England in America, 1580-1652 Part 13

They wanted, among other things, to discard the surplice and Book of Common Prayer and to abolish the order of bishops. Queen Elizabeth looked upon their opinions as dangerous, and hara.s.sed them before the Court of High Commission, created in 1583 for enforcing the acts of supremacy and uniformity. But her persecution increased rather than diminished the opposition, and finally there arose a sect called Independents, who flatly denied the ecclesiastical supremacy of the queen and claimed the right to set up separate churches of their own.

The Scotch Calvinists worked out an elaborate form of Presbyterian government, by synods and a.s.semblies, which later played a great part in England.

For a long time the "Separatists," as they were called, were as unpopular with the great body of Puritans as with the churchmen.

Popular aversion was expressed by the derisive name of "Brownists,"

given them from Robert Browne, the first to set forth their doctrines in a formal pamphlet, ent.i.tled _The Life and Manners of True Christians_. Their meetings were broken up by mobs, and wors.h.i.+ppers were subjected to insults.[6]

Holland at that time was the only country enlightened enough to open its doors to all religions professing Jesus Christ; and as early as 1593 a Separatist congregation, which had come into existence at London, took refuge at Amsterdam, and they were followed by many other persons persecuted under the laws of Queen Elizabeth. When she died, in 1603, there were hopes at first of a milder policy from King James, but they were speedily dispelled, and at a conference of Puritans and High Churchmen at Hampton Court in 1604 the king warned dissenters, "I will make them conform or I will harry them out of this land, or else worse"; and he was as good as his word.[7]

Several congregations of Separatists were located in the northeastern part of England, in some towns and villages in Nottinghams.h.i.+re, Lincolns.h.i.+re, and Yorks.h.i.+re. One held meetings, under Rev. John Smith, a Cambridge graduate, at Gainsborough, and another, under Richard Clifton as pastor and John Robinson as teacher, at the small village of Scrooby. Persecuted by the king's officers, these congregations began to consider the advisability of joining their brethren in Holland. That of Gainsborough was the first to emigrate, and, following the example of the London church, it settled at Amsterdam.

In the second, or Scrooby, congregation, destined to furnish the "Pilgrim Fathers" of New England,[8] three men were conspicuous as leaders. The first was John Robinson, a man, according to the testimony of an opponent, of "excellent parts, and the most learned, polished, and modest spirit" that ever separated from the church of England. The second was the elder, William Brewster, like Robinson, educated at Cambridge, who had served as one of the under-secretaries of state for many years. After the downfall of his patron, Secretary Davison, he accepted the position of postmaster and went to live at Scrooby in an old manor house of Sir Samuel Sandys, the elder brother of Sir Edwin Sandys, where, in the great hall, the Separatists held their meetings.[9] The third character was William Bradford, born at Austerfield, a village neighboring to Scrooby, and at the time of the flight from England seventeen years of age, afterwards noted for his ability and loftiness of character.

In 1607 the Scrooby congregation made their first attempt to escape into Holland. A large party of them hired a s.h.i.+p at Boston, in Lincolns.h.i.+re, but the captain betrayed them to the officers of the law, who rifled them of their money and goods and confined them for about a month in jail. The next year another party made an attempt to leave. The captain, who was a Dutchman, started to take the men aboard, but after the first boat-load he saw a party of soldiers approaching, and, "swearing his countries oath Sacramente, and having the wind faire, weighed anchor, hoysted sayles & away." The little band was thus miserably separated, and men and women suffered many misfortunes; but in the end, by one means or another, all made good their escape from England and met together in the city of Amsterdam.

They found there both the church of the London Separatists and that of the Gainsborough people stirred up over theological questions, which bid fair to tear them to pieces. Hence, Robinson determined to remove his flock, and in May, 1609, they made the city of Leyden, twenty miles distant, their permanent abode. Their pastor, Richard Clifton, remained in Amsterdam, and the care of the congregation in their new home was confided to John Robinson and William Brewster.[10]

In Leyden the Pilgrims were compelled to adapt themselves, as they had in Amsterdam, to conditions of life very different from those to which they had been trained in their own country. As far as they can be traced, a majority seem to have found employment in the manufacture of woollen goods, for which the city was famous. Their uprightness, diligence, and sobriety gave them a good name and pecuniary credit with their Dutch neighbors, who testified twelve years later that in all their stay in Holland "we never had any suit or accusation against any of them."[11]

To Robinson, Brewster, and Bradford the change was a decided gain. As the site of a great university, Leyden furnished them intercourse with learned men and access to valuable libraries. Robinson was admitted a member of the university, and before long appeared as a disputant on the Calvinist side in the public discussions. Brewster taught the English language to the Dutch, and, opening a publis.h.i.+ng house, printed many theological books. Bradford devoted himself to the study of the ancient languages, "to see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of G.o.d in all their native beauty."[12]

Their stay at Leyden covered the period of the famous twelve years'

truce between Spain and Holland, and their number increased from one hundred to three hundred. Among the new-comers from England were John Carver, Robert Cushman, Miles Standish, and Edward Winslow. Towards the end of the period the exiles began to think of a second emigration, and this time it was not persecution that suggested the thought. In expectation of the renewal of hostilities with Spain, the streets of Leyden sounded with the beating of drums and preparations of war. Although Holland afforded them religious freedom, they won their subsistence at the price of unremitting toil, which might be made even harder by renewal of hostilities. A more sentimental reason was found in the desire to perpetuate their existence as a religious body of Englishmen.

By the summer of 1617 the majority of the Scrooby congregation had fully decided to emigrate, and it only remained to determine the new place of residence. Some talked of Guiana, others of New York, but the majority inclined to Virginia; and the conclusion was to emigrate as a distinct body to a place under the London Company, but not so near Jamestown as to be troubled by the Episcopalian planters there.

With this design they sent two of their number, John Carver and Robert Cushman, to London, and Sir Edwin Sandys tried to obtain for them a patent recognizing their religious rights. To aid him, Robinson and Brewster drew up a confession of faith which, as it contains an admission of the right of the state to control religion, seems strangely at variance with the doctrines of the Separatists. But the king was not easily persuaded, and he promised only that "he would connive at them and not molest them, provided they carried themselves peaceably."[13]

Sandys pa.s.sed through the London Company two "particular patents" in their behalf, one taken out in the name of John Wincop and the other in that of John Pierce, two of their a.s.sociates in England; under the latter, granted in February, 1620, the Pilgrims prepared to leave Holland.[14] Capital to the amount of 7000 was furnished by seventy merchant adventurers in London, and it was agreed with them that for several years everything was to be held in joint stock, the shares of which were to be valued at 10 each and to be paid for in money or by personal service.[15]

As they had not resources for all to go, the major part of the congregation, with Robinson, stayed behind, promising to follow later.

The emigrants under Carver, Bradford, and Brewster started out from Delft-Haven in July, 1620, in the leaky s.h.i.+p the _Speedwell_. At Southampton, in England, they met the _Mayflower_ with friends from London, and soon after both s.h.i.+ps made an attempt to start to sea.

They had not sailed any distance before the _Speedwell_ let in so much water that it was necessary to put in at Dartmouth for repairs. Again they set sail, and this time they had left old England one hundred leagues behind when the captain reported the _Speedwell_ in danger of foundering. There was nothing to do but to bear up again and return to England, where they put in at Plymouth. Upon examination the _Speedwell_ was p.r.o.nounced unseaworthy and sent to London with about twenty of the company. With the rest, one hundred and two in number, the _Mayflower_ cleared the port, September 6, for America.

Her destination was some point south of the Hudson River, within the Virginia patent; but foul weather prevented any accurate calculation, and November 9, 1620, the emigrants found themselves in the neighborhood of Cape Cod. They tacked and sailed southward, but ran into "dangerous shoals and roaring breakers," which compelled them to turn back and seek shelter in the harbor now called Provincetown. The anxiety of the sailors to be rid of the emigrants prevented any further attempt southward, and forced them to make their permanent habitation near this accidental lodgment.

As the patent under which they sailed had no force in the territory of the Plymouth Company, they united themselves by the so-called "Mayflower compact," November 11, 1620, into a "civill body politic,"

and promised "submission and obedience to all such ordinances as the general good of the colony might require from time to time." Under the patent John Carver had been chosen governor, and he was now confirmed in that office under the new authority, which followed pretty nearly the terms of the old.[16]

For five weeks they stayed in the s.h.i.+p, while Captain Miles Standish with a small company explored the country. In the third expedition, after an attack from the Indians and much suffering from snow and sleet, Standish's men reached a landing nearly opposite to the point of Cape Cod, which they sounded and "found fit for s.h.i.+pping." There "divers cornfields" and an excellent stream of fresh water encouraged settlement, and they landed, December 11 (Old Style), 1620, near a large bowlder, since known as Plymouth Rock.

By the end of the week the Mayflower had brought over her company of emigrants--seventy-three males and twenty-nine females--and December 25, 1620, they began to erect the first house "for the common use to receive them and their goods." The Indian name of the place was Patuxet, but the emigrants called it New Plymouth "after Plymouth, in old England, the last town they left in their native country";[17] and it was a curious coincidence that the spot had already received from John Smith the name of Plymouth. Later the town was called simply Plymouth, while the colony took the name of New Plymouth.

[Footnote 1: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 699; Bradford, _Plimoth Plantation_, 117.]

[Footnote 2: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 699-701, 731-742, 745.]

[Footnote 3: Gorges, _Description of New England_ (Ma.s.s. Hist. Soc., _Collections_, 3d series, VI.), 57.]

[Footnote 4: Poore, _Charters and Const.i.tutions_, I., 921. ]

[Footnote 5: Cf. Cheyney, _European Background of Am. Hist._, chap.

xi.]

[Footnote 6: Neal, _Puritans_, I., 149-151, 202; cf. Cheyney, _European Background of Am. Hist._, chap. xii.]

[Footnote 7: Neal, _Puritans_, I., 232; Hart, _Source-Book_, No. 15.]

[Footnote 8: Bradford, _Plimoth Plantation_, 13.]

[Footnote 9: Hunter, _Founders of New Plymouth_.]

[Footnote 10: Bradford, _Plimoth Plantation_, 15-29.]

[Footnote 11: Ibid., 27.]

[Footnote 12: Bradford, _Plimoth Plantation_, 28, 488-493; Mather, _Magnolia_, I., 113.]

[Footnote 13: Bradford, _Plimoth Plantation_, 29-38.]

[Footnote 14: Brown, _First Republic_, 424.]

[Footnote 15: Smith, _Works_ (Arber's ed.), 783; Bradford, _Plimoth Plantation_, 56-58.]

[Footnote 16: Bradford, _Plimoth Plantation_, 90-110; Eggleston, _Beginners of a Nation_, 184, note 4.]

[Footnote 17: Morton, _New England's Memorial_, 56.]

CHAPTER X

DEVELOPMENT OF NEW PLYMOUTH

(1621-1643)

During the winter of 1620-1621 the emigrants suffered greatly from scurvy and exposure. More than half the company perished, and the seamen on the _Mayflower_ suffered as much.[1] With the appearance of spring the mortality ceased, and a friendly intercourse with the natives began. These Indians were the Pokanokets, whose number had been very much thinned by the pestilence. After the first hostilities directed against the exploring parties they avoided the whites, and held a meeting in a dark and dismal swamp, where the medicine-men for three days together tried vainly to subject the new-comers to the spell of their conjurations.

At last, in March, 1621, an Indian came boldly into camp, and, in broken English, bade the strangers "welcome." It was found that his name was Samoset, and that he came from Monhegan, an island distant about a day's sail towards the east, where he had picked up a few English words from the fishermen who frequented that region. In a short time he returned, bringing Squanto, or Tisquantum, stolen by Hunt seven years before, and restored to his country in 1620 by Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Squanto, who could speak English, stated that Ma.s.sasoit was near at hand, and on invitation that chief appeared, and soon a treaty of peace and friends.h.i.+p was concluded; after which Ma.s.sasoit returned to his town of Sowams, forty miles distant, while Squanto continued with the colonists and made himself useful in many ways.[2]

In the beginning of April, 1621, the _Mayflower_ went back to England, and the colonists planted corn in the fields once tilled by Indians whom the pestilence had destroyed. While engaged in this work the governor, John Carver, died, and his place was supplied by William Bradford, with Isaac Allerton as a.s.sistant or councilman. During the summer the settlers were very busy. They fitted up their cabins, ama.s.sed a good supply of beaver, and harvested a fair crop of corn. In the fall a s.h.i.+p arrived, bringing thirty-five new settlers poorly provided. It also brought a patent, dated June 1, 1621, from the Council for New England, made out to John Pierce, by whom the original patent from the London Company had been obtained. The patent did not define the territorial limits, but allowed one hundred acres for every emigrant and fifteen hundred acres for public buildings, in the same proportion of one hundred acres to every workman.[3]

The s.h.i.+p tarried only fourteen days, and returned with a large cargo of clapboard and beaver skins of the value of 500, which was, however, captured on the way to England by a French cruiser. After the departure the governor distributed the new-comers among the different families, and because of the necessity of sharing with them, put everybody on half allowance. The prospect for the winter was not hopeful, for to the danger from starvation was added danger from the Indians.

West of the Pokanokets were the Narragansetts, a tribe of two thousand warriors, whose chief, Canonicus, sent to Plymouth in January, 1622, a bundle of arrows tied with a snake's skin, signifying a challenge of war. Bradford knew that it was fatal to hesitate or show fear, and he promptly stuffed the snake's skin with bullets and returned it to the sender with some threatening words. This answer alarmed Canonicus, who thought that the snake's skin must be conjured, and he did not pursue the matter further. But the colonists took warning, and the whole settlement was enclosed with a paling, and strict military watch was maintained. Thus the winter pa.s.sed and the spring came, but without the hoped-for a.s.sistance from the merchant partners in England.[4]

On the contrary, the arrival in May, 1622, "without a bite of bread,"

of sixty-seven other persons, sent out on his own account under a grant from the Council for New England, by Thomas Weston, one of the partners, plunged them into dire distress, from which they were happily saved by a s.h.i.+p-captain, John Huddleston, from the colony on James River, who shared his supplies with them, and thus enabled them to "make s.h.i.+ft till corn was ripe again." Weston's emigrants were a loose set, and before they left in August they stole most of the green corn, and thus Plymouth was threatened with another famine.