on board the transport, but all except the number first given were unable to take their places in the ranks. They went on board the steamer Nueces, and coming from an infected camp, no doubt great care was taken that the transport should arrive at its destination in a good condition. Although there was sickness on board, there were no deaths on the pa.s.sage, and the Nueces arrived in port "one of the cleanest s.h.i.+ps that came to that place." The official report states that the Nueces arrived at Montauk Point September 2, with 385 troops on board; 28 sick, no deaths on the voyage, and not infected. Worn out by the hard service the regiment remained a short time at Montauk and then returned to its former station, Fort Dougla.s.s, Utah, leaving its camp at Montauk in such a thoroughly creditable condition as to elicit official remark.

While the Twenty-fourth Infantry had without doubt the hardest service, after the surrender, of any of the colored regiments, the others were not slumbering at ease. Lying in the trenches almost constantly for two weeks, drenched with rains, scorched by the burning sun at times, and chilled by cool nights, subsisting on food not of the best and poorly cooked, cut off from news and kept in suspense, when the surrender finally came it found our army generally very greatly reduced in vital force. During the period following, from July 16th to about the same date in August the re-action fell with all its weight upon the troops, rendering them an easy prey to the climatic influences by which they were surrounded.[20] Pernicious malarial fever, bowel troubles and yellow fever were appearing in all the regiments; and the colored troops appeared as susceptible as their white comrades. The theory had been advanced that they were less susceptible to malarial fever, and in a certain sense this appears to be true; but the experience of our army in Cuba, as well as army statistics published before the Cuban War, do not bear out the popular view of the theory. The best that can be said from the experience of Cuba is to the effect that the blacks may be less liable to yellow fever and may more quickly rally from the effects of malarial fever.

These conclusions are, however, by no means well established. The Twenty-fourth suffered excessively from fevers of both kinds, and in the judgment of the commanding officer of the regiment "effectually showed that colored soldiers were not more immune from Cuban fever than white," but we must remember that the service of the Twenty-fourth was exceptional. The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost but one man during the whole campaign from climatic disease, John A. Lewis, and it is believed that could he have received proper medical care his life would have been saved. Yet this regiment suffered severely from fever as did also the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry.

Arriving at Montauk[21] early the author had the opportunity to see the whole of the Fifth Army Corps disembark on its return from Cuba, and was so impressed with its forlorn appearance that he then wrote of it as coming home on stretchers. Pale, emaciated, weak and halting, they came, with 3,252 sick, and reporting 87 deaths on the voyage.

But, as General Wheeler said in his report, "the great bulk of the troops that were at Santiago were by no means well." Never before had the people seen an army of stalwart men so suddenly transformed into an army of invalids. And yet while all the regiments arriving showed the effects of the hards.h.i.+ps they had endured, the black regulars, excepting the Twenty-fourth Infantry, appeared to have slightly the advantage. The arrival of the Tenth Cavalry in "good condition" was an early cheering item in the stream of suffering and debility landing from the transports. Seeing all of the troops land and remaining at Camp Wikoff until its days were nearly numbered, the writer feels sure that the colored troops arrived from the front in as good condition as the best, and that they recuperated with marked comparative rapidity.

The chaplain of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, while en route to join his regiment at Montauk, thinking seriously over the condition of the men returning from such a hard experience, concluded that nothing would be more grateful to them than a reasonable supply of ripe fruit, fresh from the orchards and fields. He therefore sent a dispatch to the Daily Evening News, published in Bridgeton, N.J., asking the citizens of that community to contribute a carload of melons and fruits for the men of the Twenty-fifth, or for the whole camp, if they so wished.

Subsequently mentioning the fact to the commanding officer of the regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett, he heartily commended the idea, believing that the fruit would be very beneficial. The good people of Bridgeton took hold of the matter heartily, and in a short time forwarded to the regiment more than four hundred of Jersey's finest watermelons, fresh from the vines. These were distributed judiciously and the health of the men began to improve forthwith. Soon five hundred more arrived, sent by a patriotic citizen of Philadelphia.

These were also distributed. Ladies of Brooklyn forwarded peaches and vegetables, and supplies of all sorts now were coming in abundance.

Our men improved so rapidly as to be the occasion of remark by correspondents of the press. They were spoken of as being apparently in good condition. While engaged in the work of supplying their physical wants the chaplain was taken to task by a correspondent of Leslie's for being too much concerned in getting a carload of watermelons for his regiment, to go over to a graveyard and pray over the dead. The next day the chaplain made haste to go over to that particular graveyard to relieve the country from the crying shame that the correspondent had pointed out, only to find two men already there armed with prayer-books and one of them especially so fearful that he would not get a chance to read a prayer over a dead soldier, that the chaplain found it necessary to a.s.sure him that the opportunity to pray should not be taken from him; and thus another popular horror was found to be without reality.

The colored ladies of Brooklyn organized a Soldiers' Aid Society, and besides contributing in a general way, as already mentioned, also made and presented to the soldiers about four hundred home-made pies, which were most highly appreciated. They also prepared a tasty souvenir commemorative of the heroic work performed by the troops in Cuba, and expressive of high appreciation of the gallantry of the colored regiments. A beautiful stand of colors was also procured for the Twenty-fourth Infantry, which were subsequently presented to the regiment with appropriate ceremonies.