History of the Colony and Ancient Dominion of Virginia Part 52

[609:B] Burk's Hist. of Va., iii. 406.

[611:A] Wirt's Henry, 137; Burk's Hist. of Va., iv. 13. This volume is a continuation of Burk by Skelton Jones and Louis Hue Girardin, mainly by the latter, who enjoyed the advantage of Mr. Jefferson's a.s.sistance.

[611:B] Vol. iii. 416.

[611:C] Lossing's Field-Book of the Revolution, ii. 584. Wirt says that the news reached Virginia before the a.s.sembling of the volunteers at Fredericksburg.

[612:A] The following is a copy of the receipt:--

"DONCASTLE'S ORDINARY, New Kent, May 4th, 1775.

"Received from the Hon. Richard Corbin, Esq., his majesty's receiver-general, 330, as a compensation for the gunpowder lately taken out of the public magazine by the governor's order, which money I promise to convey to the Virginia delegates at the general congress, to be, under their direction, laid out in gunpowder for the colony's use, and to be stored as they shall direct, until the next colony convention or general a.s.sembly, unless it shall be necessary in the mean time to use the same in the defence of the colony.

It is agreed that in case the next convention shall determine that any part of the said money ought to be returned to his majesty's said receiver-general, that the same shall be done accordingly.

"PATRICK HENRY, JR.

"_Test_: SAMUEL MEREDITH, PARKE GOODALL."

[613:A] Burk, iv. 15.

[613:B] Richmond in By-gone Days, by Samuel Mordecai, 173.

[613:C] Page 102.

[614:A] Bancroft, vii. 335.

CHAPTER Lx.x.xII.

1775.

Mecklenburg Declaration.

THAT there was a Declaration of Independence made at Charlotte, by citizens of the County of Mecklenburg, North Carolina, on the 20th of May, 1775, is the commonly received opinion in that State, and has been often stated in print.[615:A] The closer scrutiny to which this declaration has been of late years subjected[615:B] appears to invalidate its authenticity. The patriotism, intelligence, and courage of the Scotch-Irish inhabitants of Mecklenburg--the Alexanders, Brevard, Polk, Balch, and others, are universally acknowledged; and that they "acted" independence as early as May, 1775, is admitted. But that they then made an absolute declaration of independence, (supposing them competent to do so,) does not appear to be substantiated by sufficient evidence. The original ma.n.u.script, it is alleged, was preserved by the secretary of the convention till the year 1800, when it was destroyed, with his dwelling-house, by fire.[615:C] It is said, however, that he had previously taken care to give copies of it to two or three persons; and mention is made of one of these transcripts as early as 1793. But they do not appear to have been any further multiplied. That a declaration of independence, made more than a year before that of July, 1776, should have been preserved by the secretary so long, and yet have remained unpublished and so little known, is extraordinary. It is remarkable, too, that such a paper should appear without date of time on the face of it. The meeting reported to have been held at Charlotte, on the twentieth of May, is styled "the convention;" but that of the thirty-first of the same kind, was simply a meeting of the committee of the county, and was so called at the time. It is a.s.serted that the immediate exciting cause of the resolutions, or alleged declaration of the twentieth, was, that on that day a messenger arrived in hot haste with intelligence of the battle of Lexington. But it appears[616:A] that this intelligence reached Savannah, in Georgia, on the tenth; and it would appear hardly probable that it should have reached Charlotte ten days later.

Upon comparing one of the ma.n.u.script copies with the one published in Martin's History of North Carolina, there appears to be a remarkable difference between them. To explain this, it has, indeed, been conjectured, that Martin's copy contains the resolutions as at first draughted by Dr. Brevard, the author of them, and that the other contains them in their amended form. But the Martin copy, instead of being a rough draught, appears to be more formal and complete than the other. The Martin copy expresses the resolution in the present tense; the other in the imperfect, bearing upon its face the appearance of having been made up at a subsequent time by an effort of recollection.

The doc.u.ment styled a declaration, whatever may have been its origin, or terms, remained long in obscurity, public attention having been first drawn to it, in 1819, by the _Raleigh Register_, at the instance of Colonel Thomas Polk. But a declaration, to effect its object, must be published far and wide.

The Mecklenburg committee met at Charlotte on the thirtieth of May, and pa.s.sed a series of resolutions, (making no reference whatever to a previous declaration of independence;) suspending the former civil const.i.tution, and organizing a provisional republican government. The eighteenth resolution is in these words: "That these resolves be in full force and virtue, until instructions from the provincial congress regulating the jurisprudence of the province shall provide otherwise, or the legislative body of Great Britain resign its unjust and arbitrary pretentions with respect to America:" thus explicitly recognizing the right of eminent domain as belonging to Great Britain. It is not to be credited that the Mecklenburg patriots made an absolute declaration of independence on the twentieth, and in ten days thereafter acknowledged the sovereignty of Great Britain. These admirable resolutions of the thirtieth were published in the _Mercury_, a North Carolina newspaper, (and others,) and a copy of it was transmitted by Governor Tryon to the British minister, and denounced as the boldest of all, "most traitorously declaring the entire dissolution of the laws and const.i.tution, and setting up a system of rule and regulation subversive of his majesty's government." The alleged declaration of the twentieth, brief and absolute, was published in no newspaper, and was not denounced by the governor; while the resolutions of the thirty-first, recognizing the sovereignty of Great Britain, were so published and denounced.

Mecklenburg, in North Carolina, was, nevertheless, then unquestionably in a condition of actual self-government and virtual independence; and the names of Brevard, the master-spirit of the Charlotte Convention, (afterwards a patriot-martyr,) and of his compatriots, stand on the page of history in characters of recorded honor which need no advent.i.tious l.u.s.tre.[617:A]

FOOTNOTES:

[615:A] Its authenticity was admitted in the former edition of this work.

[615:B] Especially by Mr. Grigsby, in his Discourse on the Virginia Convention of '76, p. 20.

[615:C] Foote's Sketches of North Carolina, 205.

[616:A] Bancroft, vii. 337.

[617:A] Grigsby's Convention of Va. of '76; Martin's Hist. of N. C., ii.

372; Foote's Sketches of N. C.; Hawks' Lecture, in Revolut. Hist. of N.

C. President Swain, in a lecture before the Historical Society of the University of North Carolina, referring to this subject, evidently considers the resolutions of the thirtieth of May as the Mecklenburg Declaration. (_Revolut. Hist. of N. C._, 101.) Mr. Bancroft takes the same view.

CHAPTER Lx.x.xIII.

1775.

Congress--Dunmore offers the Olive Branch--New Commotions-- Dunmore retires--Courts closed--Correspondence between Dunmore and a.s.sembly--Was.h.i.+ngton, Commander-in-chief--Proceedings at Williamsburg--Proceedings in Congress--Was.h.i.+ngton at Cambridge-- Lady Dunmore.

THE second congress a.s.sembled on the 10th day of May, 1775, in the State House, Chestnut Street, Philadelphia. Peyton Randolph was again elected president, but finding it necessary to return to Virginia to perform the duties of speaker, was succeeded by the well-tried patriot, John Hanc.o.c.k. Many of the leading members, including Was.h.i.+ngton, still hoped for reconciliation with the mother country, and few as yet avowed themselves in favor of independence. But while the congress were pacific in theory, they were revolutionary in action. A second pet.i.tion to the king was adopted; but, at the same time, a federal union was organized, and the executive power vested in a council of twelve. Measures were taken for enlisting troops, erecting forts, providing military stores, and issuing a paper currency. Ma.s.sachusetts was advised to form an internal government for herself. Was.h.i.+ngton was chairman of the military committees, and the regulations of the army and defensive measures were mostly devised by him.

Shortly after the affair of the gunpowder, the public agitations were again quieted upon the reception of Lord North's conciliatory proposition, commonly called the "Olive Branch;" and Dunmore convened the burgesses, and Lady Dunmore and her family returned (to the great satisfaction of the people) from the Fowey, where they had taken refuge during these disturbances, to the palace. The a.s.sembly meeting on the first day of June, the governor presented Lord North's proposition. The council's answer was satisfactory; but before the burgesses could reply, a new explosion occurred. Upon Henry's recent approach toward Williamsburg some of the inhabitants, to the great offence of the graver citizens, had taken possession of a few of the guns remaining in the magazine. On the night of June the fifth a number of persons having a.s.sembled there to furnish themselves with arms, some of them were wounded by spring-guns placed there by order of the governor. Besides this, some barrels of powder were found buried in the magazine, to be used, it was suspected, as a mine when occasion should offer. Early on the next morning Lord Dunmore, with his family, escaped from Williamsburg to return no more, and took shelter on board of the Fowey, leaving behind him a message to the house, ascribing his departure to apprehensions of personal danger, and declaring his willingness to co-operate with the a.s.sembly in the public business. That body, by a deputation, requested him to return to the palace, a.s.suring him that they would unite in whatever measures might be necessary for the protection of him and his family. Dunmore in reply complained of the inimical spirit of the burgesses toward him, of the countenance which they had given to the disorderly proceedings of the people, of his majesty's magazine having been broken open and rifled in the presence of members of the house; he further said that while some endeavors had been made by the committee of the house to prevail upon the people to restore the arms, no steps had been taken to bring the offenders to justice; that a body of men had a.s.sembled at Williamsburg for the purpose of attacking the king's troops, and that guards had been mounted under false pretences. He exhorted them to return to their const.i.tutional duty; to open the courts of justice; to disband the independent companies; and to put an end to the persecutions of his majesty's loyal subjects.

The governor at the same time communicated papers containing terms upon which a reconciliation might take place--placing his return upon the condition of their acceptance of the "Olive Branch." The a.s.sembly in their reply, composed by Mr. Jefferson, declared that next to the preservation of liberty, a reconciliation would be the greatest of all human blessings; but that they could not consent to the proposed terms.

Leaving the determination of these disputes to the wisdom of congress, for themselves they avowed that they had exhausted every means for obtaining redress; they had remonstrated to parliament, and parliament had only added new oppressions to the old; they had wearied the king with pet.i.tions which he had not deigned to answer; they had appealed to the native honor and justice of the British nation, but their efforts in favor of the colonies had as yet proved ineffectual. Nothing remained but to commit their cause to the even-handed justice of Him who doeth no wrong, "earnestly beseeching him to illuminate the counsels and prosper the endeavors of those to whom America hath confided her hopes, that through their wise direction we may again see re-united the blessings of liberty and property, and the most permanent harmony with Great Britain."

The courts of justice upon Dunmore's flight had been closed, the general court refusing to transact business, under the pretext that the fees of officers could not be legally taxed without an act of a.s.sembly--the real ground being, it is said, the desire of bringing about an independent meeting of that body, and of protecting debtors against suits, princ.i.p.ally foreign.

In another correspondence with the governor, the a.s.sembly requested him to give an order for the return of the arms; but this he refused to do, alleging that they belonged to the king. They also complained of being compelled to communicate with his excellency on board of one of his majesty's armed s.h.i.+ps, and at the distance of twelve miles from their usual place of meeting. His lords.h.i.+p laid the whole responsibility of these inconveniences upon the disorders that had driven him from the seat of government, and required the house to attend him on board the Fowey for the purpose of obtaining his signature to bills. Some of the burgesses were disposed to acquiesce in the proposed arrangement; but it was rejected upon a member's relating aesop's fable of the sick lion and the fox. The a.s.sembly declared the governor's message a high breach of the rights and privileges of the house; they advised the people of Virginia to prepare for the preservation of their property, their rights, and their liberties. It was also resolved unanimously that "we do and will bear faith and true allegiance to our most gracious sovereign George the Third, our only lawful and rightful king; and that we will at all times, to the utmost of our power, and at the risk of our lives and property, maintain and defend his government in this colony, as founded on the established laws and principles of the const.i.tution." They furthermore unanimously declared their earnest desire to preserve and strengthen the bands of amity with their fellow-subjects of Great Britain.

On the fourteenth day of June, George Was.h.i.+ngton, upon the nomination of Mr. Thomas Johnson, of Maryland, was unanimously elected by the congress, commander-in-chief of the armies of the United Colonies. John Adams, of Ma.s.sachusetts, the eloquent and indomitable advocate of independence, had, on a previous occasion, recommended him for the post, as "a gentleman, whose skill and experience as an officer, whose independent fortune, great talents, and excellent universal character, would command the approbation of all America, and unite the cordial exertions of all the colonies better than any other person in the union." Mr. Adams had discovered that the preference of the Southern members for Was.h.i.+ngton was very strong. The pay of the commander-in-chief of the continental army was fixed at the sum of five hundred dollars a month. Was.h.i.+ngton, impressed with a profound sense of the arduous responsibility of the trust, while he gratefully accepted it, declared at the same time that he did not think himself equal to it. He declined all compensation for his services, and made known his intention to keep an account of his expenses, which he should rely on congress to discharge. A fac-simile copy of his account, published in recent times, attests the fidelity with which he performed this engagement. It is remarkable that while the Southern members in general preferred him, among those, who at the first suggestion of his name by Mr. Adams, were opposed to his appointment, were several of the Virginia delegates, and Mr. Pendleton, in particular, was absolutely against it; but upon further conference and reflection all objection was withdrawn. Four major-generals were appointed, Ward of Ma.s.sachusetts, Charles Lee, an Englishman, Schuyler, of New York, and Putnam, of Connecticut. In compliance with General Was.h.i.+ngton's request, his old comrade, Major Horatio Gates, then on his estate in Virginia, was appointed adjutant-general. Was.h.i.+ngton was likewise warmly in favor of the appointment of General Charles Lee; yet not without misgivings as to his violent temper.

The Shawnee hostages had disappeared at the time with the governor; and George Was.h.i.+ngton, Thomas Walker, James Wood, Andrew Lewis, John Walker, and Adam Stephen were appointed commissioners to ratify a treaty with that tribe. It was determined that Lord Dunmore had voluntarily abdicated the post of governor, and that the president of the council should discharge the duties. The abdication was, no doubt, as "voluntary" as that of James the Second. The burgesses adjourned to the twelfth of October, and were summoned to meet in convention on the seventeenth of July.[622:A] It was on this occasion that Richard Henry Lee, standing on the 17th of June, 1775, with two other burgesses, in the portico of the capitol, inscribed with his pencil, on a pillar, these lines,--

"When shall we three meet again, In thunder, lightning, and in rain?

When the hurlyburly's done, When the battle's lost and won."

On the twenty-fourth the arms were removed from the palace, and lodged in the magazine of which Dr. Bland had the charge. Among those engaged in removing them were Theodorick Bland, Jr., Richard Kidder Meade, Benjamin Harrison, of Berkley, George Nicholas, Harrison Randolph, and James Monroe.

On the twenty-sixth of June Mr. Jefferson was added to a committee of congress appointed to draw up a declaration of the grounds of taking up arms. He prepared one, but it proving too strong for Mr. d.i.c.kinson, of Pennsylvania, he was indulged in preparing a far tamer statement, which was accepted by congress. Yet disgust at its humility was general, and Mr. d.i.c.kinson's delight at its pa.s.sage was the only circ.u.mstance which reconciled them to it. The vote being pa.s.sed, although farther observation on it was out of order, d.i.c.kinson could not refrain from rising and expressing his satisfaction, and concluded by saying: "There is but one word, Mr. President, in the paper which I disapprove, and that is the word _congress_." On which Benjamin Harrison rose and said: "There is but one word, Mr. President, of which I approve, and that is the word _congress_."

The commander-in-chief received his commission from the president of congress on the twentieth of June, and on the following day set out for Boston on horseback, accompanied by General Lee, General Schuyler, and an escort of Philadelphia cavalry. They had proceeded about twenty miles, when they were met by an express bringing intelligence of the battle of Bunker's Hill. Amid cheers and the thunder of cannon he reached the headquarters of the army at Cambridge, on the second of July, and on the third a.s.sumed the command. The future was full of difficulty and of danger; but he confided in that Divine Providence which wisely orders human affairs.

Late in June the Magdalen sailed from York with Lady Dunmore, and the rest of the governor's family, bound for England. The Magdalen was convoyed down the York and across the bay, by the Fowey. This oft-mentioned old twenty-gun man-of-war was shortly afterwards relieved by the Mercury, and sailed with Captain Foy on board for Boston.

Dunmore issued a proclamation commanding all subjects on their allegiance, to repair to his standard.