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"_Second._ We will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported after the first day of December next, after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade and will neither be concerned in it ourselves nor will we hire our vessels nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it."
"_Third._ As a non-consumption agreement, strictly adhered to, will be an effectual security for the observation of the non-importation, we as above solemnly agree and a.s.sociate, that from this day we will not purchase or use any tea imported on account of the East India Company or any on which a duty has been or shall be paid and from the first day of March next we will not purchase or use any East India tea whatever--nor will we nor shall any person for or under us purchase or use any of these goods, wares or merchandize we have agreed not to import which we shall know or have cause to suspect were imported after the first day of December, except such as come under the rules and directions of the tenth article hereafter mentioned.
"_Fourth._ The earnest desire we have not to injure our fellow subjects in Great Britain, Ireland or the West Indies, induces us to suspend a non-importation until the 10th day of September 1775 at which time, if the said Acts and parts of Acts of the British Parliament therein mentioned [see them in the life of James Smith] are not repealed, we will not directly or indirectly export any merchandize or commodities whatsoever to Great Britain, Ireland or the West Indies except rice to Europe.
"_Fifth._ Such as are merchants and in the British and Irish trade will give orders as soon as possible, to their factors, agents and correspondents in Great Britain and Ireland not to s.h.i.+p any goods to them on any pretence whatever as they cannot be received in America and if any merchants residing in Great Britain or Ireland shall directly or indirectly s.h.i.+p any goods, wares or merchandize for America in order to break the said non-importation agreement or in any manner contravene the same, on such unworthy conduct being well tested it ought to be made public and on the same being so done we will not from henceforth have any commercial connection with such merchants.
"_Sixth._ That such as are owners of vessels will give positive orders to their captains or masters not to receive on board their vessels any goods prohibited by the said non-importation agreement on pain of immediate dismission from service.
"_Seventh._ We will use our best endeavors to improve the breed of sheep and increase their number to the greatest extent and to that end we will kill them as seldom as may be, especially those of the most profitable kind nor will we export any to the West Indies or elsewhere and those of us who are or may become overstocked with or can conveniently spare any sheep will dispose of them to our neighbors, especially to the poorer sort, on moderate terms.
"_Eighth._ We will in our several stations encourage frugality, economy and industry and promote agriculture, arts and the manufactures of this country especially that of wool and will discountenance and discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially all horse-racing and all kinds of gaming, c.o.c.k-fighting, exhibitions of shows, plays and other expensive diversions and entertainments and on the death of any relation or friend, none of us or any of our family will go into any further mourning dress than a black c.r.a.pe or ribbon on the arm or hat for gentlemen and a black ribbon and necklace for ladies and that we will discontinue the giving of gloves and scarfs at funerals.
"_Ninth._ Such as are venders of goods and merchandize will not take the advantage of the scarcity of goods that may be occasioned by this a.s.sociation but will sell the same at the rate we have been respectively accustomed or merchandize shall sell any such goods on higher terms or shall in any manner or by any device whatsoever depart from this agreement, no person ought nor will any of us deal with any such person or his or her factor or agent at any time hereafter for any commodity whatever.
"_Tenth._ In case any merchant, trader or other persons shall import any goods or merchandize after the first day of December and before the first day of February next, the same ought forthwith, at the election of the owners, to be either re-s.h.i.+pped or delivered up to the committee of the county or town wherein they shall be imported, to be stored at the risk of the importer until the non-importation agreement shall cease or be sold under the direction of the committee aforesaid--and in the last mentioned case the owner or owners of such goods shall be reimbursed out of the sales the first cost and charges, the profits, if any, to be applied towards relieving and employing such poor inhabitants of the town of Boston as are the immediate sufferers by the Boston Port Bill and a particular account of all goods so returned, stored or sold, to be inserted in the public paper and if any goods or merchandize shall be imported after the first day of February the same ought forthwith to be sent back again without breaking any of the packages thereof.
"_Eleventh._ That a committee be chosen in every county, city and town by those who are qualified to vote for representatives in the legislatures whose business it shall be attentively to observe the conduct of all persons touching the a.s.sociation and when it shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of a majority of any such committee that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated this a.s.sociation, that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of the case to be published in the Gazette to the end that all such foes to the rights of British America may be publicly known and universally condemned as the enemies of American liberty and henceforth we respectively will break off all dealings with him or her.
"_Twelfth._ That the committee of correspondence in the respective Colonies do frequently inspect the entries of the custom house and inform each other from time to time of the true state thereof and of every other material circ.u.mstance that may occur relative to the a.s.sociation.
"_Thirteenth._ That all manufactures of this country be sold at reasonable prices so that no undue advantage be taken of a future scarcity of goods.
"_Fourteenth._ And we do further agree and resolve that we will have no trade, commerce, dealings or intercourse whatsoever with any colony or province in North America which shall not accede to or which shall hereafter violate this a.s.sociation but will hold them unworthy the rights of freemen and inimical to the rights of their country.
"And we do solemnly bind ourselves and our const.i.tuents under the ties aforesaid to adhere to this a.s.sociation until such parts of the several Acts of Parliament pa.s.sed since the close of the [French] war as impose or continue duties on tea, wine, mola.s.ses, syrups, coffee, sugar, pimento, indigo, foreign paper, gla.s.s, painter's colors imported into America and extend the powers of the Admiralty Courts beyond their ancient limits, deprive the American subjects of trial by jury, authorize the judge's certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages that he might otherwise be liable to from a trial by his peers, require oppressive security from a claimant of s.h.i.+ps or goods before he shall be allowed to defend his property are repealed. And we recommend it to the Provincial Conventions and to the committee in the respective Colonies to establish such further regulations as they may think proper for carrying into execution this a.s.sociation."
Upon this report all the subsequent proceedings of Congress were predicated. It is a reasonable conclusion that nothing but the most aggravated violations of their rights could induce such men as composed the first general Congress to enter into a solemn agreement like the one here recited. By every true patriot it was adhered to with the most scrupulous fidelity. The spirit of liberty was infused through the whole ma.s.s of patriots--men, women and children. The oppression had become intolerable.
After a session of about two months Congress adjourned to the ensuing May when Joseph Hewes again took his seat with the venerable sages of the nation. He was an important member of committees. He was continued at his post the next year and hailed with joy the proposition to cut the gordian knot that bound the Colonies to mother Britain. When the set time arrived to strike the final blow for liberty he sanctioned the procedure with his vote and signature. His industry, accurate knowledge of business, his systematic mode of performing every duty, gained for him the admiration and esteem of all the members, one of whom remarked of his duties upon the secret committee--"Mr. Hewes was remarkable for a devotedness to the business of this committee as even the most industrious merchant was to his counting house." He was upon several of the most important committees. Upon the one for fitting out a naval armament he stood in the front rank. He was virtually the first Secretary of the Navy. With scanty funds he speedily fitted out eight armed vessels. He was very active in raising supplies in his own state to strengthen the sinews of war and oil the wheels of the general government. In 1777 when the enemy threatened vengeance on his state he declined his seat in Congress and gave his services specially to her until 1779 when he resumed his place in the national legislature. He was then worn down with labor and in poor health. He attempted active duty but disease had prostrated his physical powers and sown the seeds of death. He continued to attend in the House when able until the 29th day of October when he left the Hall for the last time. On the 10th of November 1779 his immortal spirit left its earthy tabernacle and returned to Him who gave it. His premature death was deeply lamented and sincerely mourned. Congress pa.s.sed the usual resolutions--the members and officers wore the badge of mourning for thirty days. His remains were buried in Christ Church yard, Philadelphia, followed by the members and officers of Congress, the General a.s.sembly and Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, the French minister, the military and a large concourse of other persons all anxious to pay their last respects to one whom they esteemed in life and whose memory they delighted to honor after death. The funeral ceremony was performed by Bishop White, then chaplain of Congress. His dust has ever since reposed in peace undisturbed by malice or slander. His name is recorded on the Magna Charta of our Liberty--his fame will live until the last vestige of American history shall be blotted from the world. Not a blemish rests upon his private character or public reputation. In all things he was an honest man.
The person of Joseph Hewes was elegant, his countenance open and intelligent, his manners pleasing and polished, his whole course honorable and just. He would have been a good man had there been no Heaven to gain or misery to shun. He practised virtue for its intrinsic worth--not to gain the applause of men. It was not a cloak for him--it emanated from the inmost recesses of his pure heart. With such men to guide our s.h.i.+p of state our UNION is safe.
THOMAS HEYWARD.
Man, to understand and correctly estimate the magnitude and design, of his creation, must become familiar with the thousand springs of the undying spirit within him. The labyrinthian mazes of the immortal mind must be explored and traced from earth to native heaven. The depths of human nature must be sounded and its channels clearly marked.
Upon the axis of reason revolving thought performs its endless circuit with mathematical precision guided by the centripetal force of sound discretion--or it is projected from its legitimate orbit by the centrifugal power of random folly into the regions of senseless vacuity or visionary sophistry. Its ceaseless motion is as perpetual as the purple stream of our arteries--its momentum is inconceivable--its tenure--ETERNITY. It travels through s.p.a.ce with more celerity than lightning--its earthly career can be arrested only by death.
To reflect, investigate, reason, a.n.a.lyze--is the province of our intellectual powers. To comprehend the grand and harmonious organic structure of nature--the wisdom of the great Architect of universal worlds--the relation man bears to his G.o.d and his fellow man--is to learn that human beings are endowed by their Creator with equal and inalienable rights and that they are in duty bound to maintain them.
Justice marks out the golden path, reason leads the way--patriotism impels to action. The man whose mind is cast in the mould of wisdom by the almighty hand of the great Jehovah--if he brings into proper exercise the combined powers of intellectual and physical force, can never be made a pliant slave. As his soul is expanded by the genial rays of intelligence he duly appreciates his native dignity, becomes enraptured with the blessings of LIBERTY--resolves to be free. If he is groaning under the oppressions of tyranny and wears the galling chains of servility--as light s.h.i.+nes upon him he will be roused to a mighty effort to burst the ignominious thongs that bind him--a.s.sert his inherent rights--a.s.sume his proper sphere.
Thus acted the patriots of the American Revolution with whom Thomas Heyward was a.s.sociated during that eventful period. He was the eldest son of Col. Daniel Heyward a wealthy and respectable planter and was born in the parish of St. Luke, S. C. in 1746. His opportunities for obtaining a liberal education were freely afforded by the father and faithfully improved by the son. He became ardently attached to the Greek and Roman cla.s.sics and was enraptured with the history of old Republican Freedom with all its corruptions cl.u.s.tering around it. The principles of rational Liberty became deeply rooted in his mind at an early age. As manhood dawned upon him they were thoroughly matured.
On completing his collegiate education he commenced the study of law under Mr. Parsons. His proficiency in that intricate branch of science was rapid--substantial. He possessed an a.n.a.lyzing mind and never pa.s.sed over a subject superficially. He was a close student--explored the vast fields of civil and common law with a zeal and rapidity as rare as it is necessary and commendable. When he became familiar with the principles laid down by Blackstone and understood fully the rights secured to persons and property by Magna Charta and the British Const.i.tution and compared them with the iron rod of restriction held over the Colonies by the mother country--he was roused to a just indignation--more than _prima facie_ evidence of a clear head and sound common sense.
After completing his course with Mr. Parsons he went to England and entered the Middle Temple where he became a finished lawyer--a polished gentleman. Although amply supplied with money he was not led astray by the fascinating allurements of pleasures that flatter to seduce--then ruin and destroy. To enrich his mind with science, legal lore and useful knowledge, was the _ultimatum_ of his soul. He mingled with what was termed _refined_ society in London which formed a striking contrast with the republican simplicity of the same grade in his own country. The fastidious hauteur of English etiquette was far from being congenial to his mind and did not accord with his ideas of social life. He there met claims of superiority over native Americans that he knew were based alone on vain pride or wilful ignorance. His feelings were often wounded by indignities cast upon his countrymen. This riveted his affections more strongly upon his native land. They served as fuel to replenish the glowing fire of patriotism already burning in his bosom. The pomp of royalty and the empty splendor of the court had no charms for him. The awful distance between the haughty monarch and the honest peasant--the towering throne and the worthy yeomanry, operated on his mind like a talisman and gave his soul a fresh impetus towards the goal of Liberty.
The more he saw of practical monarchy, the more he became opposed to its iron sway. The more he saw of the action of ministers the more he was convinced the king was a mere automaton and did not exercise common volition. Officially he was a marble Colossus--impervious to all feeling--only to be gazed at. As a human being he was not to be consulted or troubled with complaints from his subjects but to act as directed by those whose tool he was.
After closing his course in the law temple he made the tour of Europe and returned to the warm embrace of his relatives and friends richly laden with legal attainments and experimental knowledge. He had become familiar with the theories of monarchical government and their practical demonstration. He understood well the policy of the mother country toward the American Colonies. He had seen her political artificers engaged at the forge of despotism preparing chains for his beloved countrymen. He had seen her coffers yawning to receive the ill gotten treasures wrested from his fellow citizens by the hireling tax gatherers. His own estate had been laid under contribution to swell the unholy fund. His neighbors were writhing under the lash of British oppression. To enlighten their minds, to make them fully understand their danger, their interests and their duty, became the business of this zealous patriot. Possessed of a bold and fearless mind directed by a clear head, an honest heart, a sound judgment and a rich store of useful intelligence--his exertions were crowned with auspicious success.
His salutary influence was extensively felt--his sterling worth was duly appreciated.
Mr. Heyward was a member of the first a.s.sembly of South Carolina that set British power at defiance. He was also a member of the council of safety. He discharged his duties with firmness, prudence and zeal. No fugitive fear disturbed his mind--no threatened vengeance moved his purposes. His eyes were fixed on the temple of freedom, his soul was insulated by the electric fluid of patriotism, he was resolved on liberty or death. His life, property and sacred honor were freely pledged in the glorious cause. He was elected to the Continental Congress in 1775 but declined serving because so young. A large delegation of his const.i.tuents subsequently waited upon him and persuaded him to take his seat in the Congress of 1776. He was a warm advocate for the adoption of the Declaration of Independence--the revered instrument that shed new l.u.s.tre on the intellect of man. By his signature he confirmed the sincerity of his soul in all he had said in its favor. His conscience, his country and his G.o.d approved the act.
Under the new form of government he was appointed a Judge of the civil and criminal courts. In that capacity he was called to perform a painful but imperious duty. Several persons were arraigned before the court charged with treasonable correspondence with the enemy. They were tried, found guilty and condemned to be hung in sight of the British lines at Charleston. With feelings of deep sympathy and humanity but with the firmness of a Roman he performed his duty with great dignity and delicacy. He knew they had immortal souls and soared above the cold indifference--the keen invective that sometimes _have_ but _never_ should be resorted to.
Judge Heyward also partic.i.p.ated in the perils of the field. He commanded a company of artillery at the battle of Beaufort and was severely wounded. At the attack upon Savannah he exhibited the bravery of a practised veteran. At the siege of Charleston he commanded a battalion and was one of the unfortunate prisoners who were incarcerated in the Spanish castle at St. Augustine, Florida. During his absence his property was destroyed by the enemy. To cap the climax of his severe afflictions, his amiable and accomplished wife had been laid in the tomb. She was the daughter of Mr. Matthews and married in 1773. The tidings of these heart rending occurrences did not reach him until he was exchanged and arrived at Philadelphia. With the calm and dignified fort.i.tude of a Christian, philosopher and hero--he met the shafts of afflictive fate. He mourned deeply but submissively the premature exit of the wife of his youth, the companion of his bosom. His physical sufferings and loss of property he freely offered at the altar of liberty without a murmur.
He again resumed his duties upon the judicial bench and discharged them ably and faithfully up to 1798. He was an influential member of the convention that framed the const.i.tution of his native state in 1790. He married Miss E. Savage for his second wife. After the close of the trying and b.l.o.o.d.y scenes through which he had pa.s.sed he sat down under his own vine and fig tree and enjoyed the rich fruits of that LIBERTY he had sacrificed so much to obtain. A peaceful quiet reigned in his bosom and around him. The British yoke had been thrown off--the Gallic chain had been broken--the increasing millions of his countrymen could look through the vista of the future with cheering hope and exquisite pleasure. In the enjoyments of the present--past pains were merged. He was happy.
Infirmity and old age admonished him that his mission on earth was fast drawing to a close. He retired from the public arena covered with epic and civic honors enduring as the pages of history. In the full fruition of a nation's grat.i.tude and a nation's freedom his last years pa.s.sed smoothly away. He went to his final rest in March 1809, leaving his tender wife to mourn the loss of a kind husband, his interesting children to feel deeply the loss of a tender father--his country to regret the exit of a devoted patriot, an able judge, an honest man. He was a n.o.ble philanthropist--an able judge--a discreet statesman--a pure citizen--a sterling patriot--a friend to our UNION.
STEPHEN HOPKINS.
Many gravely contend that there should be at least two political parties to insure the safety of our Republic that one may watch and detect the corrupt designs of the other. If this position is sound we are pre-eminently safe for we have some half dozen distinct organizations besides remnants of old ones and guerrilla squads that plunder from each. The argument would have force if the people would fix political landmarks as distinctive as those of 1800--banish demagogue leaders--revive the patriotism of '76--be guided entirely by love of country, prudence, strict justice and the fear of G.o.d which is the beginning of all wisdom. As now const.i.tuted, for one to correct the faults of the other would be like Satan rebuking sin. There are good men under the banners of each party but they have neither bra.s.s or intrigue enough to become leaders. According to modern political tactics as _practised_, a successful party leader must unite an oily tongue with a gum elastic conscience, a grain of truth with a pound of falsehood, a spark of honesty with any quant.i.ty of deception circ.u.mstances may require and be ready to sacrifice honor, integrity and friends to carry out party plans--ever pressing toward the end with the force of a locomotive regardless of the means put in requisition. Merit is not sought for by demagogues. _Available_ is the omnipotent word--the grand countersign--the magic pa.s.sport to a nomination and _when_ nominated the candidate _must_ be voted for although dest.i.tute of capacity, moral virtue and every requisite of a statesman. The sad consequences are more fearfully demonstrated as time rolls onward. Dignity, decorum, common courtesy are often banished from our legislative halls. Crimination and recrimination usurp the place of sound logic--reason is dethroned, common decency outraged, the business of our country neglected, our national character disgraced--all because the people do not rise in their majesty and do their duty. We have an abundance of men in the back ground as pure as the patriots of '76. Let them be brought forward and put to work. The few of this kind who are in the public arena cannot long stem and never roll back the mighty torrent of political corruption now sweeping over this land of boasted freedom. To render our UNION safe our political leaders and public functionaries must be men who are influenced alone by an ardent desire to promote the general good of our whole country--aiming at holy ends to be accomplished by righteous means. Such were the sages of the American Revolution.
The patriarch Stephen Hopkins stood among them in all the dignity of an honest man. He was born at Scituate, Rhode Island, on the 7th of March 1707. He was the son of William Hopkins a thorough farmer whose father, Thomas Hopkins, was one of the pioneers of that province. The school advantages of Stephen were limited to the elementary branches of an English education, then very superficially taught. By the force of his own exertions he perfected this embryo basis and reared upon it a magnificent superstructure. He spent all his leisure hours in exploring the fields of science. At his majority he was a farmer in easy circ.u.mstances and devoted a portion of the day and his quiet evenings to the acquisition of useful knowledge. No profession not literary affords so much facility for mental improvement as that of agriculture.
Independent tillers of the soil--if you are not intelligent the fault is your own. The time was when ignorance was winked at. That dark age has pa.s.sed away. Now common sense and reason command all to drink at the scholastic fountain.
Mr. Hopkins acquired a thorough knowledge of mathematics at an early age and became an expert surveyor. At the age of nineteen he was placed in the ranks of men by marrying Sarah Scott whose paternal great grandfather was the first Quaker who settled in Providence. She died the mother of seven children. In 1755 he married the widow Anna Smith a pious member of the Society of Friends. In 1731 he was appointed Town Clerk and Clerk of the Court and Proprietaries of the county. The next year he was elected to the General a.s.sembly where he continued for six consecutive years. In 1735 he was elected to the Town Council and for six years was President of that body. In 1736 he was appointed a Justice of the Peace and a Judge of the Common Pleas Court. In 1739 he was elevated to the seat of Chief Justice of that branch of the judiciary.
During the intervals of these public duties he spent much of his time in surveying. He regulated the streets of his native town and those of Providence and made a projected map of each. He was the Proprietary surveyor for the county of Providence and prepared a laborious index of returns of all land west of the seven mile line, which still continues to be a doc.u.ment of useful reference. Beauty and precision marked all his draughts and calculations.
In 1741 he was again elected to the a.s.sembly. The next year he removed to Providence where he was elected to the same body and became Speaker of the House. In 1744 he filled the same station and was appointed a Justice of the Peace for that town. In 1751 he was appointed Chief Justice of the Superior Court and for the fourteenth time elected to the a.s.sembly. In 1754 he was a delegate to the Colonial Congress held at Albany, N. Y. for the purpose of effecting a treaty with the Five Nations of Indians in order to gain their aid or neutrality in the French war. A system of union was then and there drawn up by the delegates similar to the Articles of Confederation that governed the Continental Congress which was vetoed by England.
In 1755 the Earl of Loudoun in command of the English forces made a requisition for troops upon several colonies and on Rhode Island for four hundred and fifty men to check the triumphant career of the French and Indians then devastating the frontier settlements. Mr. Hopkins rendered efficient aid in this service and had the pleasure of seeing the complement promptly made up. In 1756 he was elected Chief Magistrate of the colony and was found fully competent to perform the duties of the office. In 1757 the loss of Fort William Henry and the sad reverses of the English army made it necessary that the colonies should raise an efficient force for self-protection. A company of volunteers was raised in Providence composed of the first gentlemen of the town and Mr.
Hopkins put in command over it. The timely arrival of troops from England deprived them of their antic.i.p.ated epic laurels. The next year this useful man was again elected Chief Magistrate and served seven of the eleven following years.
In 1767 party spirit was rolling its mountain waves over Rhode Island so fearfully that it threatened the prostration of social order and civil law. Anxious for the welfare of the colony this patriotic Roman put forth his n.o.blest efforts to check its bold career. In his message to the a.s.sembly he expressed his deep solicitude for the restoration of harmony and proposed retiring at once from the public service if it would contribute in the slightest degree to heal the political breach.
To prove his sincerity he shortly after left the public arena contrary to the wishes of his friends. His picture of that era so much resembles the political map of our country at the present time that an extract may be excused.
"When we draw aside the veil of words and professions--when we attend to what is _done_ and what is _said_--we shall find that Liberty is a cant term of faction and freedom of speaking and acting, used only to serve the private interests of a party. What else can be the cause of our unhappy disputes? What other reason for the continual struggle for superiority and office? What other motive for the flood of calumny and reproach cast upon each other? Behold the leading men meeting in cabals [caucusses] and from thence dispersing themselves to the several quarters to delude the people. The people are called together in tippling houses, their business neglected, their morals corrupted, themselves deluded--some promised offices for which they are unfit and those with whom these arts will not prevail are tempted with the wages of unrighteousness and are offered a bribe to falsify their oath and betray their country. By these scandalous practices elections are carried and officers appointed. It makes little difference whether the officer who obtains his place in this manner is otherwise a good man--put in by a _party_ he must do what _they_ order without being permitted to examine the rect.i.tude even of his _own_ actions. The unhappy malady runs through the whole body politic. Men in authority are not revered and lose all power to do good. The courts of judicature catch the infection and the sacred balance of justice does not hang even. All complain of the present administration and hard times and wish they might grow better. But complaints are weak, wishes are idle, cries are vain--even _prayers_ will be ineffectual if we do not universally amend."
This catalogue of evils is followed by a strain of paternal advice that should come home to the reader like a voice from the tomb.
"My countrymen permit me to remind you of the blood, the suffering, the hards.h.i.+ps and labors of our ancestors in purchasing the Liberty and privileges we might peaceably enjoy. How can you answer it to fame, to honor, to honesty, to posterity if you do not possess these inestimable blessings with grateful hearts, with purity of morals and transmit them with safety to the next generation. Nothing is desired but that every man in community act up to the dignity of his own proper character. Let every freeman carefully consider the particular duty allotted to him as such by the const.i.tution. Let him give his suffrage with candor for the person he sincerely thinks _best_ qualified. Let him shun the man who would persuade him _how_ to vote. Let him despise the man who offers him an office and spurn the sordid wretch who would give him a bribe. Let him think it his duty to give his vote according to his conscience and not depend on others to do his duty for him. * * * * Officers and magistrates I would humbly entreat to consider that your turn has come to serve the _commonwealth_ and not yourselves. Your own discreet and exemplary behaviour is your best authority to do good. It is vain to command others to practice what we ourselves omit or to abstain from what they see us do. When moderation and example are insufficient to suppress vice, power ought to be used even to its utmost severity if necessary and above all--that in all cases and under all circ.u.mstances--_justice should be equally, impartially and expeditiously administered_."
This plain lucid exposition of the duties of freemen merits the highest consideration of every private citizen and public officer. It is the inspired effusion of a clear head, a good heart and a n.o.ble soul. In language of sublime simplicity it exhibits laconically the only sure foundation of a republican government. It strikes at the very root of alarming evils that are now hanging over our beloved country like an incubus. It is plain truth plainly told and should be strongly felt and implicitly obeyed by all who desire the perpetuity of our glorious UNION.
In June 1769 Mr. Hopkins was called to aid in taking observations upon the transit of Venus over the disk of the sun. So highly were his services prized on that occasion that the pamphlet published on the subject was dedicated to him. This rare phenomenon occurred in 1739--61--69 and will occur again in 1874 and 1996 if the planetary system continues its usual revolutions--of which no man knoweth--not even the angels in Heaven.