A Manual of Ancient History Part 14

SAINTE-CROIX, _Recherches sur les Mysteres du Paganisme_, Paris, 1765.

Translated into German, with valuable observations, by C. G. LENZ; Gotha, 1790.

10. The influence of religion, through the medium of oracles, especially those of Dodona and Delphi, was not less powerful. The two latter, with that of Olympia, were perhaps, originally ancient settlements of priests, such as have been already alluded to. The necessity of consulting these sanctuaries naturally led men to regard the oracles as the common property of the nation, to which every one should have access; it followed therefore as an inevitable consequence, that the direction of affairs in which all were engaged, depended princ.i.p.ally on those oracles.

A. VAN DALEN, _De Oraculis veterum Ethnicorum Dissertationes_ 6.

Amstel. 1700. A very valuable work. A comprehensive dissertation on the subject, however, is still wanting: a portion of it is treated of in

J. GRODDEK, _De Oraculorum veterum, quae in Herodoti libris continentur, natura, commentatio_; Gotting. 1786.

11. It happened with Greece as with other countries; the tender plant of civilization grew up under the shelter of the sanctuary. There the festivals were celebrated, and there the people a.s.sembled; and there various tribes, who had hitherto been strangers to one another, met in peace, and conversed on their common interests. Hence arose spontaneously the first idea of a law of nations, and those connections which led to its development. Among these connections, that of the Amphictyons at Delphi was the most important, and continued the longest: it is probable that it did not a.s.sume its complete form till a later period; yet it appears in early times to have adopted the principle, that none of the cities belonging to the league should be destroyed by the others.

# FR. WILH. t.i.tTMANN, _Upon the Amphictyonic League_; 1812. A dissertation which gained the prize of the Academy of Sciences at Berlin.

12. To religion must likewise be added navigation, and the consequent intercourse which brought the nation into contact with strangers, and prepared it to receive civilization. It cannot be denied that the navigators continued long to be mere pirates; but as Minos of Crete cleared the sea of freebooters, the want of another state of things must have been felt long before.

13. In the mean time the chivalrous spirit of the nation was gradually aroused; and developed the first bloom of its youthful vigour in the heroic ages. An affection for extraordinary undertakings was excited; and conducted the chieftains, not only individually, but also in confederate bodies, beyond the limits of their father-land. These undertakings were not only important in themselves, but their advantages were increased by their being preserved in the songs of their bards by means of a national poesy, such as no other people possessed, and such as contributed to the further development of the national genius.

Expedition of the Argonauts to Colchis, somewhere about B. C. 1250; war of the seven confederate princes against Thebes about 1225; the town, however, was not taken until the second attempt made by the sons of the chiefs (Epigoni) in 1215.

14. Thus every thing was now ripe for some great national undertaking of all the combined h.e.l.lenic nations; and that object was attained in the war against Troy. The most important result of that expedition was the kindling of one common national spirit,--a spirit which in spite of dissensions and feuds, was never wholly extinguished, and which must almost necessarily have arisen from an expedition carried on in so distant a field, which lasted ten years, in which all were joined, and which was crowned with such signal success. From the time of the Trojan war downwards the h.e.l.lenes always looked upon themselves as but one people.

General view of the political state of Greece about the time of the Trojan war.--Division into several small states, the most powerful of which were Argos and Mycenae.--All those states were governed by hereditary chieftains or princes from a certain _family_ (kings, [Greek: basileis],) who combined the offices of leaders in war and judges in peace. Their authority being more or less extended in proportion to the qualities they possessed, and particularly to their valour in battle.--Manner of life among the people: a nation dwelling in cities, but at the same time cultivating the land and tending cattle; applying also to war, and already somewhat advanced in the art of navigation.

A. W. SCHLEGEL, _De Geographia Homeri Commentatio_. Hannov. 1788. A review of the political geography of Greece at this period.--On the topography of Troy:

LECHEVALIER, _Description de la Plaine de Troie_. Translated and accompanied with notes by HEYNE, Leipzig, 1794. Compare CLARKE, _Travels_, vol. i, c. 4-6, who has thrown doubts on the system of Lechevalier, which has, however, been again confirmed by LEAKE, _Travels in Asia Minor_.

SECOND PERIOD.

_From the Trojan war to the breaking out of the Persian war, B. C.

1200-500._

Sources. On no portion of the Grecian history is our information so scanty as upon this long period, in which we can be hardly said to have more than a general knowledge of many of the most important events. As in the foregoing period, its commencement is but a traditional and poetical history. It was not till towards the end of it that the use of writing became common among the Greeks; add to which the period itself was not rife in great national undertakings, such as might afford appropriate materials for the poet or historian. Besides the scattered information which may be gathered from Herodotus, Plutarch, Strabo, and above all from the introduction to Thucydides's history, Pausanias must not be forgotten; who, in his description of Greece, has preserved an abundance of most valuable doc.u.ments relating to the separate histories of the minor states. The Books of Diodorus belonging to this period are lost.

# FR. WILHELM t.i.tTMANN, _Delineation of the Grecian Forms of Government_, 1822. An industrious collection of all the information we possess respecting this subject.

# W. WACHs.m.u.tH, _Grecian Antiquities with regard to Politics_, 4 vols. An excellent work.

1. _History of the h.e.l.lenic states within Greece._

1. The Trojan war was followed by a very stormy period, in consequence of the many disorders prevalent in the ruling families, especially in that of Pelops. But more violent commotions soon arose, caused by the attempts of the rude tribes of the north, particularly of the Dorians combined with the aetolians, who, under the guidance of the descendants of Hercules, exiled from Argos, strove to obtain possession of Peloponnesus. Those commotions shook Greece during a whole century, and as the seats of most of the h.e.l.lenic tribes were then changed, the consequences were lasting and important.

First unsuccessful attempt under Hyllus, son of Hercules, about 1180.--Repeated attempts, until at last the claims of the Heraclidae are made good by the grandsons of Hyllus, viz. Telephus and Cresphontes, together with Eurysthenes and Procles, sons of their brother Aristodemus, 1100.

2. Consequences resulting to the Peloponnesus from this migration. The territories of Argos, Sparta, Messene, and Corinth, wrested from the Achaeans who had hitherto inhabited them, become the property of the Dorians; Elis falls to the share of the aetolians, who had accompanied the former. The Achaeans expelled, in their turn expel the Ionians and settle in the country since called Achaia; the fugitive Ionians are received by their ancient kinsmen the Athenians.--But among the consequences of this migration of the h.e.l.lenic races must be reckoned likewise the establishment of Greek colonies in Asia Minor; an occurrence of the highest importance to the ulterior development of the nation. This colonization was commenced by the aeolian h.e.l.lenes, whose example was soon after followed by the Ionians, and even by the Dorians.

For the history of these colonies, see the following section.

3. Although the effect of these migrations and wars, in which the ruder tribes oppressed the more civilized, must inevitably have been, not only to interrupt the progress of civilization, but even almost entirely to annihilate it, yet in this universal movement the foundation was laid of that const.i.tution of things which afterwards existed in Greece. The tribes which had migrated, as well as those which had been expelled, remained at first under the dominion of their hereditary princes, some for a longer, others for a shorter time. In the two centuries, however, immediately subsequent to the migrations, B. C. 1100-900, republican const.i.tutions took the place of hereditary clans.h.i.+p in all the Grecian countries, the distant Epirus excepted. These republics continued to exist amid the various revolutions which happened; and the love of political freedom, deeply impressed on the minds of the people, const.i.tuted from this time the princ.i.p.al feature in the national character.

4. The sequel proves, that the princ.i.p.al cause of this change so important for Greece,--this change, by which her future internal policy was for ever determined, originated in the progress made by the newly come tribes towards civic life, and consequently at the same time towards national civilization. In this newly const.i.tuted order of things, each city, with the territory around it, formed a separate state, and framed its own const.i.tution; hence there arose as many free states as cities.

The notion that Greece contained the same number of states as countries is completely false, although it cannot be denied that the mode of expression in most writings upon Greek history seems to authorize the a.s.sertion. It is true that some of those countries, such as Attica, Megaris, Laconia, may be each regarded as a separate state, because each const.i.tuted the territory of one city.

The others, however, such as Arcadia, Boeotia, etc. did not each form one state, but comprised as many separate states as there were free and independent cities, each of which, with its territory, formed one. Still, however, it must be observed, (_a_) that the natural ties of kindred subsisted; Arcadians, Boeotians, etc. spoke of one another as countrymen. (_b_) Voluntary connections were entered into between different cities, and sometimes all the cities of a country, as, for instance, in Achaia, so that the whole formed one confederation; each individual city nevertheless still preserved its own system of laws and government. Again, (_c_) in consequence of a greater share of power, one city a.s.sumed a sort of dominion over the other; as, for instance, that of Thebes over the Boeotian cities. This dominion, however, was always precarious, and depended upon the state of affairs. (_d_) It must likewise be observed, that the const.i.tution of each separate city underwent many changes, wrought generally by influential citizens, (tyrants,) who not only possessed themselves of the supreme power, but also contrived frequently to make it for some time hereditary in their families. Every one will easily discern that the above are the fundamental principles of Greek history, which cannot be too clearly conceived, or too correctly defined; since it is self-evident what a wide field was by such a const.i.tution of things thrown open to practical politics. The more improbable the attainment of fixed const.i.tutions in the separate cities was, the more frequent must have been the political attempts; (attempts facilitated by the narrow extent of the state;) and the more frequently those attempts failed, the more extensive in this intellectual people became the ma.s.s of political ideas; the results of which in later times were the legislative codes of Solon and others.

5. Although Greece was thus parcelled out into a number of small states, united by no common political bond, yet there existed a certain unity of the h.e.l.lenic race, a certain national spirit: this was produced in part by national festivals and games, occurring at stated periods, among which those in honour of Jupiter at Olympia were the chief. The nation at these appeared in all its splendour; and all h.e.l.lenes, but no others, were allowed to join in them. This union, too, was promoted by the extension of the Amphictyonic council: and the reason why this last inst.i.tution was not followed by all the consequences which might have been expected from it, may perhaps be found in what naturally takes place in every great confederation whenever any of the component states become too powerful.

The Amphictyonic council was certainly not a states-general, in which all national affairs were discussed. Its immediate office was to attend to the temples and the oracles of Delphi. But then it must be observed, 1st, that from this council originated the Grecian ideas of the law of nations; over the preservation of which the Amphictyons watched. 2. In consequence of its political influence on the oracle, this council, in certain cases, was enabled to take a share in the affairs of different states. 3. The Amphictyons always formed a national inst.i.tution, since none but h.e.l.lenes were admitted.

ST. CROIX, _Des anciens gouvernemens federatifs, et de la legislation de Crete_, Paris, 1796. One of the most invaluable inquiries, not only into the inst.i.tutions of the Amphictyons, but also into other matters of Grecian history connected with them.

6. Among the different states of Greece, Sparta and Athens, even at this period, became celebrated, not only for their greater power, but also for their superior const.i.tutions and their laws: and though it may not perhaps be strictly true, that the history of the rest of Greece is connected with that of these two cities, yet they certainly possess the highest claim to our attention.

7. History of Sparta. The Achaeans at first were governed by princes of the house of Perseus, but after Menelaus's accession to the throne in virtue of his wife, by princes of the house of Pelops. When the latter had been expelled by the Dorians, Laconia fell by lot to the sons of Aristodemus, Procles and Eurysthenes, between whose families the royal power was divided, so that two kings constantly reigned in common, one from each family.

Families of the Proclidae and aegidae; the latter so called from Agis, the son and successor of Eurysthenes.

# J. C. F. MANSO, _An Essay on the History and Const.i.tution of Sparta_, Leipzig, 1800 sqq. 3 vols. The most important work upon this subject, and which likewise contains much information upon various points of Grecian history connected with it.

CRAGIUS, _De Republica Lacedaemoniorum_, 1642.

MEURSIUS, _De regno Laconico_; and _Miscellanea Laconica_. Both laborious compilations.

8. The Dorians now gradually conquered, and established themselves in many cities of the peninsula; forming, if not the whole population, at least the only part of it that enjoyed any power, as the Achaeans that remained were reduced to slavery. No long time, however, elapsed ere the city of Sparta usurped an authority over the whole country, which it ever afterwards preserved; the other towns, formerly considerable, becoming unfortified, defenceless, and insignificant.

Relation between the Spartan citizens of the capital as a ruling body, and the Lacedaemonians, or [Greek: perioikoi], inhabitants of the country, as subjects who paid tribute and military service. Even in the time of Agis, the successor of Eurysthenes, this subjection was effected by force; the inhabitants of Helos were made slaves, as a punishment for their opposition; while the others, by the sacrifice of their political freedom, preserved their personal liberty, however confined it might be.

9. The history of the two following centuries, to the time of Lycurgus, exhibits nothing but the repeated wars of the Spartans with their neighbours the Argives; their domestic broils, occasioned by the too unequal division of property, by the feuds, and the diminished power of the kings, and which lasted until Lycurgus, the uncle and guardian of the minor king, Charilaus, about the year 880, gave to Sparta that const.i.tution to which she was princ.i.p.ally indebted for her subsequent splendour.

_Ill.u.s.tration of the princ.i.p.al features in the Spartan const.i.tution._ Some preliminary observations are necessary. (_a_) As the legislation of Lycurgus occurred at so early a period, and as his laws were not written, but conveyed in apophthegms, ([Greek: rhetrai],) which were confirmed by the oracle of Delphi, many things of later origin have been attributed to Lycurgus. (_b_) Much that is rightly attributed to him was not original, but deduced from ancient Dorian inst.i.tutions, which being now upon the decline, were reestablished by force of law. Hence it follows, that the legislation of Lycurgus must naturally have had many points of resemblance with that of the Cretans, likewise of Dorian origin, although much, as we are told, was directly borrowed from them. (_c_) The princ.i.p.al object of the laws of Lycurgus was to ensure the existence of Sparta by creating and supporting a vigorous and uncorrupted race of men. Hence those laws had a more peculiar reference to private life and physical education, than to the const.i.tution of the state, in which the legislator appears to have introduced but few alterations.

In reference to the const.i.tution: 1. The relation which had hitherto existed between the Spartans as a dominant people, and the Lacedaemonians as subjects, was preserved. 2. The two kings, from the two ruling families, were likewise continued, as leaders in war and first magistrates in peace. On the other hand, 3. to Lycurgus is attributed the inst.i.tution of a senate, ([Greek: gerousia],) consisting of twenty-eight members, none of whom could be less than sixty years old, who were to be chosen by the people for life, and were to const.i.tute the king's council in public affairs. 4. Whether the college of the five Ephori annually chosen, was originally inst.i.tuted by Lycurgus, or at some later period, is a question impossible to decide, but of little importance, since the great power of this college, to which every thing was finally referred as the highest tribunal of the state, was certainly a.s.sumed after the time of Lycurgus. 5. Besides the above, there were likewise the popular a.s.semblies, convened according to the division into [Greek: phylas] and [Greek: obas], at which none but Spartans could a.s.sist: their privileges extended no further than to approve or reject the measures proposed to them by the kings and the senate.

In the laws relating to private life, Lycurgus aimed at making the Spartans a society of citizens, equal as far as possible with respect to their property and mode of life, and each deeply impressed with the conviction that he was the property of his country, to which he was bound to yield an unconditional obedience.

Hence, 1. The new division of land, 9000 portions to the Spartans, and 30,000 to the Lacedaemonians; permission being given to dispose of those portions by entail or gift, but not by sale. 2. The removal as far as possible of every species of luxury, particularly by means of the daily public tables ([Greek: syssitia]) of all the citizens, according to their divisions, in which the commons were settled by law. 3. The complete organization of domestic society in relation both to husband and wife, parents and children, which was so framed as to further, even at the cost of morality, the grand political object, the production of vigorous and healthy citizens.

4. Hence, finally, the condition of the slaves, comprehended under the general name of helots, who, although they may be regarded nearly as serfs, were likewise the property of the state, which had the right of claiming their services in war.--Easy, however, as it is to enumerate thus generally the princ.i.p.al heads of the Spartan const.i.tution, the want of sufficient doc.u.ments renders it difficult and oftentimes impossible to answer a crowd of questions, which present themselves on our penetrating more deeply into the subject.

Still, however, its long duration, (nearly four hundred years,) without any observable change, is more remarkable even than the const.i.tution itself. More remarkable, inasmuch as the Spartans soon after this time appear as conquerors. Indeed, it could no longer be expected that any durable peace should exist in Greece, while the centre of the country was occupied by a military commonwealth, whose citizens must have been, by the restlessness common to man, impelled to war, since all the occupations of household life and of agriculture were left to the care of slaves.

Besides the works mentioned above, p. 119.

HEYNE, _De Spartanorum republica Judicium_; inserted in _Commentat.

Soc. Gotting._ vol. ix. Intended to correct the partial opinions of DE PAUW.

10. Soon after the time of Lycurgus commenced the war of the Spartans with their neighbours, the Argives, the Arcadians, but more particularly the Messenians. The wars with these last appear to have originated in an old grudge on the part of the Dorian tribe, proceeding from the unequal division of lands at the occupation of Peloponnesus: it is nevertheless evident, that the quarrel between the two nations was mainly fostered by the ambition of the Spartan kings, who wrought upon a superst.i.tious mult.i.tude by oracular responses and interpretations.