Hinduism and Buddhism, An Historical Sketch Volume III Part 13

[Footnote 245: See the inscription of Bkse, Cm?kro??n?, _J.A._ XIII. 1909, pp. 468, 469, 497.]

[Footnote 246: The Sui annals (Pelliot, _Founan_, p. 272) state that "Chn-la lies to the west of Lin-yi: it was originally a va.s.sal state of Fu-nan.... The name of the king's family was Kshatriya: his personal name was Citrasena: his ancestors progressively acquired the sovereignty of the country: Citrasena seized Fu-nan and reduced it to submission." This seems perfectly clear and we know from Cambojan inscriptions that Citrasena was the personal name of the king who reigned as Mahendravarman, _c_. 600 A.D. But it would appear from the inscriptions that it was his predecessor Bhavavarman who made whatever change occurred in the relations of Camboja to Fu-nan and in any case it is not clear who were the inhabitants of Fu-nan if not Cambojans.

Perhaps Maspro is right in suggesting that Fu-nan was something like imperial Germany (p. 25), "Si le roi de Bavire s'emparait de la couronne impriale, rien ne serait chang en Allemagne que la famille rgnante."]

[Footnote 247: It is remarkable that the Baudhyana-dharma-stra enumerates going to sea among the customs peculiar to the North (I. 1, 2, 4) and then (II. 1, 2, 2) cla.s.ses making voyages by sea as the first of the offences which cause loss of caste. This seems to indicate that the emigrants from India came mainly from the North, but it would be rash to conclude that in times of stress or enthusiasm the Southerners did not follow their practice. A pa.s.sage in the second chapter of the Kautilya Artha.s.stra has been interpreted as referring to the despatch of colonists to foreign countries, but it probably contemplates nothing more than the transfer of population from one part of India to another. See Finot, _B.E.F.E.O._ 1912, No.

8. But the pa.s.sage at any rate shows that the idea of the King being able to transport a considerable ma.s.s of population was familiar in ancient India. Jtaka 466 contains a curious story of a village of carpenters who being unsuccessful in trade built a s.h.i.+p and emigrated to an island in the ocean. It is clear that there must have been a considerable seafaring population in India in early times for the Rig Veda (II. 48, 3; I. 56, 2; I. 116, 3), the Mahabharata and the Jtakas allude to the love of gain which sends merchants across the sea and to s.h.i.+pwrecks. Sculptures at Salsette ascribed to about 150 A.D.

represent a s.h.i.+pwreck. s.h.i.+ps were depicted in the paintings of Ajanta and also occur on the coins of the Andhra King Yajasr (_c_. 200 A.D.) and in the sculptures of Boroboedoer. The Dgha Nikya (XI. 85) speaks of sea-going s.h.i.+ps which when lost let loose a land sighting bird. Much information is collected in Radhak.u.mud Mookerji's _History of Indian s.h.i.+pping_, 1912.]

[Footnote 248: Voyages are still regularly made in dhows between the west coast of India and Zanzibar or Mombasa and the trade appears to be old.]

[Footnote 249: See Jtaka 339 for the voyage to Baveru or Babylon.

Jtakas 360 and 442 mention voyages to Suvan?n?abhmi or Lower Burma from Bharukaccha and from Benares down the river. The Milinda Paha (VI. 21) alludes to traffic with China by sea.]

[Footnote 250: Rm. iv. 40, 30.]

[Footnote 251: Pelliot, _Founan_, p. 254. The Western and Eastern Tsin reigned from 265 to 419 A.D.]

[Footnote 252: Pelliot, _Founan_, p. 254. Most of the references to Chinese annals are taken from this valuable paper.]

[Footnote 253: The inscription of Mi-son relates how Kaun?d?inya planted at Bharapura (? in Camboja) a javelin given to him by Asvatthman.]

[Footnote 254: This is the modern reading of the characters in Peking, but Julien's _Mthode_ justifies the transcription Kau-d?i-nya.]

[Footnote 255: See S. Lvi in _Mlanges Charles de Harlez_, p. 176.

Deux peuples mconnus. i. Les Murund?as.]

[Footnote 256: _Nanjio Catalogue_, p. 422.]

[Footnote 257: I-Tsing, trans. Takakusu, p. 12.]

[Footnote 258: _Corpus_, I. p. 65.]

[Footnote 259: _Corpus_, I. pp. 84, 89, 90, and _Jour. Asiatique_, 1882, p. 152.]

[Footnote 260: When visiting Badami, Pat?t?adkal and Aihole in 1912 I noted the following resemblances between the temples of that district and those of Camboja. (_a_) The chief figures are Harihara, Vmana and Nr?isim?ha. At Pat?t?adkal, as at Angkor Wat, the reliefs on the temple wall represent the Churning of the Sea and scenes from the Rmyana. (_b_) Large blocks of stone were used for building and after being put in their positions were carved _in situ_, as is shown by unfinished work in places. (_c_) Medallions containing faces are frequent. (_d_) The architectural scheme is not as in Dravidian temples, that is to say larger outside and becoming smaller as one proceeds towards the interior. There is generally a central tower attached to a hall. (_e_) The temples are often raised on a bas.e.m.e.nt. (_f_) Mukhalingas and koshas are still used in wors.h.i.+p.

(_g_) There are verandahs resembling those at Angkor Wat. They have sloping stone roofs, sculptures in relief on the inside wall and a series of windows in the outside wall. (_h_) The doors of the Linga shrines have a serpentine ornamentation and are very like those of the Bayon. (_i_) A native gentleman told me that he had seen temples with five towers in this neighbourhood, but I have not seen them myself.]

[Footnote 261: _E.g._ Mahendravarman, Narasinhavarman, Paramesvaravarman, etc. It may be noticed that Pat?t?adkal is considerably to the N.W. of Madras and that the Pallavas are supposed to have come from the northern part of the present Madras Presidency.

Though the Hindus who emigrated to Camboja probably embarked in the neighbourhood of Madras, they may have come from countries much further to the north. Varman is recognized as a proper termination of Kshatriya names, but it is remarkable that it is found in _all_ the Sanskrit names of Cambojan kings and is very common in Pallava names.

The name of Asvatthman figures in the mythical genealogies of both the Pallavas and the kings of Champa or perhaps of Camboja, see _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p. 923.]

[Footnote 262: Some authorities think that Kaundinya is meant by the wicked king, but he lived about 300 years before I-Ching's visit and the language seems to refer to more recent events. Although Bhavavarman is not known to have been a religious innovator he appears to have established a new order of things in Camboja and his inscriptions show that he was a zealous wors.h.i.+pper of Siva and other Indian deities. It would be even more natural if I-Ching referred to Isnavarman (c. 615) or Jayavarman I (c. 650), but there is no proof that these kings were anti-buddhist.]

[Footnote 263: Schiefner, p. 262.]

[Footnote 264: See Maspro, _L'Empire Khmr_, pp. 24 ff.]

[Footnote 265: Perhaps a second Bhavavarman came between these last two kings; see Coeds in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1904, p 691.]

[Footnote 266: See Mecquenem in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1913, No. 2.]

[Footnote 267: But the captivity is only an inference and not a necessary one. Finot suggests that the ancient royal house of Fu-nan may have resided at Jav and have claimed suzerain rights over Camboja which Jayavarman somehow abolished. The only clear statements on the question are those in the Sdok Kak Thom inscription, Khmer text c. 72, which tell us that Camboja had been dependent on Jav and that Jayavarman II inst.i.tuted a special state cult as a sign that this dependence had come to an end.

It is true that the Hindu colonists of Camboja may have come from the island of Java, yet no evidence supports the idea that Camboja was a dependency of the island about 800 A.D. and the inscriptions of Champa seem to distinguish clearly between Yavadvpa (the island) and the unknown country called Jav. See Finot, _Notes d'Epig._ pp. 48 and 240. Hence it seems unlikely that the barbarous pirates (called the armies of Java) who invaded Champa in 787 (see the inscription of Yang Tikuh) were from the island. The Siamese inscription of Rma Khomhng, c. 1300 A.D., speaks of a place called Chav, which may be Luang Prabang. On the other hand it does not seem likely that pirates, expressly described as using s.h.i.+ps, would have come from the interior.]

[Footnote 268: For these annals see F. Garnier, "La Chronique royale du Cambodje," _J.A._ 1871 and 1872. A. de Villemereuil, _Explorations et Missions de Doudard de Lagre_, 1882. J. Moura, _Le Royaume de Cambodje_, vol. II. 1883. E. Aymonier, _Chronique des Anciens rois du Cambodje. (Excursions et reconnaissances_. Saigon, 1881.)]

[Footnote 269: _E.g._ Ang Chan (1796-1834) received his crown from the King of Siam and paid tribute to the King of Annam; Ang Duong (1846-1859) was crowned by representatives of Annam and Siam and his territory was occupied by the troops of both countries.]

[Footnote 270: The later history of Camboja is treated in considerable detail by A. Leclerc, _Histoire de Cambodge_, 1914.]

[Footnote 271: Inscrip. of Moroun, _Corpus_, II. 387.]

[Footnote 272: Other local deities may be alluded to, under the names of Sr Jayakshetra, "the field of victory" adored at Ba.s.set Simdamataka, Sr Mandaresvara, and Sr Jalangesvara. Aymonier, II. p. 297; I. pp.

305, 306 and 327.]

[Footnote 273: Inscrip. of Lovek.]

[Footnote 274: Prea Eynkosey, 970 A.D. See _Corpus_, I. pp. 77 ff.]

[Footnote 275: This compound deity is celebrated in the Harivamsa and is represented in the sculptures of the rock temple at Badami, which is dated 578 A.D. Thus his wors.h.i.+p may easily have reached Camboja in the sixth or seventh century.]

[Footnote 276: Jayato jagatm bhtyai Kritasandh Harcyutau, Parvatsrpat.i.tvena Bhinnamrttidharvapi. See also the Inscrip. of Ang Chumnik (667 A.D.), verses 11 and 12 in _Corpus_, I. p. 67.]

[Footnote 277: The Bayang Inscription, _Corpus_, I. pp. 31 ff. which mentions the dates 604 and 626 as recent.]

[Footnote 278: _Corpus_, II. p. 422 Saivapasupatcryyau. The inscription fixes the relative rank of various Acryas.]

[Footnote 279: See _B.E.F.E.O._ 1906, p. 70.]

[Footnote 280: See specially on this subject, Coeds in _Bull. Comm.

Archol. de l'Indochine_, 1911, p. 38, and 1913, p. 81, and the letterpress of _Le Bayon d'Angkor Thorn_, 1914.]

[Footnote 281: I have seen myself a stone lingam carved with four faces in a tank belonging to a temple at Mah?akut not far from Badami.]

[Footnote 282: Suvarn?amayalingagatesvare te skshmntartmani.

Inscrip. of Prea Ngouk, _Corpus_, I. p. 157.]

[Footnote 283: _E.g._ see _Epig. Indica_, vol. III. pp. 1 ff. At Pat?t?adkal (which region offers so many points of resemblance to Camboja) King Vijayditya founded a temple of Vijayesvara and two Queens, Lokamahdev and Trailokyamahdev founded temples of Lokesvara and Trailokyesvara.]

[Footnote 284: Aymonier, II. pp. 257 ff. and especially Finot in _B.E.F.E.O._ 1915, xv. 2, p. 53.]

[Footnote 285: See above.]

[Footnote 286: Sammohana and Niruttara are given as names of Tantras.

The former word may perhaps be the beginning of a compound. There are Pali works called Sammohavinodin and S. vinsin. The inscription calls the four treatises the four faces of Tumburn.]

[Footnote 287: This shows that matriarchy must have been in force in Camboja.]