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This was a denunciation in the form of a parable. Dame Catherine was thereby accusing the churchmen and burgesses of Tours of working against Charles of Valois, their lord. The woman must have been held to have influence with the King, his kinsmen and his Council; for the inhabitants of Tours took fright and sent an Augustinian monk, Brother Jean Bourget, to King Charles, to the Queen of Sicily, to the Bishop of Seez, and to the Lord of Treves, to inquire whether the words of this holy woman had been believed by them. The Queen of Sicily and the Councillors of King Charles gave the monk letters wherein they announced to the townsfolk of Tours that they had never heard of such things, and King Charles declared that he had every confidence in the churchmen, the burgesses and the other citizens of his town of Tours.[2084]
[Footnote 2084: _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 473.]
Dame Catherine had in like manner slandered the inhabitants of Angers.[2085]
[Footnote 2085: _Ibid._, p. 473.]
Whether, following the example of the Blessed Colette of Corbie, this devout person wished to pa.s.s from one party to the other, or whether she had chanced to be taken captive by Burgundian men-at-arms, she was brought before the Official at Paris. In their interrogation of her the ecclesiastics appear to have been concerned less about her than about the Maid Jeanne, whose prosecution was then being inst.i.tuted.
On the subject of the Maid, Catherine said: "Jeanne has two counsellors, whom she calls Counsellors of the Spring."[2086]
[Footnote 2086: _Ibid._, vol. i, p. 295.]
Such was the confused recollection of the conversations she had had at Jargeau and at Montfaucon. The term Council was the one Jeanne usually employed when speaking of her Voices; but Dame Catherine was confusing Jeanne's heavenly visitants with what the Maid had told her of the Gooseberry Spring at Domremy.
If Jeanne felt unkindly towards Catherine, Catherine did not feel kindly towards Jeanne. She did not a.s.sert Jeanne's mission to be nought; but she let it be clearly understood that the hapless damsel, then a prisoner in the hands of the Burgundians, was addicted to invoking evil spirits.
"If Jeanne be not well guarded," Catherine told the Official, "she will escape from prison with the aid of the devil."[2087]
[Footnote 2087: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 106, note. _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 271. Vallet de Viriville, _Proces de cond.a.m.nation de Jeanne d'Arc_, pp. lxi-lxv.]
Whether Jeanne was or was not aided by the devil was a matter to be decided between herself and the doctors of the church. But it is certain that her one thought was to burst her bonds, and that she was ceaselessly imagining means of escape. Catherine de la Roch.e.l.le knew her well and wished her ill.
Catherine was released. Her ecclesiastical judges would not have treated her so leniently had she spoken well of the Maid. The La Roch.e.l.le Dame returned to King Charles.[2088]
[Footnote 2088: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 271.]
The two religious women who had followed Jeanne on her departure from Sully and had been taken at Corbeil, Pierronne of Lower Brittany and her companion, had been confined in ecclesiastical prisons at Paris since the spring. They openly said that G.o.d had sent them to succour the Maid Jeanne. Friar Richard had been their spiritual father and they had been in the Maid's company. Wherefore they were strongly suspected of having offended against G.o.d and his Holy Religion. The Grand Inquisitor of France, Brother Jean Graverent, Prior of the Jacobins at Paris, prosecuted them according to the forms usual in that country. He proceeded in concurrence with the Ordinary, represented by the official.
Pierronne maintained and believed it to be true that Jeanne was good, and that what she did was well done and according to G.o.d's will. She admitted that on the Christmas night of that year, at Jargeau, Friar Richard had twice given her the body of Jesus Christ and had given it three times to Jeanne.[2089] Besides, the fact had been well proved by information gathered from eye-witnesses. The judges, who were authorities on this subject, held that the monk should not thus have lavished the bread of angels on such women. However, since frequent communion was not formally forbidden by canon law, Pierronne could not be censured for having received it. The informers, who were then giving evidence against Jeanne, did not remember the three communions at Jargeau.[2090]
[Footnote 2089: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 271, 272.]
[Footnote 2090: Voltaire, _Dictionnaire philosophique_, article, Arc.]
Heavier charges weighed upon the two Breton women. They were labouring under the accusation of witchcraft and sorcery.
Pierronne stated and took her oath that G.o.d often appeared to her in human form and spoke to her as friend to friend, and that the last time she had seen him he was clothed in a purple cloak and a long white robe.[2091]
[Footnote 2091: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 259, 260.]
The ill.u.s.trious masters who were trying her, represented to her that to speak thus of such apparitions was to blaspheme. And these women were convicted of being possessed by evil spirits, who caused them to err in word and in deed.
On Sunday, the 3rd of September, 1430, they were taken to the Parvis Notre Dame to hear a sermon. Platforms had been erected as usual, and Sunday had been chosen as the day in order that folk might benefit from this edifying spectacle. A famous doctor addressed a charitable exhortation to both women. One of them, the youngest, as she listened to him and looked at the stake that had been erected, was filled with repentance. She confessed that she had been seduced by an angel of the devil and duly renounced her error.
Pierronne, on the contrary, refused to retract. She obstinately persisted in the belief that she saw G.o.d often, clothed as she had said. The Church could do nothing for her. Given over to the secular arm, she was straightway conducted to the stake which had been prepared for her, and burned alive by the executioner.[2092]
[Footnote 2092: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 259-260, 271-272. Jean Nider, _Formicarium_, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 504. A. de la Borderie, _Pierronne et Perrinac_, pp. 7 _et seq._]
Thus did the Grand Inquisitor of France and the Bishop of Paris cruelly cause to perish by an ignominious death one of those women who had followed Friar Richard, one of the saints of the Dauphin Charles.
But the most famous of these women and the most abounding in works was in their hands. The death of La Pierronne was an earnest of the fate reserved for the Maid.
CHAPTER X
BEAUREVOIR--ARRAS--ROUEN--THE TRIAL FOR LAPSE
In the month of September, 1430, two inhabitants of Tournai, the chief alderman, Bietremieu Carlier, and the chief Councillor, Henri Romain, were returning from the banks of the Loire, whither their town had despatched them on a mission to the King of France. They stopped at Beaurevoir. Albeit this place lay upon their direct route and afforded them a halt between two stages of their journey, one cannot help supposing some connection to have existed between their mission to Charles of Valois and their arrival in the domain of the Sire de Luxembourg. The existence of such a connection seems all the more probable when we remember the attachment of their fellow-citizens to the Fleurs-de-Lis, and when we know the relations already existing between the Maid and these emissaries.[2093]
[Footnote 2093: H. Vandenbroeck, _Extraits des anciens registres des consaux de la ville de Tournai_, vol. ii (1422-1430), and Morosini, vol. iii, pp. 185, 186.]
It has been said that the district of the provost of Tournai was loyal to the King of France, who had granted it freedom and privileges.
Message after message it sent him; it organised public processions in his honour, and it was ready to grant him anything, so long as he demanded neither men nor money. The alderman, Carlier, and the Councillor, Romain, had both previously gone to Reims as representatives of their town to witness the anointing and the coronation of King Charles. There they had doubtless seen the Maid in her glory and had held her to be a very great saint. In those days, their town, attentively watching the progress of the royal army, was in regular correspondence with the warlike _beguine_, and with her confessor, Friar Richard, or more probably Friar Pasquerel. To-day they wended to the castle, wherein she was imprisoned in the hands of her cruel enemies. We know not what it was they came to say to the Sire de Luxembourg, nor even whether he received them. He cannot have refused to hear them if he thought they came to make secret offers on the part of King Charles for the ransom of the Maid, who had fought in his battles. We know not, either, whether they were able to see the prisoner. The idea that they did enter her presence is quite tenable; for in those days it was generally easy to approach captives, and pa.s.sers by when they visited them were given every facility for the performance of one of the seven works of mercy.
One thing, however, is certain; that when they left Beaurevoir, they carried with them a letter which Jeanne had given them, charging them to deliver it to the magistrates of their town. In this letter she asked the folk of Tournai, for the sake of her Lord the King and in view of the good services she had rendered him, to send unto her twenty or thirty crowns, that she might employ them for her necessities.[2094]
[Footnote 2094: H. Vandenbroeck, _Extraits a.n.a.lytiques des anciens registres des consaux de la ville de Tournai_, vol. ii, pp. 338, 371-373. Canon H. Debout, _Jeanne d'Arc et les villes d'Arras et de Tournai_, Paris, n.d., p. 24.]
It was the custom in those days thus to permit prisoners to beg their bread.
It is said that the Demoiselle de Luxembourg, who had just made her will, and had but a few days longer to live,[2095] entreated her n.o.ble nephew not to give the Maid up to the English.[2096] But what power had this good dame against the Norman gold of the King of England and against the anathemas of Holy Church? For if my Lord Jean had refused to give up this damsel suspected of enchantments, of idolatries, of invoking devils and committing other crimes against religion, he would have been excommunicated. The venerable University of Paris had not neglected to make him aware that a refusal would expose him to heavy legal penalties.[2097]
[Footnote 2095: Le P. Anselme, _Histoire genealogique de la maison de France_, vol. iii, pp. 723, 724. Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. ii, pp. 175, 176. Morosini, vol. iv, supplement xix.]
[Footnote 2096: _Trial_, vol. i, pp. 95, 231.]
[Footnote 2097: _Ibid._, pp. 13, 14.]
The Sire de Luxembourg, meanwhile, was ill at ease; he feared that in his castle of Beaurevoir, a prisoner worth ten thousand golden livres was not sufficiently secure in case of a descent on the part of the French or of the English or of the Burgundians, or of any of those folk, who, caring nought for Burgundy or England or France, might wish to carry her off, cast her into a pit, and hold her to ransom, according to the custom of brigands in those days.[2098]
[Footnote 2098: _Les miracles de madame Sainte Katerine_, Boura.s.se, _pa.s.sim_.]
Towards the end of September, he asked his lord, the Duke of Burgundy, who ruled over fine towns and strong cities, if he would undertake the safe custody of the Maid. My Lord Philip consented and, by his command, Jeanne was taken to Arras. This town was encircled by high walls; it had two castles, one of which, La Cour-le-Comte, was in the centre of the town. It was probably in the cells of Cour-le-Comte that Jeanne was confined, under the watch and ward of my Lord David de Brimeu, Lord of Ligny, Knight of the Golden Fleece, Governor of Arras.
At that time it was rare for prisoners to be kept in isolation.[2099]
At Arras, Jeanne received visitors; and among others, a Scotsman, who showed her her portrait, in which she was represented kneeling on one knee and presenting a letter to her King.[2100] This letter might be supposed to have been from the Sire de Baudricourt, or from any other clerk or captain by whom the painter may have thought Jeanne to have been sent to the Dauphin; it might have been a letter announcing to the King the deliverance of Orleans or the victory of Patay.
[Footnote 2099: "Was waited on in prison like a lady," says _Le Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 271, concerning the Rouen prison.]
[Footnote 2100: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 100.]
This was the only portrait of herself Jeanne ever saw and, for her own part, she never had any painted; but during the brief duration of her power, the inhabitants of the French towns placed images of her, carved and painted, in the chapels of the saints, and wore leaden medals on which she was represented; thus in her case following a custom established in honour of the saints canonised by the Church.[2101]
[Footnote 2101: _Ibid._, pp. 101, 206, 291; vol. iii, p. 87; vol. v, pp. 104, 305. Chastellain, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, vol. ii, p. 46.
P. Lanery d'Arc, _Le culte de Jeanne d'Arc au XV'e siecle_, Orleans, 1887, in 8vo. Noel Valois, _Un nouveau temoignage sur Jeanne d'Arc_, pp. 8, 13, 18.]