The Life of the Rt. Hon. Sir Charles W. Dilke Volume II Part 14

In the process of settlement there were constant meetings with Lord Salisbury and Sir Stafford Northcote together, with Lord John Manners, with Sir Michael Hicks Beach; while on the Conservative scheme for Irish grouping

'I saw Healy for them, to discover if the thing could be done by general consent; and, although Healy did not oppose right out, the prospect of an agreement on details was far from promising. Healy and I took the opportunity to discuss the Parnell-Chamberlain Irish National Board scheme, of which I had written to Grant Duff on January 23rd, "Chamberlain has a grand scheme for an Irish Board."'

March 6th.--'Healy having told me that he was sure Lord Salisbury had "rigged" the Irish Boundary Commission, and I having written this to Spencer, I received an indignant denial. "If indignation were justified at anything that Healy says, I should indignantly deny his accusation."'

'Between March 11th and 13th the Conservatives had given me a good deal of trouble by trying, under pressure from their friends, to vary the Seats Agreement upon several points.... They then attacked the two-member towns in England, which, it may be remembered, had been insisted on by Mr. Gladstone against my wish; and Northcote wrote: "Lord Salisbury and I never liked that _privilegium_, and wished to have single-member const.i.tuencies everywhere"; he tried hard to get me to reopen the question, knowing doubtless that I was with him on the merits. He continued to press the question as late as March 15th, when he wrote: "Our men are getting hard to hold, and, having twice walked through the lobby almost alone, I have no taste for repeating the operation." Conference with Lord Salisbury followed, and the final stages were reached: from Monday, March 23rd, I had the Seats Bill in Committee four days a week.'

The essential fact in these dealings is that emphasized by Mr. Howel Thomas, Secretary to the Boundary Commission:

'No political or other pressure would induce Sir Charles--and the strongest pressure was used again and again--even to contemplate a departure from the spirit of the compact. When once an agreement became possible, he would spare no trouble to modify details. But without agreement, however strong the argument for a change, nothing was listened to.'

'On May 6th I received from Sir John Lambert, the retired Permanent Secretary of the Local Government Board, a most grateful letter about the Privy Councillors.h.i.+p, which had been announced to him by Mr. Gladstone, and which no man ever more greatly deserved as an honour, or by his character more greatly honoured.' [Footnote: John Lambert's letter to Sir Charles contained these words: 'I have had the opportunity of a.s.sisting you in a work which has placed you in the very foremost rank of statesmen, and I have formed a friends.h.i.+p which is one of the most gratifying incidents of my declining years.']

'On the morning of May 9th I received a letter from Northcote, congratulating me on the manner in which I had conducted the Redistribution Bill "through its difficult stages.... Let me thank you once more for the great consideration, as well as the perfect loyalty, with which you have dealt with the numerous questions, and congratulate you on having brought your s.h.i.+p so well into port."'

[Footnote: Upon a table in the larger drawing-room at 76, Sloane Street there stood always a bronze 'Victory' sent by Sir George Trevelyan to Sir Charles to celebrate the pa.s.sing of the Redistribution Bill, with these words:

'Dear Dilke,--The bronze is a Victory on a globe. The Victory is obvious. The globe below signifies the manner in which your conduct of the Redistribution Bill got the Tory Press under your feet. I am pleased to think that, as a work of art, it may pa.s.s muster even before such an artist as the future Lady Dilke.... It is a copy of a Herculaneum bronze.... I cannot help hoping that you will think it not unworthy of the event which it is meant to commemorate.']

But 'port' was not finally reached till after the fall of the Ministry in June.

Work on the Housing Commission was also practically completed.

Throughout the year the Report had been under discussion.

On February 16th 'I told Chamberlain that the Labourers' Ireland Committee had "advised taking of land under compulsory powers in order to attach it to cottages"--a proposal which was afterwards carried; to which Chamberlain replied: "And your Commission?" and I answered: "We _shall_, I hope, but Lord Salisbury is jibbing since your speeches" (on the unauthorized programme).

'On March 11th, at the meeting of my Housing Commission, Lord Salisbury proposed what Goschen at once described as "Revolution,"

and Broadhurst "Socialism." He wanted to give public money out of taxes to London. It may have been silly, but it was not either revolutionary or socialistic.'

When it came to the point of acting on the Report, the Tory leader was very far from revolutionary; on June 4th,

'I was also seeing Lord Salisbury as to the Housing Commission Bills, which he was to introduce into the House of Lords, [Footnote: Sir Charles was to take charge of the measures in the Commons.] He was strongly opposed to putting it into the power of Boards of Guardians "to build out of the rates as many cottages, with half- acres attached, as they like, taking for the purpose any land they please." In another letter he wrote: "I should provide that-- (1) The Local Authority must pa.s.s a pet.i.tion to the Local Government Board to apply the Acts. (2) The Local Government Board must send down and inquire with a long notice. (3) If the Local Government Board inspector reports (i.) that the poorer cla.s.ses of the parish are not, and are not likely to be, sufficiently housed without the application of the Acts; (ii.) that the Acts can be applied without ultimate loss to the ratepayers, then a vote of the local authorities should be sufficient to apply the Acts. It would be better that a sufficient interval should be pa.s.sed in these processes to insure that the second vote should be given by a newly elected local authority."'

On April 4th to 9th the Housing Commission visited Scotland.

'On the evening of April 4th I dined with the Lord Provost of Edinburgh. On Easter Day I attended the Kirk with the Lord Provost, hearing a magnificent sermon by Princ.i.p.al Caird, and in the evening dined with the Lord Advocate. On Easter Tuesday I dined with the Convention of Royal Burghs. On Thursday, April 9th, we left Edinburgh for London.'

There remained only the question of inquiring and reporting with regard to Ireland, and here perplexities abounded.

As far back as February 7th at the Cabinet, 'the third matter discussed was that of the proposed visit of the Prince of Wales to Dublin as a member of my Commission, or, by himself, in advance of the visit of the Commission. It was decided that Parliament could not be asked for his expenses without trouble with the Irish.'

April 9th.--'I now began discussing with Spencer the conditions on which the Commission was to appear at Dublin, with regard to which there were great difficulties. Gray was on the Commission, but could not be Spencer's guest in any way, although, on the other hand, he and his friends were willing to receive me in spite of my being a member of the Government. [Footnote: Mr. Dwyer Gray, Nationalist member for Carlow in 1885. In 1886 he represented St. Stephen's Green, Dublin.] Spencer, in inviting me to stay with him, wrote: "I do not think you will fear the denunciation of _United Ireland_."

'On April 17th I entered in my diary, after the meeting of the Royal Commission at which we signed our report: "Pleasures of Ireland. If we stay with Spencer, the Irish witnesses say that they will not appear before the Commission; and if we do not, I am told that the 'loyalists' will not appear." On this day I wrote to Grant Duff: "I may go" (out) "with Chamberlain over Budget [Footnote: Correspondence with Mr. Gladstone on the Budget and the Beer Tax has been given in the previous chapter, pp. 118-120.] or over Irish Coercion." He replied, and my rejoinder will be found below.'

[Footnote: Sir Charles's summary of this letter will be found in this chapter (p. 143).]

Trouble had arisen also over Mr. Childers's wish to increase the duty on sparkling wines. This Sir Charles strongly opposed

'on the ground that it would upset the French and make them withdraw the most favoured nation treatment which I had won, and the matter was adjourned.'

'On Sat.u.r.day, May 16th, there was another Cabinet. Childers proposed to raise the wine duties, to reduce by one-half his proposed increase on spirits, and to limit to one year his increase on beer.

We all agreed, against Childers, to postpone any announcement of changes for three weeks, and Childers, thinking that this meant that we had agreed not to take his proposals, said that he would resign.'

April 24th.--'I had now received Spencer's consent to my quitting the Viceregal Lodge, when at Dublin at Whitsuntide, for one evening, to attend a party at Gray's, which was the virtual condition of our not being boycotted by the Nationalists.'

Negotiations between the Irish party and both English parties were at this time in the air, and it will be seen that this visit to Ireland became connected with political issues quite different from its ostensible and non-controversial object.

II.

Early in 1885 anti-Irish feeling, which to some extent had been allayed, was again roused by dynamite outrages. One bomb was exploded in the Tower of London, and two in the precincts of Parliament. The general temper may be judged by an entry of February 7th:

'I remonstrated with Harcourt as to the restrictions at the House, which he and the Speaker had agreed on, so far as they affected the Press. I said that it was ridiculous to shut out little Lucy, the "Toby" of _Punch_, and Harcourt gravely a.s.sured me that Lucy was a man who would willingly bring dynamite into the House himself; after which I had no more to say.'

It was in face of this feeling that Mr. Chamberlain had drafted a scheme giving very large powers of self-government to an Irish popularly elected body.

When Sir Charles was declaring for resignation, he received a communication which made the Irish matter pressing.

'On April 22nd Cardinal Manning wrote to me that he had some information of importance which he wished for an opportunity of making known to me, and he begged me to come to him on my way to Whitehall on the morrow. I had to see Lord Salisbury and Sir Stafford Northcote as to the Seats Bill, and it was not until the afternoon that I was able to see the Cardinal. He spoke in the name of Croke and another Roman Catholic Irish Archbishop, and of five Irish Roman Catholic Bishops who had been staying with him, the latter being a deputation of five to Rome who represented "the 14 Bishops." He said that Croke had become frightened of the extreme Nationalists. The Cardinal declared that the Roman Catholic clergy were ready to pacify Ireland if we would pa.s.s Chamberlain's Local Government Ireland Scheme, with a Central Board such as Chamberlain proposed. The Bishops and clergy would be prepared to denounce, not only separation, but also an Irish Parliament. I had reason to know that Lord Spencer was unfavourable to any negotiation with Cardinal Manning, but on the 24th, having that day again seen Manning, who put the dots on the "i's" and volunteered that if the Irish Bishops got the elective board for Ireland they would denounce as revolutionary an Irish Parliament, I wrote to Mr. Gladstone stating Manning's views, and suggesting that Chamberlain should see the Cardinal on the morrow. [Footnote: See the next two pages, where accounts of these interviews and correspondence occur.]

'I said in my letter to Mr. Gladstone: "I knew that the Pope, in sending for the Bishops to Rome, had acted on Manning's advice. I also knew that Manning bitterly resented Errington's visits to Rome.

This was all I knew on the subject until to-day, when Manning suddenly proposed to me to bring about peace and good-will in Ireland on the basis of Chamberlain's Local Government and Central Board Scheme.... Manning has got a pledge from the Roman Catholic Bishops, including even Archbishop Croke ... and from Davitt, to denounce separation. He has got from the Bishops, including Croke, a declaration against an Irish Parliament, provided they obtain the Local Government Central Board. I suggested that he should see Chamberlain at once, and learn secretly the details of his proposals. He said nothing of coercion, and I, of course, avoided the subject, as I did not know whether a coercion Bill is to be proposed. I should suggest that Manning be encouraged to let the Pope have Chamberlain's scheme."

'I sent this memorandum to Chamberlain and to Lord Spencer, as well as to Mr. Gladstone, and Chamberlain wrote: "I am quite willing to call on the Cardinal if Mr. Gladstone approves." Lord Spencer wrote: "The question of Mr. Chamberlain's seeing the Cardinal with a view of his scheme being made known to the Pope is for Mr. Gladstone's decision, but I would venture to say that he should not disclose his plan to the Cardinal unless the Cabinet agree to it." This last memorandum from Lord Spencer is dated the 25th, but on the 24th Chamberlain, Mr. Gladstone having consented, had seen the Cardinal.

I also saw the Cardinal again on the 25th, and he told me that in his opinion it was essential that Dr. Walsh should be made Archbishop of Dublin. He also told me that he was going to see Parnell on the Chamberlain scheme. On April 30th the Cardinal saw Parnell, and told him that the Bishops would support Chamberlain in the Local Government of Ireland scheme. Parnell promised that he would support it, and would not obstruct the Crimes Bill. So O'Shea told me, and showed me a paper unsigned, which purported to be, and which, knowing the hand, I believe was, Parnell's writing, somewhat to this effect. On the 28th a Committee of the Cabinet had been appointed on Chamberlain's Irish Local Government and Central Council scheme. On May 1st the Cardinal told me of his interview with Parnell, and of a more completely satisfactory interview between himself and s.e.xton.

'The scheme was one which proposed the establishment in Ireland of a national elective Council, to which were to be referred matters at present in the hands of some four Boards at Dublin Castle. Mr.

Gladstone's consent to Chamberlain's interview with the Cardinal had been given in conversation at the House of Commons on the 23rd, and I have a letter from Mr. Gladstone stating this. I had probably, for some reason which I forget, both written and spoken to him after my first interview with Manning on the 22nd, and put the matter again in a letter (possibly to go to Spencer) on the 24th. I have also a letter from Chamberlain on the 24th, saying that his interview with Manning "quite confirms your minute, and the position is hopeful."

With regard to the Cardinal's insisting upon Walsh, and his anger at Errington's interference, I had a letter which I sent to Lord Spencer, and which he kept, but returned my minute referring to the Cardinal's letter, endorsed only "S. 25-4-85." Chamberlain also wrote on the same day, again stating that his interview with the Cardinal had been highly satisfactory, and adding: "Do not let Mr.

Errington meddle with the Archbishopric of Dublin." On April 26th the Cardinal had again written to me about the Errington business and the See of Dublin, and this second letter on the subject I kept.

The only new point in it was that contained in the following phrase: "I have an impression that efforts have been made to represent Dr.

Walsh as a Nationalist. He is not more so than I am; and whether that is excessive or obstructive you will judge."

'On Tuesday, April 28th, the Cardinal again spoke to me as to the archbishopric, expressing his great vexation as to Spencer's action through Errington. I sent a minute to Spencer which he returned, writing, with regard to Manning's moderate opinions: "I wish it may be so. Responsibility does wonders. Maynooth is so bad that the Pope is now discussing it with the Bishops." Dr. Walsh, Manning's candidate, was President of Maynooth. I sent Spencer's minute to Chamberlain, who returned it with a strong minute of his own for Spencer, who again wrote: "H.E. the Cardinal is wrong in his estimate of Dr. Walsh." On April 30th Manning wrote mentioning a further conversation with Parnell, and adding: "The result is that I strongly advise the prompt introduction of the scheme I have in writing. It cannot be known too soon. But both on general and on particular reasons I hope that neither you nor your friend will dream of the act you spoke of. Government are pledged in their first Queen's Speech to county government in Ireland. Let them redeem their pledge. All the rest will follow." The "act," of course, was resignation.'

'At the Cabinet Committee of May 1st on Ireland, Carlingford and Harcourt, in Spencer's interest, violently attacked Chamberlain's scheme; Hartington less violently; Childers, Lefevre, and Trevelyan supported. Spencer seeming to waver, Harcourt rather turned round, and Mr. Gladstone afterwards told Chamberlain that Carlingford's opposition did not matter.

'On May 1st I again saw Manning, who told me of further interviews with Parnell and s.e.xton. I noted in my diary: "2nd to 6th. The Irish row--Mr. Gladstone between Chamberlain and Spencer: the deep sea and the devil, or the devil and the deep sea--continues."

'On May 7th the Cardinal wrote: "How can the _Standard_ have got the Irish scheme? Nothing is secret and n.o.body is safe. My copy of it is both safe and secret." On May 8th I wrote to Grant Duff: "Chamberlain and I have a big Irish Local Government scheme on hand, which is backed by the R. C. Bishops--which may either pacify Ireland or break up the Government." On the 9th, Harcourt having come over, Chamberlain's scheme received the support of all the Commoners except Hartington, and was opposed by all the peers except Lord Granville. Mr. Gladstone said to me in leaving the room: "Within six years, if it pleases G.o.d to spare their lives, they will be repenting in ashes." At night he wrote to Lord Spencer and to Hartington that he intended to go out upon this question.

'During Sunday, May 10th, Harcourt tried hard to patch matters up on the basis of "No Home Rule, no coercion, no remedial legislation, no Ireland at all."'

On May 13th 'Cardinal Manning dined with me, and we further discussed the position of Chamberlain's scheme.'

Then suddenly a new and complicating factor was introduced:

'On Friday, May 15th, there was another Cabinet, from which Trevelyan was absent through illness. A Land Purchase Ireland Bill was suddenly presented to us, to which I expressed strong opposition, unless it were to be accompanied by "Chamberlain's Local Government scheme"; and a Coercion Bill was also presented to us, against which Chamberlain, Lefevre, and I, protested. We, however, declared that we would yield as regards some points in the Coercion Bill provided the Land Purchase Bill were dropped or the "Local Government measure" introduced.' [Footnote: A Land Purchase Bill had been proposed in the end of April, 1884, by Lord Spencer, which after preliminary consideration by a Committee was discussed in Cabinet.