The Principles of Economics Part 50

RAILROADS AND INDUSTRY

-- I. TRANSPORTATION AS A FORM OF PRODUCTION

[Sidenote: Productivity of transportation]

1. _Transportation of goods and men is one of the most important modes of production._ When utility was thought of as inherent in things rather than as resulting from a relation between things and wants, it was usual to consider only those industries as truly productive that brought something physical into existence, as do agriculture and the extractive industries. Even after it was recognized that a change of form also imparted value, it was still denied that a changing of place could be truly productive industry. But when production is seen to be the bringing of things into right relations with wants, transportation may be deemed to be the primary and typical mode of increasing income.

Movement is necessary to the existence of animals. The animal, in the order of evolution a higher form of life than the more fixed plants, goes to seek food, and has open to it a wider range of possibilities in life. With slight exceptions, it is true that the only way in which animals can bring about better place-relations between their wants and goods is by moving themselves. To this power man has added that of moving goods and thus adds enormously to income. Agents being valued in accordance with their net productiveness, the nearness to market and the ease of transporting the product are large factors in price. The location of a field enters into its value as truly as do the chemical qualities of the soil. A rocky field near a market may be richer, in an industrial sense, than the richest soil far remote, which can be used by men only at the cost of their alienation from society. Means of transportation set a limit to social and political groupings, to the size of the market, and to the possibility of exchange. Indeed, all exchange value is conditioned upon the possibility of transportation.

[Sidenote: Original local advantages]

2. _Natural differences in the grades of fertility and of accessibility determine first the most valued locations._ Primitive man, dependent on the bounties of nature, had to take things as he found them. Few places unite the best grades of the essential things: water, food, fertile soil, a favorable climate, protection against enemies. Between tribe and tribe went on ceaseless war for the few favored spots of the earth.

Where transportation is possible, trade can supply one or more of the missing elements. International trade began early, wherever it could, to strengthen economically the weak localities. Advantages in transportation are sometimes better than fertile soil and rich resources. The early centers of civilization were on the banks of rivers and the sh.o.r.es of seas. Around the Mediterranean were the ancient empires. Trading-towns grew up at ports and at the favored points of trade: Tyre, Sidon, Carthage, Florence, Genoa, Venice, Antwerp, London, New York. The early settlements in America were grouped along the coast.

Without the cheap communication afforded by water, the colonies would have been cut off from the benefits of continuing contact with the older civilization. It would have been a great price to pay, even for a rich continent.

[Sidenote: Influence of waterways on local advantages]

3. _The opening up of new water-routes of travel has profoundly altered the prosperity of nations._ Sometimes the relation of cause and effect is the reverse of that just noted. The conquest of Asia Minor by the Turks closed the lines of travel with the East, destroyed the trade of the Italian cities, and stimulated exploration for new routes. The War of 1812 in America stopped the coast trade and forced on the wagon-roads between the New England and the Southern states a great traffic, which declined quickly at the close of the war. Again, the growth of population and industry s.h.i.+fts the center of trade, as it did from the south to the north of Europe, and as it is doing from England to America. The discovery of new routes, however, has wrought the most rapid and sweeping changes. These three causes united, about the time of the discovery of America, to overthrow the prosperity of the older cities of Europe, while the opening of the resources in America, the abundance of silver and gold, trade with the colonists and the Indians, showered wealth and trade into the lap of Spain, Holland, Belgium, England, and the northern cities of Germany. Such changes continue under our eyes. The Erie Ca.n.a.l has an influence on values in every towns.h.i.+p from New York to Buffalo, and along the lake sh.o.r.es to the head of Lake Superior. The Suez Ca.n.a.l marked an epoch in ocean travel. The American Isthmian Ca.n.a.l will affect the value of many investments, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Coast. A marked change in transportation thus s.h.i.+fts the level of values in a locality. Fortunes are made and lost.

One community rises and another sinks. Increments and decrements of value on a great scale are unearned, and all cla.s.ses of goods are affected, though in varying degrees.

-- II. THE RAILROAD AS A CARRIER

[Sidenote: Technical vs. economic efficiency of transportation]

1. _Different modes of transport are more or less economical relatively to the other industrial conditions._ Not only new routes but new agents of travel change the scale of values. In early societies, undeveloped industrially, first men, then domestic animals, were used as beasts of burden. The first vehicles are technically simple in design and construction; on land are used drags, sleds, carts; on waterways are used rafts, canoes, barges, and boats. Primitive means of transportation had to be inexpensive, for poverty and the uncertainty of early society forbade the tying up of large resources in them. Technical efficiency of means of transportation may be contrasted with economic efficiency.

Technical goodness is absolute, and is measured in speed and weight of cargo; economic efficiency is relative, and varies with the money cost and money value of the services. A turnpike is more efficient than a mud road, yet in some districts it is bad economy to build it. A railroad is more efficient than a cart, yet in some places even pack-horses are more economical. To be economical, the expenditure needed to supply the efficient agent must be warranted by the volume and value of traffic.

[Sidenote: Economic advantages of natural waterways]

2. _The most economical means of transportation before the railroad were the waterways, natural and artificial._ Some natural waterways still afford the most economical means of transportation between favorably situated ports. Coal is s.h.i.+pped most cheaply in sailing vessels from Wales around Cape Horn to ports along the western coasts of America. A part of California's regular fuel-supply is obtained in this way. Coal has been s.h.i.+pped from Pennsylvania to Europe, and in the anthracite coal-strike in 1902, some was s.h.i.+pped from England to America. Invention has reduced the cost of construction and operation of vessels and has increased their safety and speed, thus multiplying the efficiency of the natural waterways. The large cities in America are situated on waterways, usually where there is a break in transportation requiring res.h.i.+pment, as, for example, at New York, San Francisco, Buffalo, New Orleans, Cincinnati, Chicago, Minneapolis, and St. Paul. Likewise many of the small cities and villages, serving as local trading centers, owe their existence to similar though less powerful influences.

[Sidenote: Merits and defects of ca.n.a.ls]

Ca.n.a.ls are begun as connecting links in a system of natural waterways to extend the advantages of cheap transportation. The Erie Ca.n.a.l not only serves the three hundred miles of territory along its banks, but it opened to commerce all the lands tributary to the Great Lakes. The great advantage of ca.n.a.ls is cheapness of operation due to the simplicity of the machinery needed and to the great loads that can be moved with small power. A cent a ton-mile is a paying rate on a ca.n.a.l. For heavy, slow-moving freight, the railroads can hardly rival the ca.n.a.ls at their best. As ca.n.a.ls, however, can be built only along a level country and where the water supply is at a high level, their construction is limited to a small portion of the country. The law of extensive diminis.h.i.+ng returns applies strongly to the construction of ca.n.a.ls. The first ca.n.a.ls are easily constructed and economically operated, but it is only with greater cost and difficulty that the system can be successively extended. In temperate climates their use is limited by ice to a part of the year, and the summer's drought sometimes limits it still further. At its best, therefore, the small land-locked ca.n.a.l is fitted only to be a supplementary agent in the system of transportation wherever industry demands high speed and great regularity. Far different is the case of the oceanic ca.n.a.l in a tropical climate.

[Sidenote: Superior advantages of railroads]

3. _The railroad is rapidly surpa.s.sing in importance every other agency of transportation._ Even in respect to cheapness, the unique virtue of waterways in favored localities, the railroad has been making rapid gains. Improvements in roadbed, rails, cars, engines, and other equipment are reducing greatly the cost of conducting traffic on the main lines of roads. The adaptability of the railroad excels that of any other agent of transportation; it can go over mountains or tunnel through them. In certainty its superiority is marked; floods and snows may delay it for a day, but there is no seasonal stoppage of traffic. In speed, the railroad so far excels that the ca.n.a.l can survive only by dividing the traffic, taking the lower grades of freight, and leaving to the railroad the pa.s.senger traffic and fast freight.

[Sidenote: Results of the rapid growth of railroads]

Because of these qualities, the extension of the railroads in the last fifty years has been so rapid that it has not given time for a gradual adaptation of industry. It has worked in many places revolutionary changes. The building of railroads in the Mississippi valley in the seventies lowered the value of Eastern farms, ruined many English farmers, and depressed the peasantry in all western Europe. With the prices that resulted when the fertile lands of the Western prairies were opened to the world's markets, the stony and worked-out lands of the older districts could not compete. Great regions are still to be opened in this manner in Russia, Siberia, Africa, and South America. While one can only speculate upon the effects this development will have, the changes promise to be less sudden and tremendous than those of the last twenty years. Many minor changes, of no less moment in limited districts, result from the building of railroads. Local trading-centers decrease in importance. Villages and towns, hoping to be enriched by the railroads, see trade going to the cities. Commerce becomes centralized.

Enormous increase of value at a few points is offset by losses in other localities.

-- III. DISCRIMINATION IN RATES ON RAILROADS

[Sidenote: Monopoly power of railroads]

1. _The railroad has more monopoly power in fixing rates at points along its lines than is the case with other agents of transportation._ The owners.h.i.+p of the wagons, s.h.i.+ps, and ca.n.a.l-boats of a country is usually divided. Every point along the line of the turnpike or the ca.n.a.l and at ocean ports enjoys compet.i.tion between carriers, the great s.h.i.+pping combinations not having been successfully formed as yet. In the early days of the railroads it was believed that a company or the government would own the rails and charge toll to the different carriers, who would own cars and conduct the traffic as was done on the ca.n.a.ls. Experience soon showed the utter impracticability of this scheme and the need of unified management. The railroad, therefore, has a monopoly at all points on its line not touched by other carriers. This, like all other monopoly, is limited by the need to secure some business and to meet compet.i.tion at terminal points. The railroads in private hands early began to "charge what the traffic would bear" at every station, thus practising various forms of discrimination disastrous in their effects on the citizens.

[Sidenote: Discrimination as to goods]

2. _Discrimination as to goods is charging more for transporting one kind of goods than for another without a corresponding difference in the cost._ When reasonably understood, this proposition does not apply to a higher charge for goods of greater bulk, as more per pound for feathers than for iron, the "dead weight" of car being much greater in one case than in the other. It does not apply where there is a difference in risk, as in carrying bricks and powder, or coal and crockery; nor where there is a difference in trouble, as in s.h.i.+pping live stock and wheat.

Any difference that can reasonably be explained as due to a difference in cost is not discrimination; on the other hand a difference in cost without a difference in rate is discrimination. Discrimination as to goods may be by value, as low rates for heavy, cheap goods and high rates for lighter, valuable ones. Coal always goes at a low rate as compared with dry goods, and sometimes more is charged for coal to be used for gas than for coal to be used for heating purposes.

Discrimination as to goods is the most usual and, if reasonably employed, one of the most justifiable of the various kinds of rate discriminations.

[Sidenote: Local discrimination]

3. _Discrimination between places (local discrimination) is charging different rates to two localities for substantially the same service._ This occurs when local rates are high and through rates are low; when rates at local points are high and at competing points are low; when less is charged for s.h.i.+pments consigned to foreign ports than for domestic s.h.i.+pments; when more is charged for goods going east than for goods going west. The causes of local discrimination are: first, water-compet.i.tion, found at great trade centers such as New York and San Francisco; second, differences in terminal facilities, making some places better s.h.i.+pping-points than others; third, compet.i.tion by other railroads, which is concentrated at certain points, only four thousand (one tenth) of the stations of the United States being junctions; fourth, the influence of powerful individuals or large corporations and the personal favoritism shown by railroad officials.

[Sidenote: Its effects]

The effect of discrimination is to develop some districts and depress others; to stimulate cities and blight villages; to destroy established industries; to foster monopolies at favored points; and to sacrifice the future revenues of the road by forcing industry to move to the competing points to get the low rates. The power of railroad officials arbitrarily to cause rates to rise or fall is happily limited in practice by the need of earning as large and as regular an income as possible, but even as exercised it has been at times as great as that possessed by many political rulers.

[Sidenote: Personal discrimination]

4. _Discrimination between s.h.i.+ppers (personal discrimination) is charging one person more than another for substantially the same service._ This most odious of railroad vices, rarely practised openly, is done by false billing of weight, by wrong descriptions or false cla.s.sification to reduce the charge below published rate-sheets, by carrying some goods free, by issuing pa.s.ses to one and not to all patrons under the same conditions, or by donations or rebates after the regular rate has been paid. In some cases a subordinate agent shares his commission with the s.h.i.+pper, and the transaction does not appear on the books of the company. In other cases favored s.h.i.+ppers are given secret information that the rate is to be changed, so that they are enabled to regulate their s.h.i.+pments to secure the lower rate.

[Sidenote: Causes of personal discrimination]

One group of reasons for personal discrimination is connected with the interests of the road. It is to build up new business; it is to make compet.i.tion with rival roads more effective by favoring certain agents, as is very commonly done in the Western grain business; it is to exclude compet.i.tion, as by refusing to make a rate from a connecting line or to receive materials for a new railroad which is to be a compet.i.tor; and it is to satisfy large s.h.i.+ppers whose power, skill, and persistence make the concession necessary. Another group of reasons has to do with the interests of company officials. It is to enable them to grant special favors to friends; or it is to build up a business in which they are interested; or it is to earn a bribe that has been given them.

[Sidenote: Evils of personal discrimination]

That the evils of personal discrimination are great, need hardly be said. It introduces uncertainty, fear, and danger into all business; it causes business men to waste, socially viewed, an enormous fund of energy to get good rates and to guard against surprises; it grants unearned fortunes and destroys those honestly made; it gives enormous power and presents strong temptations to railroad officials to injure the interests of the stockholders on the one hand and of the public on the other.

Apart from government, the railroad represents the greatest single economic factor in personal distribution. It has introduced a new form of problem into economic society. It has created a monopoly comparable to the prerogatives of feudal lords. No other industrial agency in private hands so affects all the producing forces of society and exercises such a potent influence on values.

CHAPTER 55

THE PUBLIC NATURE OF RAILROADS

-- I. PUBLIC PRIVILEGES OF RAILROAD CORPORATIONS

[Sidenote: Public nature of railroad franchises]

1. _Railroads enjoy peculiar public privileges through their charters, franchises, and the right of eminent domain._ Railroads in our country are owned by private corporations and are managed by private citizens, not, as in some countries, by public officials. They have been built under the motive of private enterprise, in the interest of the investor, not as a charity or as a public benefaction. Railroad-building appears thus at first glance to be a case of free compet.i.tion where public interests are served in the following of private interests. But, looked at more closely, it may be seen to be in many ways different from the ordinary compet.i.tive business. Compet.i.tion would make the building of railroads a matter of bargain with proprietors along the line, and an obdurate farmer could compel a long detour or could block the whole undertaking. But the public says: a public enterprise is of more importance than the interests of a single farmer. By charter or by franchise the railroad is granted the power of eminent domain, whereby the property of private citizens may be taken from them at an appraised valuation. The manufacturer, enjoying no such privilege, can only by ordinary purchase obtain a site urgently needed for his business. Why may the railway exercise the sovereign power of government and invade other private property rights? Because the railway is peculiarly "affected with a public interest." The primary object is not to favor the railroads, but to benefit the community. These charters and franchises are granted sparingly in most European countries. In this country they have been granted recklessly, often in general laws, by states keen in their rivalry for railroad extension. When thus great public privileges had been granted without reserve to private corporations, it was realized, too late in many cases, that a mistake had been made and that an impossible situation had been created.

[Sidenote: State and National aid to American railroads]

2. _In America and in many other countries, large grants of lands and money have been made to railroads on the ground of their peculiar public nature._ Railroads were granted not only peculiar powers and privileges, but also material aid. The railroad enterprise was uncertain, the possibilities of its growth could not be foreseen, and private capital would not invest without great inducements. In European countries where capitalists were less enterprising or venturesome than in America, railroad extension was very slow except where the state in some manner extended its aid to the enterprise. The American states abandoned the principle of non-interference most recklessly, and vied with each other in giving lands, money, and privileges, in loaning bonds, in subscribing for stock, and in releasing from taxation. These protective measures fostering a special enterprise were expected by increasing wealth to diffuse a greater welfare throughout the community. Many of the states were forced to the point of bankruptcy by their reckless generosity, and some of them repudiated the debts thus incurred. The national government then took up the same policy and granted lands to the states to be used for this purpose. The first example of this was the grant to the Illinois Central road, in 1850, of a great strip of land through the state from north to south. Grants were made in fourteen states, covering tens of millions of acres of land. Then the national government, between 1863 and 1869, aided the building of the Pacific railroads by granting outright twenty square miles of land for every mile of track and by loaning the credit of the government to the extent of fifty million dollars--a debt settled by compromise only after thirty years.

[Sidenote: Railroad grants by localities]