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[68] M. D'Avezac is probably right in his conjecture that the Lido of Saewulf represents the ruins of Cnidus, near Cape Crio; and that Asus, which immediately follows, is the little island of Syme (S??), which lies off Cnidus. It is likely enough that the local p.r.o.nunciation of Cnido may have been taken by the monkish traveller for something like Lido. No detailed legend of St. t.i.tus is preserved. What is known of him will be found in the Acta Sanctorum of the Bollandists, vol. i. p. 163.
[69] This is a remarkable blunder, arising from a strange confusion of words and ideas. The Colossians were the inhabitants of Colossus, in Phrygia. The _Persians_ of Saewulf were the Saracens, who captured Rhodes in A.D. 651. It had been taken by the Persians in 616.
[70] Mogronissi, or Macronisi, is supposed by M. D'Avezac to be the island of Kakava, on the western point of which are still traced the ruins of a town and church. The Alexandria here alluded to is of course Alexandretta, or Iskenderoon.
[71] This is evidently Khelidonia.
[72] This term was then applied to all the eastern part of the Mediterranean.
[73] Sunday, Oct. 12, 1102.
[74] These were the names of s.h.i.+ps in the middle ages, of large dimensions, but for which it would be difficult to a.s.sign any thing like equivalents from our modern naval nomenclature. The t.i.tle of palmer (_palmarius_) was given, from an early period, to the pilgrims to the Holy Land; it is said, on account of the palm branches or leaves which they usually brought back with them as signs that they had performed the pilgrimage.
[75] Luke, xix. 42-44.
[76] By the a.s.syrians, who are subsequently mentioned more than once, we are to understand the Syrian Christians, as distinguished from the Greeks.
[77] Matth. xxvii. 51.
[78] Ib. 52.
[79] Psal. lxxiv. 12.
[80] John, ii. 19.
[81] It may be necessary to remind the reader that the building of which Saewulf is here talking was the Mosque of Omar, which, during the long period that Jerusalem had remained in the hands of the Saracens, had been entirely closed from the examination of Christians. Now that the Holy City had fallen under the power of the Crusaders, it was thrown open to public inspection, and the monks appear to have laboured industriously to identify every part of the Saracenic edifice with the events of Scripture. Probably some portions of the ancient building were worked up into the Mohammedan mosque; but Saewulf's description will show us how cautious we ought to be in receiving these traditionary identifications of the localities of Scripture history.
[82] Matth. ix. 20.
[83] Matth. xxvi. 38.
[84] Luke, xxii. 41-44.
[85] Matth. xxvi. 32. It is hardly necessary to state that the giving the name of Galilee to this church was a mere legendary blunder, originating in the desire to crowd several holy places in one spot.
[86] John, xx. 19.
[87] Kaiffa.
[88] Acre.
[89] Matth. xvii. 4.
[90] The medieval theologians made a proper name of Architriclinius, or, as they called him popularly, St. Architriclin, whom they looked upon as the lord of the feast on the occasion alluded to, and the person in whose especial favour Christ performed the miracle. It is hardly necessary to say that _architriclinus_ is the Latin word which, in the Vulgate, translates what the English text terms "the ruler of the feast."
[91] Matth. xvi. 13.
[92] May 17, 1103.
[93] The names of these cities, in the modern nomenclature, are Arsouph, Kaisariyah, Kaiffa, Akre, Sour, Sayd, Gjobayl, Beyrout, Tortus, Gebely, Tripoli, and Laodicea, the latter of which was the place named by Saewulf Lice. Jacobus de Vitriaco (Hist. Hierosol., cap. 44) says, "Laodicia Syriae nuncupata, vulgariter autem Liche nominatur." Our traveller, however, perhaps by a confusion of his memory, having no map before him, has given these places out of their right order. Perhaps, as M. D'Avezac suggests, the fear of the Saracen cruisers drove him sometimes out of his right course.
Baldwin had been made king of Jerusalem on Christmas-day, in the year 1100. Tortosa was captured by Raymond, duke of Toulouse, on the 12th of March, 1102.
[94] Acre was not taken by the crusaders till the 15th of May, 1104, the year after our traveller's return.
[95] Cape St. Andrea is the north-eastern point of the island of Cyprus.
[96] _i. e._ Antiochetta.
[97] Stamirra is the same place which Saewulf has before called Myra. M.
D'Avezac points out doc.u.ments of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, in which it is named Astamirle, Stamire, and Stamir.
[98] June 23.
[99] Stromlo, as M. D'Avezac observes, is evidently the ancient Astypalaea, now called Stampali.
[100] Tenit is the island of Tenedos.
[101] M. D'Avezac suggests that perhaps St. Euphemius and Samthe represent the ancient Eleonta on one coast, and the ancient aeantium, near the mouth of the Xanthus, on the other.
[102] Saewulf's relation seems to break off abruptly here, probably by the fault of the scribe; but, unfortunately, we know of no other ma.n.u.script that might furnish us with an account of his adventures at Constantinople on his return home.
THE SAGA OF SIGURD THE CRUSADER.
A.D. 1107-1111.
(FROM THE HEIMSKRINGLA, OR CHRONICLE OF THE KINGS OF NORWAY, BY SAMUEL LAING, ESQ.)
After king Magnus Barefoot's fall, his sons, Eystein, Sigurd, and Olaf[103], took the kingdom of Norway. Eystein got the northern, and Sigurd the southern parts of the country. King Olaf was then four or five years old, and the third part of the country which he had was under the management of his two brothers. King Sigurd was chosen king when he was thirteen or fourteen years old, and Eystein was a year older. When king Magnus's sons were chosen kings, the men who had followed Skopte Ogmundsson returned home. Some had been to Jerusalem, some to Constantinople; and there they had made themselves renowned, and they had many kinds of novelties to talk about. By these extraordinary tidings many men in Norway were incited to the same expedition; and it was also told that the Northmen who liked to go into the military service at Constantinople found many opportunities of getting property.
Then these Northmen desired much that one of the two kings, either Eystein or Sigurd, should go as commander of the troop which was preparing for this expedition. The kings agreed to this, and carried on the equipment at their common expense. Many great men, both of the lendermen and bonders, took part in this enterprize; and when all was ready for the journey, it was determined that Sigurd should go, and Eystein, in the mean time, should rule the kingdom upon their joint account.
A year or two after king Magnus's fall, Hakon, a son of earl Paul, came from Orkney. The kings gave him the earldom and government of the Orkney Islands, as the earls before him, his father Paul or his uncle Erlend, had possessed it; and earl Hakon then sailed back immediately to Orkney.
Four years after the fall of king Magnus, king Sigurd sailed with his fleet of sixty s.h.i.+ps from Norway. So says Thorarin Stutfeld:-
"A young king just and kind, People of loyal mind: Such brave men soon agree,- To distant lands they sail with glee.
To the distant Holy Land A brave and pious band, Magnificent and gay, In sixty long s.h.i.+ps glide away."
King Sigurd sailed in autumn to England, where Henry, son of William the b.a.s.t.a.r.d, was then king, and Sigurd remained with him all winter. So says Einar Skuleson:-
"The king is on the waves!
The storm he boldly braves.
His ocean steed, With winged speed, O'er the white-flas.h.i.+ng surges, To England's coast he urges; And there he stays the winter o'er: More gallant king ne'er trod that sh.o.r.e."
In spring[104] king Sigurd and his fleet sailed westward to Valland[105], and in autumn came to Galicia[106], where he staid the second winter. So says Einar Skuleson:-