Old Fort Snelling Part 9

In the thirties began that series of geological surveys which has continued ever since, under both the national and State governments. In the fall of 1835 George William Featherstonhaugh and William Williams Mather, geologists in the service of the government, made a survey of the Minnesota Valley. The detailed scientific report of the survey was published by the government;[456] while a popular description of the trip, written by Mr. Featherstonhaugh, appeared in London in 1847 ent.i.tled, "A Canoe Voyage up the Minnay Sotor".

From September 12th to September 15th on the up-journey and from October 16th to October 22nd on the return, the scientist was entertained at the fort. The reception which he received did not impress him with its cordiality. "I could not but reflect upon the contrast betwixt the very kind attentions I had received at the other American posts, and the want of them I experienced here."[457] But the feeling was mutual. The keen Indian agent characterized him by saying: "He attempted to pa.s.s current for that which he possessed not--superior talent and modesty in his profession."[458] Mr. Featherstonhaugh was an Englishman in whose narrative American inst.i.tutions were not praised. Even the presence of his American co-laborer, Mr. Mather, is not suspected by reading the entertaining story, for his name is not mentioned once.

It is difficult, therefore, to judge how accurate the account of his stay at Fort Snelling really is. The room which was given to him for his use was "an old dirty, ill-smelling, comfortless store-room", and Major L---- (Loomis?) who was asked by the commandant to provide accommodations for the visitor bored him with his psalm-singing and exhortations, being "a living rod in soak to tickle up sluggish Christians". But, probably unwittingly, Featherstonhaugh admitted that Fort Snelling was of some service to him. For the supplies and vegetables taken from the post gardens brought the gunwale of the canoe to within four inches of the water![459]

Further exploration of the upper Mississippi was made by Joseph N.

Nicollet during the summer of the next year. This French scientist was aided in part by the War Department, and in part by the fur traders, P.

Chouteau, Jr., & Co., of St. Louis.[460] While at Fort Snelling he determined to visit the sources of the great river, and in his enterprises he was greatly a.s.sisted by Lawrence Taliaferro, H. H.

Sibley, and the officers at the fort. Some of the soldiers wished to accompany him, but the absence of many of the garrison at Prairie du Chien made their presence at the post necessary. Some Chippewa Indians, some half-breeds, and a Frenchman, Desire Fronchet, were his only companions when the ascent of the river was commenced. But at the first stopping place, near the Falls of St. Anthony, a band of thieving Sioux robbed him of many of his supplies, and the attempt would have been given up had not Major Taliaferro made good the loss from his own means.[461] Nicollet visited Lake Itasca and indicated its princ.i.p.al tributary, so that some authors have credited him with being the discoverer of the true source of the Mississippi.[462]

After the return from this perilous journey, the winter was spent at Fort Snelling in working over the notes and a map. For the kindness shown him Mr. Nicollet expressed great appreciation, though the rude hospitality of the frontier post could provide no supper better than wild rice, mush, and milk, and no sleeping quarters better than the storehouse. But here he was entertained, as the agent wrote, in Virginia fas.h.i.+on where a call lasts six months and a visit one year; and the nights were made merry with the music of the violin and piano, and with the animated conversation of Taliaferro and Nicollet. For many hours on cold winter nights he studied through his telescope the stars in the clear heavens.[463]

Mr. Nicollet devoted two more seasons to examining the country between the Mississippi and Missouri rivers in company with John C. Fremont. In 1838 a trip was made from Fort Snelling to the pipestone quarry; and in 1839 his party ascended the Missouri River to Fort Pierre, and then pa.s.sed over the prairies to the Mississippi.[464] The accounts of these journeys were widely read, and coming from the pen of such an able scientist and pleasing writer, the interest of the country was turned to the rich possibilities of this new Northwest.[465]

In addition to these well-known travellers there was a host of people who made the trip as a vacation jaunt. On June 1, 1836, the "Palmyra" arrived with thirty pa.s.sengers. The steamboat "Burlington"

tied up at Fort Snelling on June 13, 1838, having among its many pa.s.sengers Captain Frederick Marryat, the popular English novelist. Only two days later the "Brazil" was moored near the "Burlington", the presence of two boats at the same time being considered a novel sight.

The family of Governor Henry Dodge was on this second boat.[466]

On June 26, 1838, the "Burlington" was again at Fort Snelling. Among the tourists on this trip was Mrs. Alexander Hamilton who had embarked at Galena where she had been visiting her son, W. S. Hamilton, who was connected with lead mining enterprises in Wisconsin. The fact that Mrs.

Hamilton had been a belle in society during the time of George Was.h.i.+ngton, and the general sympathy felt for her ever since the tragic death of her husband in 1804, caused her to be received with more attention than was usually bestowed on tourists. At nine o'clock she was taken in a carriage to the Falls of St. Anthony, and when she returned to the fort in the afternoon the officers met her at the gate and led her to a chair placed upon a carpet in the center of the parade ground.

After the troops had been reviewed she was entertained at the headquarters of the fort until the "Burlington" left that same evening.[467]

The extent of this tourist traffic is well ill.u.s.trated in the newspapers of the time. Advertis.e.m.e.nts tell of the interesting features to be seen on a trip to the upper Mississippi, of the pleasures of steamboat travel, and promise that "A first rate band of music will be on board."[468] An editor paused long enough in the exciting presidential "Log Cabin" campaign of 1840 to remark that "Pleasure trips to these Falls appear to be quite the go. Large parties of ladies and gentlemen have pa.s.sed up on the steamboats Loyal Hanna and Malta. And we noticed in a late St. Louis paper, the advertis.e.m.e.nts of the Valley Forge, Ione, Brazil and Monsoon, all for 'pleasure excursions to St.

Peters'. We see also in the same paper, that the steamboat Fayette is advertised 'for Harrison and Reform'--rather an extensive country we should think, at the present time."[469] Even as far away as Louisville, Kentucky, steamboats were chartered for trips to the upper waters of the Mississippi River.[470]

The pleasures of such a journey, the scenery enjoyed, the people met, the events of the day spent at Fort Snelling are well ill.u.s.trated by two letters written by the Right Reverend Jackson Kemper, who was the missionary bishop of the Northwest of the Episcopal Church.[471] In the month of August, 1843, he was the guest of Captain Throckmorton on the steamboat "General Brooke"; and he made the trip to Fort Snelling to confer with Rev. Ezekiel Gear who was the chaplain at the post. The first letter was dated August 25, 1843, and was written to his daughter.

"Here we are snug and almost dry on a sand bar and not more than 13 miles below St. Peters", he wrote. "While the Captain and his men are using all kinds of methods to get us off--the chief of which is to put our freight into a large barge aside of us--I will write you a few lines. It is now past 8 o'c. P. M. We still hope to get to the fort before night (mid-night I mean). Then the Captain says he will give us an early breakfast tomorrow and send us off to see the falls (5 Miles distant) and we must return so as to start down the river by noon. This is too bad in many respects; but what can we do? I have not time to stay with Mr. Gear until the next boat arrives; that may not be for a week or two; so I will say to Mr. G. when I see him: Here I am, & I have come not to see the falls but you, and I am at your disposal as long as I am here. If you choose to take me to the falls, it is well; if you prefer that I should remain in your house I am content. It is still probable that I shall be at Potosi next tuesday Morning. To travel on Sunday, and particularly to do so without an opportunity of preaching, will be very hard. There will probably be only 4 pa.s.sengers besides myself on the return. There was a little boat the other [day?] a-head of us, and I hoped she might be detained at the fort until Monday--but that prospect has vanished, for she has just past us descending to Galena.

"It is supposed to be 500 miles from St. Louis to Prairie du Chien and 300 from there to St. Peters. We stopt at Prairie du Chien for some hours and a Judge Lockwood came on board who with his wife is an Episcopalian. He told me there are several in and about the town & he thought the prospect of organizing a church a fair one if a Missionary could be obtained (We are off the sand bar). From the prairie our voyage has been delightful. At the distance of a mile or two from the river on each side are ranges of lofty hills, in a great variety of shapes. Many of them appeared as if the river had flowed for ages near to their tops.

Some of them looked as if they had been cut in two; and on the peaks of several were large blocks of rock. As we were woodding I spoke of going up to one of them but was told it was dangerous on account of rattle-snakes. There is a curious fact connected with that reptile.

Cannon river flows into the Mis^i from the west--it is a long & narrow stream--nine miles above Lake Pepin. They are never found north of that stream, although they abound below it. One of the hills we saw yesterday had 3 or 4 large blocks of rock upon it, called the pot and kettles from their resemblance to those useful utensils. The prairies were frequent & some peculiarly attractive. On Wabasa's we saw a Sioux village--and a farmer's establishment--he being sent there by the U. S. to civilize the Indians. This morning we pa.s.sed another village called Red Wings but saw very few of the inhabitants. The corn field was very ... [illegible] and there were in it elevated frames where the boys are kept to scare away the blackbirds. I saw smoke near the frames, the boys having kindled a fire to roast ears of corn for their comfort. The Sioux have winter & summer houses. The latter are conical made of buffalo robes covering poles. The summer lodges looked something like poor log huts & are made of poles & elm bark. Near Red Wings village there is a Miss^y establishment from Switzerland.--Lake Pepin is a beautiful sheet of water thro wh the M. flows or is an expanse of the M. & is 25 miles by 3. It apparently abounded in large fish, for they were constantly jumping out of the water. Its banks you know are celebrated for agates--but we have not time to stop a moment.--The settlements above P.

du Chien are very few--now and then a solitary dwelling & a wood yard.

At one of these places the man told me his nearest neighbor was 20 miles off. In winter there is a good deal of travelling on the river in sleighs. About half way up Lake Pepin is the lover's rock of which you have heard, the Chippeway river enters from the East just below the commencement of the Lake, & its Mouth is 100 Miles below St. Peters. Up it & like wise up the St. Croix are saw mills, as that country abounds with Pine. The Mouth of the St. Croix is 30 miles below St. Peters. Here is a beautiful lake as large as L. Pepin thro' which the St. C. flows just before it joins the M.--We have a Mr. Akin on board whose trading establishment is 300 Miles north of the St. Peters & 60 west of Lake Superior. Then he has been among the Chippeways 33 yrs. He has been thro' Lake Superior 30 times to New York for goods & returned as often; and now for the first time he has traded with St. Louis. He knows perfectly all the languages around him. The most copious is the Chippeway. He says they have some what of a written language, and he has frequently seen an Indian write off a ... [illegible] for another on a piece of bark. He thinks the characters are something like those of the Mexicans.--Now I suppose you would like to receive a letter with the S.

Peter's post Mark; and if I ascertain it will not take more than a Month on its journey you shall receive this thro that channel; otherwise I will reserve it for the p. o. of P. du Chien".[472]

The narrative is continued in a letter of August 29, 1843, written from Potosi, Wisconsin, to his son:

"Although you may not have a very high opinion of the West, yet I think you would have liked to be with me in my late trip to St. Peters. The weather was delightful and the scenery grand and very novel. You have probably seen my letter to your sister; I will therefore say, we arrived at the end of our voyage last friday night, and as the fog was very thick the next morning we could not see where we were until 8 oclock.

Then the fort on a high hill, with its flag flying, had a fine appearance. Mr. Gear the chaplain soon called at the boat and appeared greatly rejoiced to see me. I accompanied him to his quarters and saw his family and some of the officers and ladies of the garrison, and then he and I rode out 8 miles to the falls of St. Anthony. Though very inferior to those of Niagara, they are still well worth seeing. The scenery is wild--there are many immense rocks in the river, evidently broken off from the precipice over which the water is dashed with considerable noise--the water in its fall is frequently broken--but even when it is not so, the height is not more than 17-1/2 feet. Returning we went to a hill from whence we could see the whole of the fall for there is an island in the middle of the river which hides one half of it when you are near. A mile or two further brought us to a most beautiful and lofty cascade on Nine Mile river. The quant.i.ty of water was not large, but it fell amidst the wildest scene, unbroken, over a ledge of rock which extended far beyond its foundation.--There were not many Indians.

The few I saw were Sioux who looked much degenerated by their contact with the Whites. The families of the officers appeared very happy; the ladies told me they were like sisters. For months they have no visitors but wild Indians--Sioux or Chippeways. An old Scotchman who had been in this country 50 years told me that all the tribes to the North and West speak the Chippeway language or its dialects; that the Sioux is entirely different from it, but that a dialect of it is spoken by the Winnebagoes, with this difference that the Sioux language has not the sound of the letter R in it while almost every word of the Winnebago abounds with Rs. He thinks that a person knowing the two languages--the C. and S. could travel through the indian country from Mexico to the N.

Pole and make himself understood.--We had to return to the boat by one oclock, and soon after we started down the river. Near the Mouth of the St. Croix--about 45 miles below St. Peters, I saw on a prairie a large stone painted a bright red, to which the Indians offer sacrifices of tobacco &c. and consider a _Wa-Kon_ or Spirit.--As we were on our journey sunday afternoon I saw a bark canoe paddling towards us with great rapidity containing as I first thought an Indian and a white Man.

The steamer was stopt, and soon the chattels (kettle, coffee-pot, &c) then the men afterwards the boat itself were on board. They proved to be a miner who had gone from Galena and a stout lad. Eight months ago a number of persons were induced by offers of land from Government to go to Lake Superior in search of copper; and a large party had lately been occupied in removing an immense block of copper from the bed of a river which empties into the Lake. This miner had been thus occupied; and he informed me that the task was done--that the block weighed three tons--that it was to be taken to New York &c as an object of curiosity.

A fortnight ago he had started from the spot--skirted the Lake to a certain river, ascended that to its source, then carried the canoe with its contents 2 or 3 miles on their shoulders until they met the head waters of the St. Croix, and descended that river to the Mississippi."[473]

XII

THE CHIPPEWA TREATY OF 1837

The relations of the United States government to the Indians prior to 1871 shows a dual att.i.tude. On the one hand, the Indians were the government's wards. By the ninth of the Articles of Confederation, Congress was given the right of "regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians who were not members of any of the states";[474] and by the act regulating Indian trade no cession of land could be valid unless made by treaty or convention.[475] On the other hand, these treaties were negotiated and proclaimed with all the pomp and ceremony which would appeal to the Indian's mind and impress him with his importance as a member of a sovereign nation. This was distinctly a "legal fiction", but it continued as the customary method of procedure until the act of March 3, 1871, abolished the practice of considering the tribes as independent nations.[476]

As the nation increased in strength and the agricultural and commercial forces of the country were pus.h.i.+ng westward and coming into contact with the distant tribes, the treaties increased in number and importance.

Urged by the cries of hungry land-seekers the cession of land by the natives gradually became the most important phase of all treaties; and in order that the new settlements might be protected from vengeful Indians the t.i.tle to the land rested on legal cession rather than on conquest. It is stated on the authority of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs that "Except only in the case of the Sioux Indians in Minnesota, after the outbreak of 1862, the Government has never extinguished an Indian t.i.tle as by right of conquest; and in this case the Indians were provided with another reservation, and subsequently were paid the net proceeds arising from the sale of the land vacated."[477]

The negotiation of a treaty was not an easy affair. There were no recognized representatives of the tribe. In order that a treaty might be satisfactory it was necessary that all factions be consulted; and the braves who gathered often numbered into the hundreds. Thus, in planning the negotiations a satisfactory place and an opportune time must be selected, while the red men must be supported while away from home and protected from lurking enemies. It was in these phases of treaty-making that the military posts showed their importance.

The first important treaty with which the tribes living about Fort Snelling were concerned was that made at Prairie du Chien in 1825. The little frontier village presented a gala appearance during the month of August when the great convocation was held. There were Chippewas, Sioux, Sacs and Foxes, Menomonies, Iowas, Winnebagoes, and a portion of the Ottawa, Chippewa, and Pottawattomie tribes living on the Illinois River gathered to consult with Governor Lewis Ca.s.s of Michigan and General William Clark, the government's commissioners. Of the 1054 drawing rations on the last day, 386 were of the delegation of Sioux and Chippewas gathered by Major Taliaferro at Fort Snelling and brought down in safety to make a triumphal entry in true Indian style with flags flying, drums beating, and guns firing.[478]

Although there was no cession of land, distinct progress was made in that the territories of the various tribes were defined, thus making negotiations easier for the future. Of especial importance was the Sioux-Chippewa boundary line, which made clear the territory of each tribe, so that when the year 1837 arrived and treaties were made to obtain the lands east of the Mississippi, the areas with which each was concerned were clearly understood.[479]

By the year 1837 many conditions called for the cession of these lands.

The forests, the water-power, the mines of lead and other ores aroused the desires of speculators. Settlers were thronging to Wisconsin, and it was felt that if the land could be purchased and the Indians removed, the people would be safe from any attacks, and the Indians would be removed from the contaminating influence of many of the undesirable whites.[480] There were also the traders who for years past had given credit to many worthless Indians who had never brought back from the hunt furs sufficient to pay for the goods advanced them; and they hoped that in the payment for the lands certain sums would be reserved for the liquidation of these debts.[481]

In the early summer of 1837 Major Taliaferro was ordered to organize a delegation of Sioux Indians who could be taken to Was.h.i.+ngton, where the Sioux negotiations would take place. At the same time orders were issued to summon the Chippewas of the upper Mississippi to a council to be held at Fort Snelling. To both of these groups the subject of the purchase of the Indian lands east of the Mississippi would be broached.[482]

Miles Vineyard, who was the sub-agent at Fort Snelling, was immediately sent to the villages of the Chippewas. Early in July the red men began to arrive, and by July 20th about a thousand men, women, and children had pitched their tepees near the fort. Many were the notable chiefs gathered there with their warriors. With the Pillager band from Leech Lake was Chief Flat Mouth, who had twenty-five times been on the warpath without receiving a wound, who had delivered his English medal to Pike in 1806, and whose band had been attacked by the Sioux under the walls of Fort Snelling in 1827. The most famous of the Chippewa chiefs, he was still living in 1852, being then seventy-eight years old.[483]

The chief of the bands from Gull Lake and Swan River was Hole-in-the-Day. Energetic, brave, and intelligent, he gained a great influence over the Chippewas of the upper Mississippi. His name, which literally meant a bright spot in the sky, is often written Hole-in-the-Sky. He was a frequent visitor at Fort Snelling and came to his death at that place in 1847 when he fell from a wagon, breaking his neck and dying instantly.[484] His brother Strong Ground or Strong Earth was also present at the council. He had been a member of Flat Mouth's band at the time of the ma.s.sacre in 1827. Thirty-six eagle plumes waved from his head-dress at the time of his death, each of them representing the scalp of an enemy. The first of these he obtained when as a small boy he dashed into the ranks of the Sioux during a conflict and scalped a fallen warrior.[485] Chiefs and warriors from the St. Croix River, Mille Lac, and Sandy Lake, with their followers, were also encamped near the fort.

There were also notables among the white men gathered there. The United States commissioner was Henry Dodge, known as an Indian fighter, and at that time Governor of Wisconsin Territory. General William R. Smith of Pennsylvania, who had been appointed by the President to serve as a commissioner with Governor Dodge, was unable to come. Lawrence Taliaferro, the Indian agent, was busied with many duties connected with the safety of the visitors. Four hundred Sioux hovered about, and these had to be kept at a safe distance to avoid conflicts. Verplanck Van Antwerp, the secretary of the commission; J. N. Nicollet, the explorer; H. H. Sibley; and many other fur traders watched the negotiations and put their names to the treaty as witnesses.[486]

The council began on July 20th. It was with the chiefs that Governor Dodge parleyed, but the warriors and braves felt that they also should have some part in the proceedings. On one occasion several hundred of them, streaked with their brightest paint, waving their tomahawks and spears and carrying the war flag of the Chippewas, together with the flag of the United States, interrupted the council with their whoops and drums; and when they had approached the chair of the Governor, paused while two of the warriors harangued the crowd on the kindness of the traders and the debts owed them.[487]

The negotiations were carried on in a bower near the house of the agent.

The chiefs were a.s.sembled daily; the peace pipe was smoked; and the red men, dressed only in leggings and breech cloths, with their long hair hanging over their shoulders under the eagle feathers upon their heads, and medals dangling from their necks, spoke of lands, of the traders, and of wars. The speeches of the Indians seemed interminable. From day to day action was postponed as they were waiting for other bands to arrive.

To prolong the council as long as possible was satisfying to the appet.i.te of the Indian. The rations issued by the commissary at Fort Snelling were not to be eagerly exchanged for the fare of a Chippewa lodge in the northern woods. But at first the menu was not satisfactory.

Nadin (the Wind) complained on July 24th: "You have everything around you, and can give us some of the cattle that are around us on the prairie. At the treaty of Prairie du Chien, the case was as difficult as this. The great Chief then fed us well with cattle."[488]

Evidently this hint was acted upon, as the old records show that by July 30th ten beeves weighing 6123 pounds had been furnished the Chippewas who were a.s.sembled to the number of 1400.[489] The amount of supplies used on such an occasion is indicated by instructions given to Alexander Ramsey and John Chambers who in 1849 were commissioned to treat with the Sioux Indians at Fort Snelling. They were authorized to obtain from the commissary at Fort Snelling 15,000 rations of flour, 10,000 of pork, 10,000 of salt, 10,000 of beans, and 5000 of soap.[490]

At the first meeting Governor Dodge spoke to the Chippewas of the purpose of the council. Their lands east of the Mississippi, he informed them, were not valuable in game and were not suited for agricultural purposes. They were said to be covered with pine trees, which the white men were eager to obtain, and accordingly the government was willing to pay the Chippewa nation for them. Thus, by selling the land they could obtain money for that which actually was of little value to them.[491]

There evidently was no intention on the part of the Indians not to sell the lands, but the council was protracted, pending the arrival of other bands. Not until July 27th did they make any movement to close the deal.

On that day, Ma-ghe-ga-bo, a warrior of the Pillager band, dressed in his most fantastic costume, covered a map of the land in question with a piece of paper, remarking that when the paper was removed the land would be considered sold. He added a final request: "My father, in all the country we sell you, we wish to hold on to that which gives us life--the streams and lakes where we fish, and the trees from which we make sugar."

Finally he asked all the chiefs who agreed to sell the land to rise.

About thirty arose at his word. Immediately Ma-ghe-ga-bo raised the paper from the map and seized the hand of Governor Dodge. The sale was made. There remained only to agree upon the terms of the cession.[492]

During the negotiations, reference had been made continually by the Indians to the traders and the payment of the debts owed them. Pe-she-ke said: "I have been supported by the trader, and without his aid, could not get through the winter with naked skin. The grounds where your children have to hunt are as bare as that on which I now stand, and have no game upon them.... We have not much to give the traders, as our lands and hunting grounds are so dest.i.tute. Do us a kindness by paying our old debts." That he was coached to make the remark is evident from his statement that "No-body--no trader has instructed me what to say to you."[493]

On July 29th the terms were finally agreed upon, and while the secretary was writing out the treaty the braves of the Chippewas held a dance under the walls of Fort Snelling. This indicated not only their satisfaction at the successful conclusion of the council, but was also intended as a compliment to the commissioner. Three hundred warriors circled about in their gaudy costumes, recounting during the pauses of the dance the deeds of bravery they had done and the number of Sioux scalps they had obtained. At a distance a great number of Sioux looked upon the scene, not daring to interfere when the troops of the fort were so near.[494]

By this treaty the Chippewas ceded an immense tract of land east of the Mississippi. In return the United States agreed to pay annually for twenty years $9500 in money, $19,000 in goods, $3000 for blacksmiths, $1000 for farmers, $2000 in provisions, and $500 in tobacco. One hundred thousand dollars was to be paid to the half-breeds, and $70,000 was set aside to pay the claims of the fur traders. The privilege of hunting, fis.h.i.+ng, and gathering wild rice along the lakes and rivers of the ceded territory was reserved for the Indians.[495]

This cession of land by the Chippewas had its counterpart in a treaty concluded by Sioux chiefs on September 29, 1837, in Was.h.i.+ngton, whither they had been taken by Major Taliaferro. All their lands east of the Mississippi--the land between the Black River and the Mississippi River as far north as the Sioux-Chippewa boundary line was given up for various considerations amounting in total to almost one million dollars.[496]