On the Antiquity of the Chemical Art Part 1

On the Antiquity of the Chemical Art.

by James Mactear.

THE PRESIDENT'S OPENING ADDRESS TO THE CHEMICAL SECTION.

_On the Antiquity of the Chemical Art._ By JAMES MACTEAR, F.C.S., F.C.I., Member of the International Jury, Paris, 1878, and Medalist of the Society of Arts.

[Read before the Section, December 8th, 1879.]

The study of the History of Chemistry as an art, or as a science, is one which possesses peculiar fascination for its votaries. It has been the subject of deep research and much discussion, much has been written upon the subject, and many theories have been broached to account for its origin. We have had laid before us by Professor Ferguson, in his papers on this subject of Chemical History, very clearly and fully the generally-accepted position as regards the origin of the science, and in the last of these papers, ent.i.tled "Eleven Centuries of Chemistry," he deals with the subject in a most complete manner, tracing back through its various mutations the development of the science to the time of Geber, in or about the year A.D. 778.

Of Geber, as a chemist, Professor Ferguson writes, "He was the first--because, although he himself speaks of the ancients, meaning thereby his forerunners, nothing is known of these older chemists."

Rodwell, in his "Birth of Chemistry," after a careful examination of the question, comes to the conclusion that, "in spite of all that has been written on the subject, there is no good evidence to prove that alchemy and chemistry did not originate in Arabia not long prior to the eighth century, A.D.," bringing us again to the times of Geber.

He is not alone in this opinion, and it seems to be generally accepted that chemistry originated in the Arabian schools about this period.

In dealing with the question of the antiquity of chemical art, it has been too much the habit to look at the question with a view of discovering when and who it was that first brought forth, fully clothed as a science, the art of chemistry.

Let us look at the definition of the science given by Boerhaeve, about 1732. He describes chemistry as "an art which teaches the manner of performing certain physical operations, whereby bodies cognizable to the senses, or capable of being rendered cognizable, and of being contained in vessels, are so changed by means of proper instruments as to produce certain determinate effects, and at the same time discover the causes thereof, for the service of the various arts."

Now, it is amply evident that, long before the various known facts could be collected and welded into one compact whole as a science, there must have existed great store of intellectual wealth, as well as mere hereditary practical knowledge of the various chemical facts.

I do not think it will be disputed that, until comparatively recent times, technical knowledge has constantly been in advance of theory, and that it is not too much to conclude that, no matter where we first find actual records of our science, its natal day must have long before dawned. Even in our day, when theoretical science, as applied to chemistry, has made such immense strides, how often do we find that it is only now that theory comes in to explain facts, known as such long previous, and those engaged in practical chemical work know how much technical knowledge is still unwritten, and what may even be called traditionary.

I purpose taking up the subject from this point of view, and attempting, with what little ability I can, to follow back to a still more remote period than that of Geber and the Arabian school of philosophers the traces of what has often been called the divine art.

An aspect of the question that has often presented itself to me is this, that the history of what we call our world extends over some 4000 years before Christ and 1878 years since, so that, according to the usually accepted idea, if chemistry originated in Arabia in the eighth century, it was not known during say the first 5000 years of the world's history, but has advanced to its present high position amongst the sciences in the last 1000 years.

I hope to be able to show that, while the Arabian school of philosophy get the credit of originating most of the sciences, that it is as undeserved in the case of chemical science as in that of astronomy or mathematics. At the same time let us not undervalue the services rendered to science by this school: it is to them we owe the distribution of the knowledge of most of our sciences, and the Arabic literature of most of these was widely spread abroad over all the known world of their time.

The central portion of Baghdad between the eastern and western portions of the Old World, and the wise and enlightened policy of its rulers, which welcomed to its schools, without reference to country or creed, the wise and learned men of every nation, drew to it as to a centre the acc.u.mulated wisdom and knowledge of both the rising and the setting sun.

Long ere this time, however, we find, as regards the Greeks, that they constantly travelled eastward in search of learning, while we know that the expedition of Alexander the Great, about B.C. 327, in which he traversed a considerable portion of India, had already opened up the store-houses of Indian lore to the minds of the West.

In connection with this, the following extract from an old book: called _The Gunner_, dated 1664, is interesting:--

"In the life of Apollonius Tyanaeus, written by Philostratus 1500 years ago, we find, in reference to the Indians called Oxydra: These truly wise men dwelled between the rivers Hyphasis and Ganges; their country Alexander the Great never entered, being deterred, not by fear of the inhabitants, but, as I suppose, by, religious considerations, for had he pa.s.sed the Hyphasis, he might doubtless have made himself master of the country all round him; but their cities he could never have taken, though he had led a thousand as brave as Achilles or ten thousand such as Ajax to the a.s.sault. For they come not out into the field to fight those who attack them; but these holy men, beloved of the G.o.ds, overthrow their enemies with tempests and thunder-bolts shot from their walls.

"It is said that Egyptian Hercules and Bacchus (Dionysius), when they overran India, invaded this people also, and having prepared warlike engines, attempted to conquer them. They made no show of resistance, but upon the enemy's near approach to their cities they were repulsed with storms of lightning and thunder hurled upon them from above."

May we not here have the original of the Greek fire, that was in its day so celebrated and so destructive?

Beginning then at the period of Geber, about 776 A.D., let us try to work backwards and trace, if we can, the progress of chemical knowledge down the stream of time.

While the Western Roman Empire had fallen, the Eastern still held its sway as far as the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, and continued the contest with the Persian power for the supremacy in Asia. At this time the various creeds and beliefs of the Arabian tribes--which had been much influenced by the settlement amongst them of Jews who had been dispersed at the time of the destruction of Jerusalem, and many of the sects of Christians who had been driven from the Roman empire by the more orthodox--were deeply stirred by the new doctrine of Islam, preached by Mahomet, A.D. 622, proclaiming the Koran as the rule of life, and the destruction of the ancient Arabian wors.h.i.+p of the stars and sun and moon.

The religion of "the one G.o.d and Mahomet his prophet" took deep root, and the injunction to pursue the unbelieving with fire and sword was followed out with such unrelenting vigour that, within less than a century from the death of Mahomet, the Arabian power had extended its sway amongst nearly every tribe and nation that had owned the rule of the Roman or Persian empires, and had reached from Spain to India, from Samarcand to the Indian Ocean.

Egypt and Syria were conquered between A.D. 632-39, and Persia about A.D. 632-51. Their attempts to take Constantinople by siege failed both in A.D. 673 and 716. But they were more successful on the African sh.o.r.es of the Mediterranean, which they swept along till they crossed the Straits of Gibraltar and entered Spain in A.D. 709. Their further progress--through France--was stayed by their defeat in a great battle fought at Tour's, when the Gauls, under Charles Martel, forced them to retire ultimately across the Pyrenees.

Internal dissension had, however, arisen amongst them, and the ruling dynasty of the Ommiades was overthrown in A.D. 750 by the Aba.s.sides, who established themselves at Damascus; and with them began that cultivation of the arts and sciences which has thrown such l.u.s.tre on the Arabian school.

One of the princes of the Ommiades who had escaped made his way to Spain and there re-established the power of his family, with Cordova as a centre, about A.D. 755. Thus it was that the Saracenic power was divided into an Eastern and a Western Caliphate.

It was under the prosperous rule of the Aba.s.sides that such an impulse was given to learning of every kind, and that the Arabian school of philosophy, which has left behind it such glorious records of its greatness, was founded. The Caliph Al-Mansour was the first, so far as we know, who earnestly encouraged the cultivation of learning; but it was to Haroun Al-Raschid, A.D. 786-808 (?), that the Arabians owed the establishment of a college of philosophy. He invited learned men to his kingdom from all nations, and paid them munificently; he employed them in translating the most famous books of the Greeks and others, and spread abroad throughout his dominions numerous copies of those works.

His second son, Al-Mamoon, while governor of the province of Kohra.s.san, we are told, formed a college of learned men from every country, and appointed as the president John Mesue, of Damascus. It is said that his father, complaining that so great an honour had been conferred on a Christian, received the reply--"That Mesue had been chosen, not as a teacher of religion, but as an able preceptor in useful arts and sciences; and my father well knows that the most learned men and the most skilful artists in his dominions are Jews and Christians."

That this was the case can scarcely be doubted when we consider that the Jews had always been familiar with many arts and sciences, and that, as is well known, at the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70, when the Jews were dispersed in every direction, they spread over, not alone the countries under the Roman rule, but to Greece, Egypt, and the Mediterranean coast, as well as great part of Asia Minor, carrying with them, not only their peculiar religious traditions, but also their arts, which, we know, especially as regards the working of metals, were of no mean order, and their sciences, of which the so-called magic and astrology had been a.s.siduously cultivated.

In Asia the dispersed Jews established patriarchates at Tiberias in the west, and at Mahalia, and afterwards at Baghdad, for the Jews who were beyond the Euphrates.

Seminaries were founded at these centres for the rabbis, and constant intercourse was kept up between them. It was in these schools that the Talmud was compiled from the traditionary exposition of the Old Testament, between A.D. 200 and A.D. 500, when it was completed, and received as a rule of faith by most of the scattered Jews.

That the cultivation of science was not neglected we may be sure from the keen interest taken in all ages by the Jews in magical and astrological inquiries. We read in Apuleius, in his defence on the accusation of magic brought against him, that of the "four tutors appointed to educate the princes of Persia, one had to instruct him specially in the magic of Zoroaster and Oromazes, which is the wors.h.i.+p of the G.o.ds." Apuleius wrote about 200 A.D., and his works teem with references to magic and astrology.

The fact that Jews and Christians were looked on as learned men will not surprise us, when we find that the Jews had established schools so long anterior to the foundation of the college of Baghdad. The rapid progress made by the Arabians, and the wise policy of the Aba.s.side Caliphs, under whose judicious rule learning was so liberally encouraged, aided by the position of Baghdad, which formed, as it were, a centre to which the wisdom of both eastern and western minds gravitated, attracted to their schools all those of every nation who boasted themselves philosophers.

The first translations from the Greek authors are supposed to have been made about A.D. 745, and are known to have been on the subjects of philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, and medicine. These translations are understood to have been made by Christian or Jewish physicians.

As we have seen, the Jews had already established themselves at Baghdad, and had founded schools of their own previous to the formation of the college under Caliph Al-Mansour; but further than this we find the Christians spread widely over the countries of Asia Minor, and we are told, on the authority of Cosmo-Indicopleustes, that so early as A.D.

535 there was in almost every large town in _India_ a Christian Church under the Bishop of Seleucia.

With these facts before us--1st, that Christian physicians were the leaders of the Arabian school in the eighth century; 2nd, that large numbers of Christian churches were actually in existence in India at least two hundred years previously to the establishment of the college at Baghdad; and 3rd, that Baghdad was almost, as it wore, the central point of the great caravan route which from time immemorial had been the course of communication between the East and West, can we doubt that an extensive intercourse must have taken place, and should we not expect to find some traces, if not the effects, of Indian science on the teaching of the Arabian school.[1]

[Footnote 1: As to communication, the case of Saggid Mahmud (given in Bellew's _Indus to the Tigris_), who, merely to pray for the recovery of his sick son, travelled with him from Ghazni by way of Kandahur and s.h.i.+karpur to Bombay, thence by way of sea to Baghdad, from there to Karbola, and back to Baghdad; and then by Kirmanshah and k.u.m to Teheran, on his way home to Ghazni, gives an indication of the long journeys taken under the most frightful difficulties.

This long journey had occupied six months only, and we read that in former times twelve years were sometimes taken in trading journeys.]

In Vol. VIII. of the Journal of Education we find a notice that "Professor Dietz, of the University of Konigsberg, who had spent five years of his life in visiting the princ.i.p.al libraries of Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Spain, France, and England, in search of ma.n.u.scripts of Greek, Roman, and Oriental writers on medicine, is now engaged in publis.h.i.+ng his 'a.n.a.lecta Medica.'

"The work contains several interesting papers on the subject of physical science among the Indians and Arabians, and communicates several introductory notices and ill.u.s.trations from native Eastern writers.

Dietz proves that the late Greek physicians were acquainted with the medical works of the Hindus, and availed themselves of their medicaments; but he more particularly shows that the Arabians were familiar with them, and extolled the healing art, as practised by the Indians, quite as much as that in use among the Greeks.

"It appears from Ibn Osaibe's testimony (from whose biographical work Dietz has given a long abstract on the lives of Indian physicians), that a variety of treatises on medical science were translated from the Sanscrit into Persian and Arabic, particularly the more important compilations of Charaka and Susruta, which are still held in estimation in India; and that Manka and Saleh--the former of whom translated a special treatise on poisons into Persian--even held appointments as body-physicians at the Court of Harun-al-Raschid."

As the age of the medical works of Charaka and Susruta is incontestably much more ancient than that of any other work on the subject (except the Ayur Veda)--as we shall see when we come to consider the science of the Hindoos--this in itself would be sufficient to show that the Arabians were certainly not the originators of either medical or chemical science.

We should not forget that it is only to their own works and their translations, chiefly by the Greeks, we owe our knowledge of the state of Arabian science, and that it is only in rare cases that we have given a list of works consulted, so that we can gather the sources from which their knowledge was derived. It would scarcely be imagined, from reading the works of Roger Bacon, or of Newton, that they had derived some, at least, of their knowledge from Arabian sources; and yet such is known to have been the case with them both.

Let us now glance backwards from the Arabians to the Greeks.

It is supposed that the first translations from the Greek authors were made for the Caliphs about 745 A.D., and were first translated into Syriac, and then into Arabic. The works of Aristotle, Euclid, Ptolemy, Hippocrates, Galen, and Dioscorides are known to have been translated under the reign of Al-Mansour.

Granting for the moment that the first knowledge of the sciences was obtained by the Arabians from the Greeks, we are at once face to face with the question. From whence did the Greeks obtain their knowledge? To any careful reader it will be clear that Grecian science and philosophy, like Grecian theology, was not of native birth. It is comparatively well known that the Greeks were indebted to the Egyptians for much of their theology as well as science. The great truths which really underlay the mysterious religious rites of Egypt seem to have been altogether lost when the Greeks wove their complicated system of theology; and we read that the Egyptian priests looked on the Greeks as children who failed to understand the great mysteries involved in their religious rites, disguised as they were in symbolic form. But, besides their indebtedness to Egypt, we will find that they also owed much to Persia, and through it again to Indian sources of knowledge.

There was constant communication between the Grecian and Persian nations. We learn that it was not uncommon for Grecian generals to take service under the Persian Satraps, tempted by the liberal recompence with which their services were rewarded. About the year 356 B.C. this system of Greeks accepting service under Persian Satraps nearly caused the outbreak of war between Greece and Persia--Chares, a Grecian commander, having a.s.sisted with his fleet and men, Artaba.n.u.s, the Satrap of Propontis, who was then in revolt against the Persian king. But before this, during the great plague which desolated Athens in 430 B.C., and which also extended to Persia, Hippocrates was invited to go to the Persian Court; and it is on record that Ctesias was for seventeen years physician at the Persian Court about 400 B.C., during which period he wrote his history of Persia, and an account of India, which Professor Wilson, in a paper read to the Ashmolean Society of Oxford, has shown to contain notices of the natural productions of the country, "which, although often extravagant and absurd, are, nevertheless, founded on truth."